violence

Footage shows some of the more than 200 Bolivian police and military officers patrolling its border with Brazil. A wave of violence linked to clashes between Brazilian criminal groups fighting to control drug routes has left at least nine dead.

As Israel gears up to hold elections in October, a dramatic surge in settlement activity has heightened concerns that the settler movement is stepping up efforts to cement its grip on the occupied West Bank, in stark defiance of international law.

Last week, the United Nations warned that attacks by Israeli settlers – often carried out alongside Israeli forces – and the creation of illegal settlements and outposts had hit “an all-time high”.

The uptick comes as members of Israel’s hard right seek to ratchet up the political temperature ahead of the crucial polls. It also follows a parliamentary term during which Israel moved to entrench control over the West Bank deeper within the machinery of the state, shifting authority from military administration to civilian institutions, accelerating settlement planning and expanding infrastructure.

However, the Religious Zionist Party of Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich – the man widely credited as pushing the settler project to the forefront of Israeli political debate – is suggested by numerous opinion polls to be far from certain to even meet the electoral threshold for the post-election Knesset.

This has prompted what analysts describe as a desperate scramble to promote the settlement mission while consolidating the support of the settler minority that Smotrich grew up within.

Speaking at a meeting of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s right-wing Likud Party in late July, Israel’s Defence Minister Israel Katz boasted that, under the governing coalition and Smotrich’s supervision, Israel had approved the establishment of 104 illegal settlements and some 160 settlement farms in the West Bank since coming to power in 2022, according to Israeli media.

In August of last year, Smotrich announced the creation of the E1 settlement project, linking occupied East Jerusalem with the existing settlement of Maale Adumim, located several kilometres to the east – a proposal which, Smotrich bragged, “buries the idea of a Palestinian state”.

The race to settle

Smotrich, who made increased administrative control over the West Bank a condition for supporting Netanyahu’s right-wing coalition in 2022, has undertaken a series of measures to expand the influence of settlers within policymaking.

In 2023, he established his influential Settlements Administration agency within the Ministry of Defence – which oversees the West Bank’s occupation. And last month, he legally embedded the agency within the ministry, making it harder to reverse any of the decisions taken under its watch.

Israeli political analyst Nimrod Flaschenberg said it is “hard to imagine” that Netanyahu “won’t come up with some kind of imaginative ploy to keep him and the far right on the ticket”, referring to Smotrich.

“He has very strong support within the settlements and the ideological far-right,” Flaschenberg added, “but that might not be enough in and of itself to get him securely past the threshold. He’s being squeezed between the populism of [far-right Israeli National Security Minister Itamar] Ben-Gvir and what many people in the lower middle class see as the security of Netanyahu.”

Keeping the hard right

Allied to Smotrich is a prime minister who observers describe as facing not simply an electoral battle, but an existential battle for both his freedom – as a consequence of his long-running corruption trial – and legacy, should the independent inquiry into his failings ahead of the Hamas-led attack of 2023 go ahead.

Given the stakes, some analysts have suggested the incumbent was far from ready to gamble on losing the support of Israel’s hard right and settler movement by condemning the increasing levels of violence in the West Bank.

“We saw him come out on US TV and concede that there may have been a few incidents in the West Bank, but nothing serious,” Chatham House’s Yossi Mekelberg said of Netanyahu’s response to the widespread violence that has swept the West Bank in recent weeks.

“He needs the hard right and settlers’ support, if not for him individually, then at least for his bloc.”

While Netanyahu may feel he has room to manoeuvre over the hugely controversial issue of ultra-Orthodox conscription, no such margin existed within the hard right and settlers. Ultra-Orthodox parties, a key component in the 2022 coalition government, have made the exemption of their constituents from the draft – which almost all Israeli adults are eligible for – a pillar of their political campaigning in recent years.

“Netanyahu knows that the ultra-Orthodox will likely stay with him,” added Mekelberg. “The settlers are more binary. You’re either for them or against,” he said.

Cresting the wave

Irrespective of electoral tactics, the consequences for people living in the occupied West Bank have been catastrophic. In July alone, according to the Palestinian Authority’s Colonization and Wall Resistance Commission, there were 2,256 attacks against Palestinians and their property: 1,458 by the Israeli army and 798 by settlers.

After Yair Golan, leader of the opposition Democrats party, offered a rare criticism of the settler “extremism” which triggered the latest round of violence, Katz accused him of spreading a “blood libel”.

According to leaks of the same meeting in Hebrew-language media, other ministers present called for a harsher response to any resistance from Palestinians, and for the military to be given even greater freedom to shoot at them.

“As the election gets closer, we’re seeing an even greater increase in the violence that’s been escalating ever since October 2023,” said Yair Dvir, of the Israeli rights group B’Tselem.

“It’s important to add this isn’t just the scale of the violence, but also its brutality and the participation of the Israeli state – both the soldiers and the political support they’re receiving.”

Javier Ramirez was handcuffed in the back of an unmarked car, bruised and confused, when immigration agents used a word he had never heard before.

It was June 2025, and they were bragging about the raids in the Los Angeles area that swept up hundreds of immigrants — and a few U.S. citizens, like Ramirez. The unfamiliar word caught Ramirez’s ear.

Tonk.

“I wondered what that meant — I thought it was some code,” the 33-year-old tow truck driver told me over a Zoom call this week. “But I didn’t make a big fuss about it then.”

Masked men had thrown him to the ground outside a tow yard in Montebello, for reasons they wouldn’t divulge. He ended up in the car with a man detained in another roundup, headed for the Metropolitan Detention Center in downtown Los Angeles.

The color disappeared from Ramirez’s face when I explained what “tonk” means.

For at least half a century, Border Patrol workers have used the onomatopoeic word, referring to the sound of someone getting hit, as slang for undocumented immigrants. Body camera footage and text chains from last summer’s immigration raids, released this week in a court filing, captures agents throwing around anti-immigrant insults like “wet” and “tonk” with the same ease that the rest of us say “and” or “the.”

The most egregious example, I told Ramirez, was directed at him and his friend, fellow U.S. citizen Brian Gavidia.

A video shows an agent shouting, “One tonk f— got away, dude!” as colleagues manhandle the pair. The same agent, who spoke with a Chicano accent, later sped off in a vehicle while asking in Spanglish, “¿Alguien arresto un tonk, güey?” — Did someone arrest a tonk, man?

“Oh, wow, OK, that’s really bad,” Ramirez finally said, laughing bitterly while gathering his thoughts. “It’s kind of hurtful. They’re just assuming who I am.”

Ramirez asked his attorney, Luis Castillo, if the agents who accosted him “had violence on their mind when they used that word.”

“You’re getting a double whammy,” the longtime civil rights lawyer replied. “They’re hitting you twice, physically and psychologically.”

No, Luis: they’re hitting us all.

Brian Gavidia stands in a parking lot next to East Los Angeles College in Monterey Park in 2025 a day after he and his friend were roughed up by immigration agents outside a tow yard in Montebello. The two are suing the federal government for violating their civil rights.

(Carlin Stiehl / Los Angeles Times)

If you’re still doubting that racist violence fuels President Trump’s deportation deluge, just consider what Gavidia and Ramirez have been through.

La migra roughed them up even as they screamed that they had documents to prove their U.S. citizenship. They took Gavidia’s Real ID and never returned it. Ramirez was detained for five days and charged with trying to assault a federal officer and interfere with their work — a case that went nowhere because he did no such things.

The American Civil Liberties Union and Public Counsel, along with other groups and private attorneys, included the body cam footage in a court filing asking a federal judge to bar immigration agents from making stops based on racial profiling.

Gavidia is part of that lawsuit, while Ramirez has sued separately. Now, the two men are more certain than ever that the Trump administration’s deportation strategy isn’t about getting the worst of the worst.

To la migra, all Latinos are tonks.

“I never even heard the word, but once [lawyers] told me the explanation of what it meant, I was disgusted instantly,” said Gavidia, 30, who fixes up and sells cars. “They already knew what they were coming to do. We told them we were Americans. It didn’t matter. We were brown, and that was enough.”

“I saw [the tonk video] 300 times,” Gavidia added, “and it’s giving me more trauma.”

“Tonk” has been a dirty little secret of the Border Patrol for decades — workplace lingo showing that the banality of evil that’s la migra on its best days has transformed into something far uglier under Trump.

The slur is so vile — predicated on violence by law enforcement, unlike ethnic jabs that insult food or culture — that it has never crossed over into mainstream English. “Tonk” in its anti-immigrant meaning doesn’t appear in the Merriam-Webster dictionary or even the Dictionary of American Regional English, the premier academic collection of American slang.

And that’s exactly how the Border Patrol likes it.

The earliest use of “tonk” to demean immigrants that I’ve been able to find is in a 1976 book by Paul Schuster Taylor, an early pioneer of Mexican American studies best known for documenting the plight of Dust Bowl refugees along with his wife, photographer Dorothea Lange.

Taylor quoted a Border Patrol inspector referring to Mexicans as “tonks” but offered no definition. In a 1978 hearing, Immigration and Naturalization Service Commissioner Leonel Castillo said the slur was “sort of like the new term” for “wets.”

Castillo — no relation to Luis — nevertheless defended his agents’ use of anti-immigrant words.

“I think it’s the way — the tone in which you use it, and then how you treat people,” he said, maintaining that the verbiage was ingrained in the “very fine gentlemen” who worked under him.

“It’s very hard to change them,” he said. “But they’re not necessarily bad people.”

A year later, an anonymous Border Patrol agent writing for the white supremacist publication Instauration debunked Castillo’s apologia. He claimed that “tonk” derived from the thudding noise when agents smashed a flashlight on an immigrant’s head.

“The Anglos of the Border Patrol are not as intimidated by federal guidelines as people might think,” the agent wrote. “We have our own methods of interrogation in the desert.”

San Diego State English professor William Nericcio has spent his career studying anti-Mexican hate. He grew up around Laredo, Texas, in the 1970s and 1980s with “guys and their dads who worked in Border Patrol because it was a good job.”

Yet he hadn’t heard of “tonk,” either.

Immigration agents detain two men at a car wash in Montebello, Calif., in 2025.

(Gregory Bull / Associated Press)

“A drum roll of anti-Mexican violence turns into a soundtrack — wetback, beaner, spic and now, tonk,” Nericcio responded when I asked why the slur has stuck for so long among immigration agents. “Of all these anti-Mexican terms, this is the only one that directly connects to an act of violence. It’s a thing of pride when you say it — ‘Hey boss, I got a tonk today! Where’s my bonus?’ It’s glory days for them.”

The casual use of “tonk” by la migra eventually became a PR embarrassment even for the Trump administration. In 2019, during Trump’s first term, a Customs and Border Protection spokesperson told an Arizona public radio station that the slur “is now considered a derogatory term and CBP does not condone its use.”

This time around, a Department of Homeland Security spokesperson told my Times colleagues that “agents are focused on protecting the American people — not entertaining performative outrage.”

CBP didn’t respond to my multiple requests for comment about whether its internal guidelines continue to discourage “tonk” and whether agents face any discipline for using it.

If you’re not disgusted by this devolution in protocol, I’m not sure what can possibly disgust you.

ACLU lawyer Mayra Joachin said the body cam footage is “clear evidence that these stops were always about individuals’ appearance of being Latino working class” and is proof of the “culture of racism underlying” the Trump administration’s deportation strategy.

How are Gavidia and Ramirez feeling now, after being called a racist slur they hadn’t even known existed and that doesn’t even technically apply to them?

“If you’re a U.S. citizen, you can’t be free in the U.S.,” Ramirez said. What happened to him “can happen to anyone, it can happen to their kids and family, and when it happens to their family, that’s when they’re going to see the truth of what’s happening.”

Gavidia, who voted for Trump in 2024, said that immigration agents think they “are above the Constitution and law.”

“That’s sad and disgusting,” he said. “If we don’t stop this and fight this now, it’s going to get worse and worse.”

It was at 11:21 a.m. on Sunday, June 21, that things started to fall apart. Aliyu Muhammad was in the Malali area, Kaduna, northwestern Nigeria, working underneath a car when he missed a call from his wife. When he called back, someone else answered and asked him if he knew the owner of the phone. 

“He said whatever he would tell me are just unconfirmed suspicions,” he recounted. “Then, he told me some women saw my wife and suspected she was a child kidnapper. I told him that I left her at home and she was supposed to attend an event. He said that’s exactly what she told them, but the people, seeing a stranger with a hijab and niqab talking to some children while there is a high rate of kidnapping, were suspicious. He asked me to send a representative since I wasn’t around.”

The man who called introduced himself as the Mai Anguwa (community head). Aliyu sent his friend, Suleiman Isa, to fill in for him. Fortunately, the man knew the friend.  

Ummulkhairi left her home in Sabon Gari Marraraban Jos, Kaduna, that morning to attend an Islamic lecture in Madrasat Tashiyhul Iman, an area she wasn’t familiar with. This led her to ask a group of children for directions. However, being a fully covered Muslim woman with a hijab and a face veil (niqab), some of the residents profiled her as dangerous. They mistook her for a child kidnapper. Within a short time, a mob gathered, and they eventually killed her, then set her body on fire, despite attempts to save her life.

The Kaduna State Police Command claimed that officers attempted to save her life, but the mob stormed the police station, overpowered them, and forcefully took Ummulkhairi out. However, eyewitness accounts tell a different story. 

Zainab Musa, Ummulkhairi’s sister-in-law, who was at the scene, said it was the Divisional Police Officer (DPO), CSP Abdullahi S. Akai, who handed her over to the mob, and that she tried to pull Ummulkhairi away from him but to no avail. Other witnesses, including Ummulkhairi’s co-wife, Hussaina Sani, corroborated this account. 

HumAngle visited the police station in Marrarraba Jos, where sources said the DPO “had been transferred to the Force Headquarters for investigation”. On the afternoon of Jul 16, we met DSP Mansir Hassan, the Kaduna Police spokesperson, who said he could not answer any questions because the case is under investigation and officers were not allowed to comment outside the earlier press statement.

After she was lynched, the DPO visited her house with some journalists, who interviewed him right in their compound at the centre of the family’s grief. 

“[The DPO] lifted his trousers to show us the injury he sustained from the mob. He even told us that his car was damaged, and all I could think was how any of that concerns us,” said Aminatu Isa Abdullahi, Ummulkhairi’s mother-in-law.  

On the day it happened 

As Aliyu struggled to reach the scene after the phone call, each passing second deepened his fears. “It was hard to get a bike from where I was in Malali Low-cost, so I had to walk,” he recalled. “While I was walking, I was anxiously calling my friend [Suleiman], but his number wasn’t connecting. I rushed to get my brother-in-law in Kawo Park, and we flagged down a bike.” He also called Zainab, his sister, who in turn contacted Ummulkhairi’s colleagues, who were also supposed to attend the event. 

The bike ride felt slow that day, and Aliyu’s anxiety worsened as he started receiving calls from people asking where he was as the crowd was becoming more erratic. When they reached the Marrarraban Jos Bridge, he saw cars and lorries parked on the road. The motorcyclist dropped them on the other side, and they continued on foot. 

He saw smoke from a distance. Then, as if on cue, his second wife called.

“They have killed her,” she said. 

Those words echoed in Aliyu’s head. He was struggling to hear what she was saying because she couldn’t stop crying, and when he started to ask questions, she couldn’t respond. Instead, she ended the call. 

“When I arrived there, I saw her friend. They were all crying,” he said.

Eventually, he saw his sister and second wife returning with a piece of clothing he immediately recognised as his wife’s hijab. The lemon-green fabric was torn. 

Aliyu had spent the previous night with Ummulkhairi. Every evening, even on the nights he stayed with his second wife, he would stop by to see her and the children. Every morning, before leaving for work, he did the same.

The evening before Ummulkhairi was killed was no different. She told him about her day, served him tuwo and vegetable soup, and they talked as they usually did. 

“I will always remember this as the last meal I had from her,” he said. 

The following morning, when he returned for his daily greetings, he found her seated at her favourite place, with her Qur’an open in front of her. “She reminded me to greet a sick neighbour who was her friend. I told her I would do so when I return,” he recalled.

It was then she informed him about the programme in Madrasat Tashiyhul Iman to which she was invited. He wished her well, and she asked the children to pray for him. 

Neither of them knew they were saying the final goodbye, nor did he know that hours later he would be standing at the police station, where her remains were. 

“I saw my wife’s body, burned and covered with a leaf,” Aliyu recounted. 

That day, he granted some interviews to journalists before the police released Ummulkhairi’s body to the family. “We returned her home and buried her,” he said. It was only afterwards, he said, that another loss struck him. “The phone you saw me give my daughter earlier was her phone, and something that further triggered me was when it was returned to me, I realised that I didn’t even think where her things were. The Mai Anguwa sent someone to give it to me, but he returned her shoes to me himself.”

Witnesses to tears 

When Suleiman Isa answered Aliyu’s call for help that morning, he didn’t know how the day would fracture his friend’s life. He arrived before the situation spiralled, helping to secure Ummulkhairi inside the police station. Believing she was safe, he stepped out to answer a phone call and meet a potential business customer. When he returned to the police station, he didn’t know she had already been dragged out and handed to the mob. 

“I started asking people where she was, and they told me that she had already been killed. At that point, my head turned, and I just started crying,” Suleiman recounted. 

He walked through the back entrance to the main gate, where Ummulkhairi’s body lay. “Some of us tried to stop the burning, after which we covered her body in leaves and put her on a stretcher,” he said. The family later took her home for burial. 

Although Suleiman and Ummulkhairi were not particularly close, he said the events of that afternoon left him shaken.

Grief was the last reason Ummulkhairi visited Hussaina Sani, her co-wife. Now, it is the reason Hussaina spends her day in the family compound, where Ummulkhairi lived, helping to hold together the space she left behind. 

Though the two women lived in different neighbourhoods and rarely saw one another, their relationship was warm whenever they met, Hussaina recounted. 

She had rushed to the police station after their husband called to tell her what had happened. When she arrived, Ummulkhairi had already been placed in a separate room. Inside the station, Hussaina encountered two women accusing her co-wife of being a child kidnapper. 

“They seemed angry, saying that they would not tolerate what happened. One of them got into a scuffle with the police officers,” she recounted. Unable to stay silent, Hussaina confronted one of the women herself. “I got upset and asked her if she saw her kidnapping any child. The woman said her child was kidnapped before. I asked her if it was Ummulkhairi who was responsible, and we kept going back and forth.” 

Outside, the crowd grew increasingly restless. Police officers fired tear gas over the station walls in an attempt to disperse them, but it did little to calm the situation. Soon, stones began raining into the compound. 

The officers moved the women into another room for safety and told them that reinforcements had been called. They also said Ummulkhairi would be transferred to Kaduna. Then the DPO arrived. 

“The first thing he said was, ‘Where is the culprit?’ Our sister-in-law then said, ‘Do you mean to say the suspect?’ and pointed to the room she was kept in. However, he came out dragging her, and my sister-in-law demanded to know where he was taking her. When she couldn’t stop her, she helped Ummulkhairi remove her niqab, and the DPO reached for her hijab, but Ummulkhairi held onto it tighter.” Despite the sister-in-law’s attempt to pull her back, he still pulled her outside and handed her to the mob. 

They heard her scream as the mob descended on her, but none of them could intervene because of the overwhelming crowd. Hussaina’s voice started rising as she recalled the events of the day.

She rejected the police’s account that the crowd had stormed the station. 

“I have no idea how many people there were,” he voice cracked. “There were hundreds, including men, women, and even children. At one point, both roads were filled with people; how could she even fight them?”  

Their sister-in-law, Zainab, ran into the streets pleading with the crowd to listen, explaining that Ummulkhairi was innocent. No one did. At one point, a police officer grabbed Zainab and warned that if she didn’t lay low, the mob might turn on her as well. Zainab was later taken out through a backdoor. 

The ones left behind 

On the morning of July 2, when HumAngle visited, Ummulkhairi’s home was thick with grief. In the midst of it, her children were playing about. Nearby, her mother-in-law, sister, and co-wife were moving around the hearth, trying to fill in the space her absence had left behind. The grief had thickened into the walls, but its weight was evident, even when they welcomed me with a warm smile. 

If Ummulkhairi were there, she would have woken up for dawn prayers, swept the house, and ensured her children were bathed and fed. She would have thrown danwake (bean dumplings) into a pot over the fire, like she did the day she was killed, and sliced pieces of onions into the hot oil. She would have plated it on the colourful plates her sister was now washing. 

Afterwards, she would have taken down her bag from the wall and revised what she would teach her students in her next class or left for school. If she did go to school, she would have returned around 2 p.m. Had I visited then, she would almost certainly have insisted on serving me a plate of food, even if it meant going without herself.

“Tell me about Ummulkhair,” I asked as I sat across from her younger sister, Ruqayyah Abbah, on the multicoloured mat in the sitting room. Ruqayyah had travelled from Gombi, Adamawa State, in northeastern Nigeria, after the news wrecked their home. She paused, as though weighing the question, before she started to speak. 

“Ummulkhairi had always taken care of the people around her. Ever since I knew her, she had always been one to feed and take care of any child. I can confidently say she is the kindest among us all,” she started. “But in a span of a day, all that was taken away when she was wrongly accused. I know she is innocent because I have known her all my life, and even if she wasn’t my sister, I would have said the same.” 

Ruqayyah recounted memories from when they were kids, how Ummulkhairi, who is fondly called Ummi by her family, always stayed away from fights, even when she was teased. As a child, she often preferred to play alone. 

Ummi Abba Gambo was her maiden name. She attended Gombi Primary School and Government Girls Secondary School, Gombi, for her secondary school. After marrying and relocating to Kaduna State, she enrolled in an Islamic school. Upon graduating, she was retained as a teacher due to her diligence. She taught both the children and adult sections. She last visited her family home nine months ago for her father’s funeral. 

“I would say she was the most easily terrified person I know. She always avoided things that would put her in scary or uncomfortable situations. After how she was attacked that day, even if they had left her alive, I don’t think she would have avoided being traumatised by the whole situation,” Ruqayyah said. 

When the news of Ummulkhairi’s death reached Gombi, it landed first in Ruqayyah’s ear. That morning, she and their mother had been trying to reach Ummulkhairi to talk about her youngest daughter’s education. 

“She hasn’t been put in school yet due to financial problems, and our mother wanted to send her the money. After Zuhr (midday)  prayers, I tried her number to let her know, but I couldn’t reach her,” she recalled. “I informed my mother, and we decided to call her later in the day, not knowing that she had already been killed at that point. By the time he called me, they were either about to go bury her or were coming back from it.” 

The details came in bits and pieces, because the grief hit before she could hear the rest of it. She learnt about the gut-wrenching details from their older sister, whom she called after she managed to stop crying. 

Ruqayyah arrived at Marraraban Jos on Tuesday, June 23, two days after the incident, but the reality of her sister’s death did not fully settle until she reached the family home. The first sign of absence was the lack of phone calls from her sister, who often called en route to see how her journey was going and to ask what she wanted to eat when she arrived. That had been the routine every time she travelled to Kaduna in the past. 

This time, the phone never rang, at least not from Ummulkhairi. 

“To think she couldn’t find safety in the police station. What’s the point of authorities that can’t protect someone in that situation?” The anger found its root in her voice. It wasn’t just that her sister died; it was that the system designed to protect her failed to. Her voice softened as one of Ummulkhairi’s daughters walked into the room. 

Seeing her nieces and nephews the day she arrived, she said, was the moment the reality of the loss finally overwhelmed her.

“I just hope the government gets us justice, so that these children and their father can get some peace. I feel so bad for the children. I know how much their mother loved them and how she could breathe for them if she could,” she added. 

Ruqayyah reached for a lemon-green storage box filled with the things her sister treasured. Inside were photographs from her youth and with her family. In one, she was holding one of her children, her eyes looking straight into the camera. In another, she was with friends, her face glowing with the promise of youth. 

As we looked through the pictures, three of her children gathered around, adding the little they knew to the history her sister was sharing. It was then that her second son, Usman Aliyu, brought me her favourite Qur’an, its battered pages, evidence of her love. 

Ummulkhairi is not the only victim of mob violence in Nigeria. It has become a recurring feature of public life in Nigeria, fuelled by distrust of formal justice systems and the widespread belief that communities must protect themselves. 

Suleiman Usman Yusuf, a security consultant and human rights advocate, said the roots of the problem lie not simply in public anger, but institutional failure. 

“The biggest reason is institutional failure compounded by deliberate impunity. When citizens repeatedly watch genuine criminals walk free, whether because evidence disappears, witnesses are intimidated, prosecutors receive phone calls, or judges grant bail to [people] who return to terrorise the same communities, a dangerous conclusion takes root in the public mind: that the formal justice system is not for them,” he said. 

He added that mob justice is not primarily a product of ignorance or barbarism. It is a deeply wrong response to a system that has consistently failed to deliver consequences. 

“People do not burn suspects because they enjoy violence. They do it because they have been taught, through repeated experience, that violence is the only language that produces results,” he added. “The second layer is impunity for the mobs themselves. When a crowd kills someone, and nothing happens, that crowd becomes a template. The next community that is angry enough simply follows the same script.”

He pointed to a pattern stretching across more than a decade. “We saw it with the Aluu Four in 2012. We saw it with Major General Idris Alkali in 2018. We saw it with Deborah Samuel in 2022. We are seeing it now with Malama Ummulkhairi in 2026.”

Although the incidents occurred years apart and in different parts of the country, he said, they shared a common thread. 

“Nobody was ever made to pay a price serious enough to deter the next mob,” he said. 

Suleiman believes legislation remains necessary, but it must be matched by visible accountability. He argues that Nigeria needs at least one high-profile conviction that would send an unambiguous message across the country to stop the cycle. He has been advocating for the Prohibition and Protection of Persons from Lynching, Mob Action, and Extrajudicial Bill passed by the Senate in 2017 to be signed into law. He has written formal letters to the House of Representatives, the President of the Senate, and others.

Amnesty International recorded at least 555 victims of mob violence in Nigeria between 2012 and 2023, with 33 people burnt to death. The regions with the highest cases were the North West (100) and the South West (98), mostly as a result of being accused of witchcraft, theft, blasphemy, or taking part in rituals. 

In Ummulkhairi’s family, however, mob violence is no longer a mere figure. It is a loved one, whose absence is felt every second. Her mother collapsed after hearing the news of her daughter’s death. Family members in Gombi said she remained in a state of deep distress, unable to eat or move normally after the incident. Due to pre-existing issues with hypertension and back pain, the journey was impossible for her to make down to Kaduna, but every time she remembered how her daughter died, the memories triggered another health crisis.

The last meal Ummulkhairi prepared for her family was danwake, but it was forgotten when the news reached the family. The next day, it was thrown into a basket as it had started to spoil. What happened next will haunt their paternal grandmother, Aminatu Isa Abdullahi, forever.

Twelve-year-old Usman, Ummulkhairi’s second son, attempted to eat the spoilt meal. “He looked at us and vowed that he must eat it even if it was spoiled,” Aminatu recounted. They watched him as he shoved handfuls into his mouth, an attempt to save his mother’s last meal, further breaking their hearts. 

“One day I was sitting with her youngest daughter, and she said to me: ‘Will you stay with us until our mother comes back?’” That was another exchange that shattered Aminatu’s heart, and recalling the memory made her break down in tears. She promised her she would stay as long as she was needed, not having the heart to explain that her mother was never returning. 

Aminatu called for justice. Her prayers echoed through the wall, her pain spreading through it. When she arrived at Marraraban Jos after she got the news,  the town was in uproar. As they tried to get a bike to take them to the house, someone warned her to stop crying so hard in case people suspect they are Ummulkhairi’s relatives and try to attack them too. 

“We couldn’t even do the funeral bath for her; we just had to sprinkle water on her burnt body,” Aminatu said. She had declined to see the body, afraid of what would stick in her memory. “They bought some security personnel with guns around the house, and all I could think was what they thought they were trying to protect when we had already lost her.” 

Hamza Dantani, a human rights lawyer, has since submitted a petition calling for a thorough investigation into the circumstances of this case. The alleged negligence contravenes the Police Act 2020 and violates Sections 33 and 34 of the 1999 Nigerian Constitution, which protect the fundamental rights to life and dignity. 

A history of violence 

About seven years ago, Marraraban Jos started having security issues; before then, stories like that were tales coming from far-away places. Sometimes, others from neighbouring villages would call residents to ask if they saw kidnappers approaching their side. This earned the neighbourhood its nickname, Sambisa. 

Things have eased up a little for the neighbourhood, as it was a lot worse three years ago. They hardly went a week without someone being kidnapped there. The men formed a night neighbourhood watch to protect what they could. The women at home live with anxiety every time their husbands and sons go out, not knowing how the night would end up for them. Aliyu was among the men who used to patrol the community.

Ummulkhairi’s family moved to the neighbourhood in 2020 and had lived in their current house for about two years. Right behind the house stretched acres of empty land, extending beyond what the eyes can see. 

“The men usually go out around 11 p.m. to start their patrol. Sometimes, they come back with wounds as a result of hiding in the bushes. I sometimes hear gunshots from my room, especially when one of our neighbours was kidnapped. I started to sleep fully dressed; I would wear trousers and keep a hijab beside me just in case I get kidnapped,” said Habiba Muhammad, Ummulkhairi’s friend and neighbour. 

Recently, residents said kidnapping rates had reduced, but cattle and animal rustling still happens often around that area. Still, they have never seen security personnel posted to their neighbourhood. Years of living with fear had made residents increasingly suspicious of strangers. There were times when people fled their homes simply because they feared an attack was coming.

“We can’t leave because we don’t have money to go elsewhere, and even if they kidnap us, they won’t get much. When we used to run, I would go to my grandmother’s place in Kaduna town. It disrupts our children’s education too; sometimes, they close up the schools when the kidnappings worsen. But now, I have accepted this fate; I don’t want to run anymore,” Habiba said. 

This anxiety is shared with several other people HumAngle spoke to in the area. However, some unanimously agreed that even though kidnapping was common in their part of Marraraban Jos, child kidnapping on its own rarely happens.

 “Sometimes when they can’t find the men, they will kidnap their wives, except in some circumstances where they would kidnap an entire family,” she said. Habiba recalled the experience of one neighbour whose family was attacked. “Because his wife was pregnant and couldn’t walk, they beat her up and abandoned her on the way. They also threw down one of her children when he peed on their body, and he even broke his arm.”

Retracing memory 

Aliyu has a lot to say about Ummulkhairi; her loss is overwhelming. 

“She was very kind to me, and there were many times I would be in distress, and she would offer warmth and support, even when we were going through hard times,” he recalled. “This place you are sitting in used to be her favourite place, and when she is not busy with other tasks, she prefers to sit there and study her books. Sometimes, other women from the neighbourhood come in so she can help them with theirs.” 

As he dug into his memory to answer the questions, his second son lay down the mat as he slyly tried to take his father’s phone as he spoke. When he succeeded, his legs swung in an upward motion as he lay on his stomach, playing with the phone as we spoke about his mother, a contrast from the young child who shoved pieces of spoiled food in his mouth over a week ago. 

“There are so many things I can tell you about Ummulkhairi, but I don’t even have the words. God knows I have suffered such a great loss; the only thing I can do now is pray for her,” he said. 

Uba Sani, the Kaduna State Governor, has claimed that “about 41 persons have been charged with culpable homicide. And about 41 went through investigation also; that’s 82. Thirty suspects have also been charged with unlawful assembly”. 

A June 24 report shows that 24 alleged suspects – 20 males and 4 females – have been arraigned on charges of criminal conspiracy, inciting public disturbance, mischief, mischief destruction of public and police property, and culpable homicide. 

This news reached Aliyu and his family through social media. “They said they were taken to court, but I don’t know much about that. The video I saw showed some people lined up, but I couldn’t really see their faces clearly; I only recognised one face, an old man that I see around,” he explained. 

The family, still waiting for answers about the circumstances surrounding Ummulkhairi’s death, felt excluded from the process meant to deliver justice. “No one briefed us; we have to depend on rumours for information. Her youngest son told me yesterday that if they get justice for what was done to their mother, he thinks he will be better, and I could only try not to cry,” Aliyu’s brother, Abubakar Muhammad, added. 

The recorded videos of the lynching are also a huge wound to the family, and they couldn’t bring themselves to watch them. “I cannot watch these kinds of videos. I avoid social media for that reason. I usually only go in to respond to condolence messages,” Aliyu said. He wished people cared more about how things like this would affect them.

Abubakar said Aliyu often told him that he was worried about his wife during the past few months due to the loss of her father, as it seemed to be taking a toll on her. But even then, she had continued to live life as she always had.

“The most painful part was hearing what the oldest son was saying about taking vengeance for what was done to his mother. I tried to placate him. I even tried to close his mouth, but he pushed my hand away. Things like this can only be solved by justice; only that can give us relief. And if this keeps happening, no one is safe,” Abubakar said. 

Ummulkhairi did not disappear with the smoke that burned her alive in broad daylight that day. She is present in the edges and corners of the house, on the walls where her bag lies, in the kit where she once kept everything that matters,  and in the memories of her loved ones.  

Israeli soldiers have intensified their offensive in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem, raiding at least 20 towns and villages, demolishing homes and arresting dozens of Palestinians, as Arab states and the Arab League condemn escalating settler attacks against Palestinians and their property.

Al Jazeera reporters in the occupied West Bank reported on Monday that Israeli forces had stormed the Jabal Salman area in the town of Beita, south of Nablus, and carried out demolition operations in the town of Nilin, west of Ramallah.

In a separate incursion, forces stormed the town of Arrabeh in Jenin, accompanied by military bulldozers.

Raids and arrests were also reported in Deir al-Ghusun, north of Tulkarem, where five Palestinians were detained.

Four young men were arrested during raids on the Balata camp and Asira al-Shamaliya in Nablus, Quds News reported.

Soldiers raided homes and made arrests in several other villages and towns, including Deir Jarir, Jalbon, Kafr Qaddum, Tal, Burqa, Beit Furik, Anabta, the Aktaba suburb, Qalqilya, Arroub camp and Beit Ummar.

Quds News reported that Israeli soldiers halted an ambulance trying to transport a pregnant woman from the town of Qaryut to a Nablus hospital for treatment for a medical emergency. Her condition deteriorated, leading to a miscarriage.

As the Israeli military continues its crackdown, emboldened settlers have intensified their harassment and violent attacks. Palestinians in the Abu Fuzaa encampment near Taybeh village east of Ramallah were attacked on Monday, and in Al-Burj village, south of Hebron, settlers released cattle among olive trees, damaging agricultural land.

“Israeli settlers continue their attacks against Palestinians, mostly in their homes, at night, intimidating them,” Al Jazeera’s Nida Ibrahim reported. “And what happens is that usually Israeli forces would come in and instead of curbing these settlers, they would conduct arrests in the occupied West Bank among Palestinians.”

Palestinians felt trapped and defenceless, with “no one to protect them”, she said, “while the Israeli settlers have the support of the Israeli army and have the impunity to continue attacking Palestinians without any accountability”.

International condemnation

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas has sent letters to several world leaders, the European Union, the Arab League and the president of the United Nations Security Council, calling for urgent action to stop Israeli aggression and settler violence against Palestinians.

Francesca Albanese, the UN’s Special Rapporteur on the occupied Palestinian Territories, wrote in a post on X on Saturday that settler attacks were “pogroms against defenceless civilians”.

The UAE, Jordan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Oman, Kuwait and Bahrain issued statements condemning the attacks, including a mosque in Tulkarem being set ablaze.

The Arab League issued a collective condemnation, warning that the situation was approaching a “moment of explosion” and calling on the international community to intervene.

The Spanish government said in a statement on Saturday that Israel “must reverse its policies of settlement expansion and of shielding settler violence against the Palestinian civilian population”.

Hamas official Mahmoud Mardawi described settler attacks on mosques as “systematic fascist crimes”.

Haaretz quoted Israeli military officials describing the situation in the West Bank as “extremely dangerous and volatile”. An editorial in the Israeli newspaper said senior army officers had warned that the government was giving “tailwind” to settler violence, with one reservist officer saying his unit lacked sufficient troops and could only “stand by and watch”.

“We have to remember that this time is very sensitive, because we’re getting closer to Israeli elections, and Netanyahu wants to stay in power. He wants to appease his far-right members and coalition by showing the voters that he will be cracking down more and more on Palestinians,” Al Jazeera’s Ibrahim said.

“He’s trying to get some sort of credit for the attacks against Palestinians and the raids in general.”

Since October 2023, the Israeli military has killed nearly 1,200 Palestinians in the occupied West Bank, according to Arab League figures, in addition to more than 73,000 killed in Gaza during Israel’s genocidal war there.

Protest group says at least 200 demonstrated in Israeli capital a day after major escalation of West Bank violence.

Israeli police have arrested nine people at a Tel Aviv demonstration decrying settler violence in the occupied West Bank, according to media reports and protest organisers.

Hundreds of people gathered on Kaplan Street on Saturday to demonstrate against the settler violence and Israeli military rule in the occupied Palestinian territory, according to Israeli media. The protest was organised by the left-wing Hadash party and its allies.

The Mothers Against Violence protest group said more than 200 people took part in the demonstration, and accused police of using force against demonstrators, including the nine they confirmed were arrested.

Israeli police said demonstrations had gone ahead without authorisation and had begun to “disrupt public order and block the roadway”, according to local media.

The protest came a day after Israeli forces shot dead four Palestinians in the town of Tal, near Nablus, during a settler incursion on their land. Two Israelis were also killed in the confrontation.

On Friday, about 30 settlers entered Tal, next to the illegal Israeli settlement of Havat Gilad, and tried to break into two houses on Friday, said Essam Saifi, a local Fatah official. Residents confronted them, and the settlers opened fire.

A video shows a Palestinian man seizing a rifle from a settler and shooting him before soldiers shot him dead. Three others were killed and four wounded.

Ubai al-Aboudi, a rights activist in Ramallah, told Al Jazeera that one week prior, settlers set fire to a home in Tal with the family still inside. “It was a miracle that the residents of Tal were able to get that family out of the house before they were burned alive,” he said.

In retaliation for Friday’s shooting incident, the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ordered a wide-scale military operation across the West Bank, and Israeli forces arrested nearly 50 Palestinians in Tal while raiding about 70 homes.

The Palestinian Prisoner’s Society said at least 80 Palestinians were held across the West Bank the day after the incident, calling it “collective punishment”.

Funerals for the four killed were held before dawn under restrictions on attendance.

Political analyst Ori Goldberg said video of the attack on Tal had made denial impossible for the Israeli public.

“They saw the Jewish terrorist come into the villages and they saw the response … I’m not expecting the public to rise in protest in response, but I do expect this might revivify the last dregs of liberal Zionism in protest,” he told Al Jazeera.

“This may be a threshold moment in what Israelis have previously termed as ‘settler violence’ in an attempt to distance it from themselves,” Goldberg added.

At least 1,182 Palestinians have been killed, 13,000 wounded and nearly 24,000 arrested in the occupied West Bank since Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza began in October 2023, according to official Palestinian figures.

July 24 (UPI) — The Israeli military is launching a major operation in the occupied West Bank after a clash between settlers and Palestinians left six people dead on Friday.

Four Palestinian residents of the village of Tell and two Israeli soldiers were killed in the incident, after a group of settlers entered the village claiming to be on a hike.

Israeli officials said violence broke out when a Palestinian man stole a weapon from local security personnel, firing at the Israelis. Palestinian officials said the men were provoked while defending their village from armed trespassers.

The incident sparked a series of settler rampages in more than a dozen villages on Friday, the Times of Israel reported.

Hundreds of Israelis torched homes and hurled stones at Palestinians, the Times reported.

Following the Friday killings, Israeli officials said they were preparing a major “counterterrorism” operation in the West Bank, Al-Jazeera reported.

Bezalel Smotrich, the far-right Israeli finance minister, called for the demolition of Palestinian villages following the Friday killings.

“The population must be evacuated for its own protection, and these villages must be cleared of terrorist infrastructure and terrorists in order to restore deterrence and security to the area,” he told CNN.

Following the funeral for one of the Israeli soldiers killed, settlers torched buildings, homes and farms belonging to Palestinians, the Times reported.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said he instructed Israel Defense Forces to take a “series of forceful steps against terror.”

In a statement, Netanyahu said his military would “act forcefully in villages that serve as terror hotspots” as well as “accelerate the regularization of farms and the establishment of new ones.”

Israeli settlements in the West Bank are illegal under international law.

“The Israeli government is pushing the West Bank towards explosion,” said Ayman Safadi, Jordan’s foreign minister, in a statement. “Its blatant violations of the historical and legal status quo at Jerusalem’s Holy Sites are illegal and dangerous provocations. They are pushing the region towards another disastrous conflict that will reverberate beyond the occupied Palestinian territories.”

Leaders of the movement say they will continue campaigning but will not stage another march through New Delhi.

Leaders of India’s “cockroach movement” say they will continue to protest against the government but will refrain from further rallies through the streets of New Delhi because of concerns about the safety of their supporters after a violent police response when more than 10,000 people tried to march to parliament.

“We will not march again because the police will hurt the youth again,” Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) founder Abhijeet Dipke said at a news conference on Tuesday.

He said 150 protesters were wounded by police who fired tear gas and beat activists with canes and batons during Monday’s march.

The movement will continue to demand the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, who it said must be held accountable for flaws in the education system.

The movement emerged after a leak of exam papers that forced 2.2 million aspiring doctors to retake their exams, reportedly contributing to at least 12 students dying by suicide. The CJP is calling for compensation of 10 million rupees ($104,000) for each family of the students who took their own lives after the leak.

“We won’t stop. Pradhan has to be sacked,” the CJP’s Ashutosh Ranka said.

⁠Opposition leaders Rahul Gandhi and his ⁠sister Priyanka along with members ⁠of their Indian National Congress party, staged a protest outside Prime Minister Narendra ‌Modi’s house, videos shared by the party showed on Tuesday.

“We have marched to PM ⁠Modi’s house to ⁠demand answers from him for the brutalities against ⁠young students yesterday,” ⁠Rahul Gandhi posted ⁠on X.

The rights group Amnesty International said in a statement late on Monday that the police action showed “how peaceful dissent is being suppressed in India.”

“They beat us black and blue, and they damaged our protest site,” Sahil Singh, a protester from the northern state of Uttar Pradesh, told the Reuters news agency. “We want accountability to be set with Pradhan’s resignation.”

The number of protesters who marched on Monday was larger than expected, partly due to widespread anger after veteran 59-year-old activist Sonam Wangchuk, who has been on hunger strike for three weeks in solidarity with the CJP, was seized by police and hospitalised against his will.

The Delhi ⁠High ⁠Court ruled on Tuesday that Wangchuk could be moved ⁠from a government hospital to a private healthcare facility after his ⁠wife petitioned the court, alleging he was being held in “illegal detention”, the legal news website Bar and Bench ‌said.

About 200 protesters gathered at the CJP protest site at Jantar Mantar in central New Delhi on Tuesday morning, chanting slogans under a monsoon drizzle.

Paramilitary personnel continued to patrol central parts of India’s capital, and barricades were restricting traffic.

Delhi police said nearly 180 people – 60 protesters and 118 security and police personnel – were injured in Monday’s clashes. Police also said 70 protesters were detained and legal action would be initiated against them.

Multiple videos of Monday’s clashes show police attacking protesters, but no footage has emerged of any violence by the marchers.

The CJP and its supporters remain hopeful that they may change the status quo. A representative said on Monday that a federal minister had promised the government would consider their demands.

On Tuesday, Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju said: “I think when the talks are going on in a right direction, the atmosphere should not be vitiated.”

The CJP’s campaign initially began online with viral satirical memes mocking the government, and it quickly amassed millions of followers on social media. It has since morphed into a movement able to mobilise thousands on the streets, as Monday’s march demonstrated.

After the chief justice of India’s Supreme Court likened some unemployed young people to “cockroaches”, the protesters adopted the insult as the name of their movement.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio on Thursday convened leaders from more than 60 countries to take part in the Trump administration’s latest effort to quell what it calls “left-wing” political terrorism, a marquee issue for Republicans heading into the midterm elections.

This focus comes even as studies show that there are very few reported cases of such incidents in the U.S., especially compared to historically higher levels of far-right violence.

With sweeping statements about the “alarming rise” of political violence by the left, Rubio and other U.S. officials painted a dark image of the future if the “communists and Marxists” perpetrating these supposed acts are not defeated. He urged officials in attendance — mostly from European and Latin American countries — to unite to address the issue, which he says has been a “blind spot” in counterterrorism doctrine.

“So many people in positions of power have repeatedly dismissed acts of violence and even terrorism as legitimate forms of political expression, so long as they served a left-wing cause,” Rubio said in opening remarks. “A bomb planted by a neo-Nazi group was ‘a nefarious and murderous act of evil.’ It is, but a bomb planted by a Marxist revolutionary, well, that’s just merely a tragic excess of idealism.”

A report published last year by the Center for Strategic and International Studies found that left-wing terrorism attacks as of July 4, 2025, had surpassed those from the far right for the first time in more than 30 years. However, a closer look at the data reveals that the uptick reflects a very low starting level and a concurrent drop on the far right.

There was an average of 0.6 left-wing incidents annually from 1994 through 2000, compared with an average of 20.6 on the right, the report shows. From 2016 to 2024, there was an average of four per year on the left and 22.7 per year on the right. Those numbers had dropped dramatically on the right as of early July 2025, with only one incident. Meanwhile, there had been five from the left.

But the report’s authors note that right-wing terrorism could easily return to elevated levels and that it is important to fight terrorism on both sides of the political spectrum.

President Trump and his allies have prioritized talking points against the far left ahead of the congressional elections this November. Trump has repeatedly stated that the Democratic Party’s ascendant left are communists who want to “completely destroy the traditional American way of life” and even engage in assassinations.

Vice President JD Vance has similarly called out communism as a political shift that is “something we haven’t seen in the U.S.” House Speaker Mike Johnson has decried “radical candidates” who are “self-described, self-identifying Marxists.”

For Rubio, his worldview on this issue has been largely shaped by his own history: he is the son of Cuban immigrants who arrived in Miami in May 1956, a few years before communist leader Fidel Castro rose to power in Havana. The former Florida senator said Thursday that it was that same government’s sprawling intelligence and ideological network that “helped to build the far left in our country and in our hemisphere.”

Stephen Miller, Trump’s deputy chief of staff and main architect of the administration’s immigration policy, followed Rubio’s remarks, aiming to drive home the immediacy of the perceived threats he saw to American institutions coming from the left, and what response is needed in return.

“If your civilization is your home, you must defend it with the same passion and force as if an enemy intruder is inside your own house where your family lives,” Miller said. “That is the level of dedication and urgency that is required.”

This ideological focus has repeatedly conflated democratic socialism — which often centers on securing universal healthcare, higher taxes on the wealthy and stricter corporate regulation — with communism, under which private ownership is largely eliminated.

It has only intensified in the last year, after the election of democratic socialist Zohran Mamdani to become New York City mayor and several of his proteges who won their New York City congressional primaries last month, beating out incumbents.

One of the ways the administration has started to target left-wing efforts is through sanctions. In November, the State Department designated four antifa or anti-fascist groups in Europe as foreign terrorist organizations. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said in his remarks Thursday that targeting these entities’ financial networks is the best way to circumvent their efforts.

“We have spent decades developing the world’s most sophisticated financial counterterrorism capabilities, and now we are mobilizing some of the same tools that we have deployed against terrorists abroad to confront this emerging threat here at home,” he told the conference.

Amiri and Kinnard write for the Associated Press. Amiri reported from New York and Kinnard from Columbia, S.C. AP writer Melissa Goldin in New York contributed to this report.

Exploiting racism has been a profitable strategy in Hollywood since the dawn of filmmaking: 111 years ago, D.W. Griffith’s film “The Birth of a Nation” was incredibly popular and influential, while also being so racist that it was considered controversial even in its own day.

The industry saw immediately just how lucrative fear could be. More than a century later, there is always someone in the entertainment media willing to trade in racist tropes for money, as well as an audience ready to receive them.

Two new films, “Citizen Vigilante” and “Run, Fight, Hide: Infidels,” demonstrate that streaming platforms and social media no longer simply distribute controversial content but in fact thrive on content that provokes, polarizes and sustains attention, regardless of the social cost.

Both of these xenophobic and Islamophobic films are being pushed as “anti-woke” vehicles, deliberately engineered to bypass traditional critical reception and capitalize on a fractured media ecosystem. “Citizen Vigilante,” which features an American protagonist killing dark-skinned immigrants and Muslims in an unnamed European setting, was denied a rating certificate by the German government for inciting violence. Yet despite that determination, the film secured global reach through decentralized digital distribution and high-profile promotion from Elon Musk.

Similarly, “Run, Fight, Hide: Infidels” — a campus siege narrative evoking 1980s action film nostalgia that leans heavily into outdated, post-9/11 anxieties — relies on a built-in conservative media apparatus to guarantee financial returns. The film is produced by the conservative media figure Ben Shapiro and the Daily Wire, which he co-founded. It is a sequel to a 2020 film that was their film company’s premiere.

But while promoters of such films frame their work as a brave rebellion, the reality is much more sinister: rehashing 40-year-old tropes while invoking conspiracy theories of Muslims bringing sharia law to America, because outrage is cheap to produce and easy to monetize.

Stories matter. Stories shape how we see one another. They influence what we love, what we celebrate, whom we trust, whom we understand and whom we fear.

Since January, the Muslim Public Affairs Council has documented a sharp escalation in threats and attacks targeting Muslims and Islamic institutions across the United States, including vandalism, shootings, bomb threats, attempted assassinations and physical assaults. These are not isolated incidents. They reflect a broader climate in which dehumanizing representation increasingly manifests as real-world violence.

Entertainment and politics increasingly employ the same tactic as one another, recycling narratives of fear and “otherness” to mobilize audiences, voters and consumers. When political leaders encourage those narratives, as President Trump recently did by amplifying and commenting on a photo of young Muslim American students in hijab, they further normalize the same stereotypes that entertainment companies have learned to monetize.

Yet while the social costs continue to mount, the economic incentives remain firmly intact. “Citizen Vigilante” earned a 93% audience score on Rotten Tomatoes despite receiving just a 6% critics’ score. More tellingly, it quickly climbed to the top of Amazon’s and Apple TV’s paid video-on-demand charts.

And this isn’t just a Muslim and immigrant issue — and it’s not only about who is portrayed on screens, but also who is not. Representation has been backsliding, and audiences are left with fewer opportunities to see the reality and humanity of diverse communities, making them more vulnerable to fear-based narratives.

According to a 2026 report from the nonprofit Define American, which tracks representation across television and film, Latinos account for only 23% of immigrant characters represented on screen, even though they make up more than 40% of the immigrant population in the United States. In 2020, 50% of immigrants on screen were Latino.

The industry’s defense is that whitewashed and xenophobic films reflect audience demand. But the recent research by Define American challenges this assumption. Data show that nuanced, multidimensional storytelling, in which immigrants and minority characters are woven into the fabric of everyday narratives rather than tokenized or villainized, actually leads to greater audience engagement and deeper systemic understanding.

Entertainment doesn’t simply reflect culture; it teaches us who belongs within it. Studios, distributors, streaming platforms and filmmakers all have a responsibility to reject narratives that portray immigrants as enemies and instead embrace stories that reflect the diversity and complexity of our world. At the same time — as with voters — the power ultimately rests with consumers. The choice to demand storytelling that challenges prejudice rather than profits from it belongs to all of us.

Sue Obeidi is the senior vice president of the Muslim Public Affairs Council Hollywood Bureau. Jose Antonio Vargas is the founder of Define American.

Thousands of Zimbabweans are returning home after xenophobic violence in South Africa, describing beatings, robbery and threats from anti-migrant groups. Nearly 21,300 have been repatriated by the government in five weeks, with 56,800 more self-repatriating.

Caitlin Clark will be in the lineup when the Indiana Fever face the Sparks at Crypto.com Arena after a week-plus of discourse around the star player.

Clark, who has had season-long back problems, did not play on Sunday in Las Vegas. Fever coach Stephanie White said Clark would play on Wednesday against the Sparks.

Earlier in the day, a dozen Republican lawmakers announced they sent a letter to WNBA commissioner Cathy Engelbert arguing the league has failed to adequately protect Clark from physical play.

“Unfortunately, what they too often witness is not simply aggressive competition, but repeated acts of unnecessary physical hostility and violence,” the lawmakers wrote. “Clark has been hip-checked, poked in the eye, and struck in the throat during games. These incidents go far beyond routine physical play, yet the WNBA and its officiating have too often failed to address these unacceptable incidents and hold players accountable.”

When asked about the letter after their shootaround in Los Angeles on Wednesday morning, White stepped aside for team spokesperson Jackie Maynard to read a statement:

“Our organization, nor Caitlin, have had any interaction with anyone in the congressional group and were unaware of their letter. We have been clear in our public comments and in our ongoing dialogue with the league about the priority of player safety. Our players and our fans know where we stand on these issues and continue to stick up for our team and a standard of excellence across the league.”

Alyssa Thomas was given a flagrant foul 2 penalty, fined $1,000 and suspended one game at the start of July for pushing her right fist into Clark’s throat when they both fell on the court during the Mercury’s 111-109 win on June 24 in Indianapolis.

It was originally not called a foul, and a still image of Thomas’ hand in Clark’s throat went viral on social media and stirred up discourse among those in and out of the basketball world.

In the aftermath, Thomas said she got several online attacks, some of which are “threatening our lives.”

White denounced “unacceptable” online behavior from fans last week, and Clark followed up by saying, “I don’t want anyone to ever experience that.”

The letter was led by Texas congressman August Pfluger, chairman of the Republican Study Committee.

“As Commissioner, you have an obligation to ensure that every player competes in a safe and professional environment, both on and off the court, free from violence, discrimination, or retaliation,” the lawmakers wrote. “If discrimination or retaliation is occurring and creating a hostile work environment, we support any appropriate investigation by the Department of Justice, the Department of Labor, or the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. If true, such conduct could constitute violations of federal civil rights laws.”

The letter finished with three questions for Engelbert, which it demanded the commissioner respond to by July 24. What is your review mechanism for physical hostility and violence on the court? How will you hold players accountable for overly aggressive actions on the court, including towards Caitlin Clark? What steps are you taking to protect WNBA players from online harassment and off-the-court threats?

Conservative commentator Riley Gaines posted the letter and her support of it on social media, which showed signatures from Iowa lawmaker Zach Nunn and Indiana representatives Marlin Stutzman and Victoria Spartz.

White said that Clark would not play on Thursday night in Phoenix, rotating her with star center Aliyah Boston to manage both of their workloads on the team’s first set of back-to-back games.

Former Chargers defensive end and Los Angeles sports radio personality Marcellus Wiley has denied explosive allegations from his wife — including that he raped her and physically abused her and their children — that led to a judge granting her a temporary restraining order against him.

Annemarie Wiley, a nurse anesthetist and former cast member of “The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills,” made the accusations in a declaration submitted Monday to the Superior Court of Los Angeles County with her request for a restraining order against her husband of 12 years. She filed for divorce the same day.

The former Pro Bowl player responded Tuesday on X to what he called “baseless claims.”

“I owe it to my children to truthfully document what they and I have endured,” he wrote. “To do that, I must address the lies Annemarie has told about me by telling the truth about her and our marriage.”

According to the temporary restraining order, Marcellus Wiley must have no contact with his wife and their three children, ages 6-10, and must not come within 100 yards of them. Annemarie Wiley now has sole custody of the children and her husband was given no visitation time. The order remains in effect until a hearing scheduled for July 24.

On Saturday, Marcellus Wiley was arrested in Florida after his wife told police he poked her in the face with his finger and threatened to kill her. According to the arrest affidavit, Annemarie Wiley told a deputy that her husband “had an unreported history of violence toward her and she was planning to divorce him when they returned home to California.”

Marcellus Wiley was released the next day on $1,000 bond and faces a possible charge of misdemeanor domestic battery. An arraignment hearing has been scheduled for Aug. 4. He denied all the allegations against him Monday on X.

In her court filing, Annemarie Wiley provided details of an alleged incident that led to her husband’s arrest. She wrote that on Saturday he “warned me to watch how bad he was going to make things for me, which I understood to be a threat that his abuse would become more severe. During this same incident, Marcellus pushed our ten-year-old son, Marcellus, Jr. I called the police.”

Annemarie Wiley also documents numerous alleged incidents that she says demonstrates “a continuing and escalating pattern of physical violence, sexual abuse, verbal and emotional abuse, financial control, and intimidation, much of which our children have witnessed.”

She mentions four instances in which her husband allegedly raped her — once in 2012 and three times in January — as well as alleged physical abuse that includes striking her in the face or head, breaking her right thumb and throwing heavy objects at her.

In his most recent X post, Marcellus Wiley states that he has “videos, photographs, text messages, emails, and other evidence that directly contradicts those baseless claims and provides a factual record of our family and the events leading to this unfortunate divorce.”

“To be frank, many friends, family members, and fans have opined that after she was kicked off The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills, she lost her mind!” wrote Marcellus Wiley, a Compton native who also played for the Buffalo Bills, Dallas Cowboys and Jacksonville Jaguars during his 10-year NFL career. “Unfortunately, I must agree.

“I never wanted my family’s issues and struggles to become public for any reason, including divorce leverage. But I unfortunately knew this day was inevitable. I was willing to endure anything —even hell itself — if it meant being with my children every single day. I am their hero, and now I am fighting to make sure the positive and real image they know of me is the one that endures.

“I am prepared to address these allegations and related matters through the legal process and with evidence. My focus remains on my children, my integrity, and the truth.”

Multiple women have accused Wiley in civil lawsuits of sexually assaulting them in the past. Wiley has denied all the allegations against him in court documents and publicly.

Former NFL defensive end and Los Angeles sports radio personality Marcellus Wiley was arrested Saturday in Florida after allegedly threatening to kill his wife and poking her in the face with his finger.

Wiley faces a possible charge of misdemeanor domestic battery. According to the Orange County (Fla.) Corrections Department, he was released on a $1,000 cash bond Sunday at 8:43 p.m. An arraignment hearing has been scheduled for Aug. 4.

“I completely and unequivocally deny these allegations, and I’m certain the truth will prevail,” Wiley wrote Monday on X. “As you know, I’m usually the first to break down the truth and separate facts from fiction. But because this is now a legal matter — and because my greatest responsibility is protecting my babies, who have already been impacted — I have to handle this differently.

“When I can speak freely, I absolutely will. Until then, thank you for your patience, your prayers, and for continuing to stand with me.”

The former Pro Bowl player is married to Annemarie Wiley, a former cast member of “The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills” and the mother of three of his children. The name of the alleged victim is redacted from the arrest affidavit viewed by The Times, but she is identified as a woman who said she has been married to Wiley “for approximately 14 years” and shares three children with him.

A sheriff’s deputy responded to a call at the World Marriott in Orlando around 4:47 p.m., according to the arrest report, and the accuser said she wanted Wiley removed from their hotel room.

“She stated Marcellus told [her] he was going to kill her and she was afraid of his behavior,” the report states. “When asked to elaborate, she stated on the previous morning Marcellus had put his hands on her.”

The report states that the woman told the deputy that on the morning of July 3, Wiley “used one finger to sternly and intentionally poke her in the cheek. [She] stated he did not have permission to do this, and she stated she believed he did this to cause her harm.”

She did not request medical attention after the alleged incident, according to the affidavit, and the deputy said he did not see any visible injury. The woman also told the deputy that Wiley “had an unreported history of violence toward her and she was planning to divorce him when they returned home to California.”

Their 7-year-old daughter, who the woman said had witnessed the incident, told the deputy she did not see her father touch her mother but had heard them arguing that morning.

According to the affidavit, Wiley told the deputy in an oral statement that “he and his wife had not had any physical altercation while at the hotel, and he also stated they have never had any physical violence between them.”

In addition, the report said, “Marcellus stated he believed his wife had called deputies to make a report due to her intention to divorce him. Marcellus stated he had been taking care of the children and no violence had occurred between them.”

The deputy determined probable cause existed for Wiley’s arrest, and he took the 10-year NFL player to the correctional facility “without incident.”

According to court records, Wiley has been appointed a public defender. He is allowed to return to California but must obey a no-contact order that prohibits him from “having any type of contact with the victim(s), either directly or indirectly.”

He can return home one time with law enforcement to collect his belongings.

A Compton native, Wiley played four years at Columbia before a 10-year NFL career from 1997 to 2006. He spent three seasons with the San Diego Chargers, including his only Pro Bowl year in 2001, and also played for the Buffalo Bills, Dallas Cowboys and Jacksonville Jaguars. His post-football broadcast career included several years as a host on KSPN-AM (710) in Los Angeles.

Multiple women accused Wiley in civil lawsuits of sexually assaulting them in the past. One Jane Doe filed in April to turn her lawsuit into a class-action suit against Wiley and Columbia University. The filing included four new accusers and stated that “at this time, without the benefit of discovery, there appears to be at least 10-12 victims. It is anticipated that discovery will reveal more.”

Wiley has denied all the allegations against him in court documents and publicly.

Joy Oga, a pregnant woman in her second trimester, was harvesting yams on her farm in Kwanta/Dooshima area when armed men attacked. The 31-year-old farmer had gone out with three others from her community on June 16 to harvest the farm she had been unable to reach since her village was invaded in September 2025. She never finished the harvest. 

“I went to the farm to pack yams when I was attacked,” Joy told HumAngle. 

Joy had farmed in her village in Chanchanji, Takum Local Government Area, in Taraba State, northeastern Nigeria, for five years, and farming is her only means of livelihood. After enduring months of hardship in a displacement camp in Chanchanji town, she was eager to resume farming as soon as she and other residents were asked to return home. On the day of the recent attack, she was there to also clear the land for a new planting season. 

Joy said the attackers, whom she claimed were herders, confronted her and the other people that were with her, and immediately started hacking them with the machete. She ran back to the community with a cut on her face, wrist, and legs.  

The attack came barely two months after a peace deal was struck between the Fulani and Tiv communities of southern Taraba, and has raised questions about the restoration of peace and the fate of residents who rely on farming for survival in the area. 

In April, a peace dialogue organised by the Taraba State government, northeastern Nigeria, brought together leaders of the Fulani and Tiv ethnic groups to put an end to the series of clashes that claimed lives and properties in communities within southern Taraba. The Fulani in the area are predominantly nomadic herders, while the Tiv are mostly farmers. During the dialogue in Jalingo, the state capital, both parties agreed never to raise arms against one another. 

The government also instructed displaced residents across the affected areas to return home. Weeks later, some residents began to exit the displacement camps in Chanchanji and Amadu for their hometowns after months of facing terror attacks, mass displacement, and food shortages. Three committees were set up by the government to manage the displaced persons’ return, inter-boundary and migration control, and boundary assessment and settlement. 

A multitude of motives

Southern Taraba has witnessed recurring violence involving farming and pastoralist communities for more than two decades. The area comprises five Local Government Areas (LGAs): Donga, Ibi, Takum, Ussa, and Wukari. Researchers say the conflict is driven by a complex mix of competition over land and water, population growth, the proliferation of small arms, weak law enforcement, and criminality. While these clashes are often described as “farmer-herder conflicts”, several studies caution that they increasingly involve organised armed groups whose activities go beyond disputes over grazing routes. Indigenous Tiv communities in Taraba and neighbouring Benue State also say the attacks are a strategic move to take over their lands and resources. 

A security expert, who has also worked as a police officer in the area, told HumAngle that the crisis goes beyond ethnicity. “This is terrorism, because the attackers come into town, destroy property, and run back. They do not have a settlement around that area, and whenever they come to Chanchanji, it does not only affect one tribe — it affects other tribes living in Chanchanji too,” the source, who pleaded anonymity, noted. 

He argued that terrorists are exploiting the unresolved ethnic clash between both parties to infiltrate the area, particularly in ungoverned spaces, adding that if it were purely an ethnic conflict, only the Tiv and Fulani would be affected; since every tribe in the area suffers during the attacks, he believes it is more accurate to describe the situation as terrorism.

Other claims about the motive of the attacks have been circulating; one of them originated from the deceased leader of a criminal gang that operated along the border between Benue and Taraba. Before his death in the hands of the Nigerian Military in September 2020, Terwase Akwaza, known popularly as Gana, a notorious criminal gang leader in Benue, claimed during an interview that armed groups posing as herders had approached him and asked him to carry out attacks in “about three states they want to [capture], being Plateau, Taraba, and Benue.” Joy, like many other residents, believes that the attacks were carried out by these armed groups.

After Gana’s death, his allies fractured into rival factions, with the most prominent ones being led by Fullfire and Chen. Despite attempts by community leaders urging these groups to cease fire, they have continued to operate violently in the region.

On the allegations from both parties about the hiring of militias, the security expert acknowledged that “in an environment where there is crisis, there are people who try to bring up some things to justify their actions”, adding that parties might exaggerate casualties or incidents.

A blow on both sides?

Benjamin Kwazza, who also survived the June 16 attack, told HumAngle that the attackers were tactical, targeting their heads and necks with the intention of causing instant death. “They pursued us, and along the line when they got us, they started to cut my neck,” he said, adding that he sustained a deep neck wound. 

When Joy, Benjamin, and the others returned to the village, residents organised a search party, but the attackers had already fled. 

The following day, June 17, two other farmers were attacked on their farmland in the same community. While the other farmer managed to escape untouched, Terkura Mathew was brutalised and left in his pool of blood. Locals found him and brought him back to the village. His condition remains critical. 

HumAngle reviewed videos and photographs of the June attacks, which showed visible wounds sustained by survivors, including deep cuts and injuries consistent with machete assaults. 

Bello Mbela, the Taraba State chairperson of Tabital Pulaaku International, an organisation that serves as a unified voice for Fulani communities across the continent, explained that the southern Taraba crisis is a blow to both sides. Tabital Pulaaku represented the Fulani community during the signing of the peace deal in Jalingo. 

According to him, Fulani people who live around Southern Taraba communities like Kofai Amadu, Tor Damisa, Kurmi and other areas are always caught up in the violence, which has led to loss of lives, cattle, and properties, with many who are currently displaced.  

Bello said the most recent incident occurred in February. “In Kofai Amadu under Takum Local Government Area (LGA), several women and children. The children were grazing when they were attacked, and their necks were snapped,” he stated. 

The Tabital Pulaaku leader also stressed that the herder communities in the region were set ablaze by aggrieved locals multiple times. “Also, around Kurmi LGA, there were rape cases. When a young woman sets out, she’s captured, threatened with a knife and raped.  Especially those who go to hawk Fura da Nono,” Bello claimed. 

Although he did not provide visual evidence of the alleged violence, he said attacks against herders and their families often go unreported and undocumented. “We do not record their deaths. We bury them instantly and keep moving. Most of the deaths are common among the elderly, disabled, pregnant women, and children,” he told HumAngle. 

Bello added that the affected herder communities are afraid of seeking shelter in temporary displacement camps in the towns due to fear of being profiled. Hence, they retreat farther into the bush for safety when their homes are razed. “Some of them come to Jalingo where they are sheltered by the Muslim council,” he said. 

Similarly, farming communities report a similar pattern of targeted abuse. Uzaki Peter, a local leader in Bachula, a community in southern Taraba that was displaced by attacks, told HumAngle that farmers have been experiencing a series of fresh attacks since they resumed farming in June. According to him, locals were adamant about returning home despite the hardships in the camp, but the peace meeting in April gave many hope. 

HumAngle learnt that locals and herders lived together in the region for years until clashes started recurring in 2025. “We always meet with the herders. They were telling us there is no problem. We should invite our people to come back. So, we started feeling like there was a solution, so our people started going back,” he said. However, Bachula is currently experiencing the same pattern of attack that occurred last year, according to Uzaki. “They will come and attack you. If you have a phone, they will collect it, and if you have money, they will collect it. They were sleeping with our women who were going to the farm,” the community leader said. 

Despite the peace dialogue 

Bello, who was present during the peace dialogue, told HumAngle that both parties have been trying to abide by their agreement that no party must attack the order. However, new cases are coming up. “In May, two women went to the Chanchanji area and did not return. They were killed.”

He explained that the incident sparked outrage and nearly led to fresh clashes. Since there was a peace dialogue, the issue was reported to the police station, and an investigation began. To date, none of the perpetrators has been caught. 

“If someone goes to the bush to graze alone, he does not return,” Bello gave another instance, stating that they are probably killed because such incidents took place in the past. 

When HumAngle reached out to James Lashen, the Taraba State Police Command’s Public Relations Officer, regarding the recent attacks in the region, he said that Kwanta/Dooshima and other areas in Chanchanji that are constantly under attack fall under “ungoverned spaces”.

“Taraba is the third largest in landmass in this country after Borno and Niger,” he stated, explaining that the landmass affects security response and patrol. “But for now, Chanchanji, Amadu and other areas, there is peace. There is a sustained patrol. We would like to embark on a convoy patrol due to the length of the road. You know, from Takum to Wukari, it is a long distance. And that is where they normally perpetrate. But for now, we have already taken charge of that area. For now, no incidents are taking place there,” he asserted. 

When asked about the recent incidents in the area, despite his assurance of peace, Lashen said it is quite common during the farming season and that it is the responsibility of the Divisional Police Officers to report to the command. However, he noted that he had yet to receive a report of the incident in Kwanta/Doorshima or Bachula at the time of our communication. 

The PPRO stressed that the Taraba State Police Command has ensured displaced communities returned home. “Everybody has been back. Policemen are stationed there. We have posted tactical teams there in that area. Everybody has gone back to his house,” the officer said. 

However, some residents disagree. Uko Moses, a farmer and resident of Peva, another affected area in the region, told HumAngle that the Peva community remains deserted to date, and locals are still in displacement camps in Amadu and Chanchanji town due to recurring attacks and unresolved tension. He also noted that areas such as New Gboko, Demavaa, and other southern Taraba communities remained abandoned. 

“Those who try to access their farmlands are being hurt on a daily basis,” Moses said. 

According to him, food, clothing, and healthcare are the basic challenges faced by displaced people still in camps due to fear of returning home. Also, children have been out of school for over nine months. “We depend on the government, humanitarian organisations, and philanthropists. The insecurity has made us become beggars,” he stated. 

To cushion the suffering of displaced persons in the displacement camps, HumAngle learned that Kefas Agbu, the Taraba State Governor, donated bags of rice and other relief items across the camps in March. Also, Benue State Governor Hyacinth Alia visited the displaced and assured those living along the Benue border that they would soon be able to return home.  

“His words were full of hope. According to him, it will not take long for the people to return to their communities and continue with their daily business.” Moses spoke of the Benue State Governor’s promise.

However, locals remained in the displacement camps, and despite the hardship, Moses said they prefer to stay in the camps rather than come home where their safety is not guaranteed. 

“The security architecture there is very poor. In some of the villages, there are no checkpoints close by or police stations built there,” he said. 

Uzaki, the Bachula caretaker, echoes Moses’s security concerns in the area. “Yesterday [June 16], I reported a case of three people. They were admitted to the hospital, and the day before yesterday [June 15], I reported a case involving two people. They are also here. And today [June 17] two have been brought out that have been matcheted,” he said. 

Lashen, the police spokesperson, said officers in the region cannot be everywhere. “So that is why we always engage with the stakeholders within the community to talk to their people. Because the police cannot be everywhere. Because of this landmass,” he said. 

Herder communities are also grappling with another crisis. According to the Tabital Pulaaku leader, herders are often segregated in local healthcare facilities when it comes to receiving treatment for injuries sustained during clashes. “Some of them are even arrested on the spot. This has made some of them stop accessing healthcare centres and rely on home treatment, which leaves them dead,” he said. 

What now?

During a summit in 2025, the Federal government described Taraba state as “a cornerstone of Nigeria’s agricultural and industrial future”, owing to its agricultural potential. The state was also hailed as a major producer of export-grade tea, coffee, and livestock for the meat industry.

A recent study by socio-political science researchers in the country’s northeastern region found that the majority of the population in IDPs camps and those killed, injured and displaced due to the conflict are farmers. While the rate of the clashes is said to be high, the impact on food insecurity in the region is also high due to the magnitude of the attacks on farming communities. 

Felix Ashe, a farmer from Chanchanji, told HumAngle that the most recent attacks in the area occurred on farmland, prompting locals to abandon their farms. He says hunger now shapes the lives of many who usually depend on farming for survival. 

“We planted yams, groundnuts, benniseed and so on. The yam that was planted last year was not able to be harvested, and those who tried to harvest them are being attacked,” he said. 

In the Peva and Amadu communities, which are known as agrarian areas, Moses said locals are facing food scarcity. “Seriously, we are living at the mercy of God, because predominantly, we are farmers and we started receiving these unprovoked attacks since last September, and till today, we are still receiving attacks. We don’t have access to farms, and farm produce has been destroyed. We are facing the challenge of hunger,” Moses said. 

If the attacks persist, local farmers in the region say they fear for their future. 

“The most important thing we need now is peace. That is the restoration of peace in the area. If we’re able to get peace, everything will come back gradually,” Moses said. 

While peace efforts are being made, the Tabithal Pulaaku leader said most of the herders around the affected Southern Taraba communities are still displaced, while some remain missing. Through stakeholder engagements and awareness-raising campaigns, Bello said leaders of the Fulani community are sensitising locals to shun violence and embrace peace to resolve the crisis. 

To permanently break the cycle, the security expert calls on the government to move beyond temporary peace declarations and to continue engaging local leaders and stakeholders from both ethnic groups, formally entrusting them with responsibility for maintaining peace among their people. He strongly advocates for the establishment of modern ranches and clearly designated grazing routes for herding communities. 

“They don’t have a route to follow with their cattle, so they follow people’s farmlands, and that causes a lot of issues. There should be a dedicated path for them,” he said. “The herders should maintain their particular axis and also, people should be notified not to go there and farm.”

He also emphasised the need for a visible security presence in those areas and for constant patrols. “The security agencies should be well equipped and motivated to be very active at work,” the expert added.

South Africa’s government has been accused of not doing enough to crack down on xenophobic attacks.

The safety of African immigrants in South Africa is deteriorating, Nigeria’s foreign minister has warned, after two Nigerians were killed in disputed circumstances during anti-immigrant protests.

“There are no signs that the situation is improving,” Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu said on Monday, while announcing more evacuation flights.

The minister demanded South African authorities investigate the deaths of two Nigerians, Musa Yunana Joe and Charles Iroegbu, killed amid “the ongoing xenophobic protests and attacks on migrants”.

South African police said Joe’s killing did not appear to be related to the protests, but could not immediately comment on Iroegbu’s death.

Nigeria’s foreign ministry says Joe was killed in front of his shop in the northeastern city of ⁠⁠eMalahleni by unidentified criminals on June 28 , while Iroegbu was killed by South African police during interrogation in Pretoria on the same day.

In a statement on Sunday, the ministry said: “We wish to place the Government of South Africa on ‌‌notice that if the situation continues to persist, all options remain on the table, some of which will be activated if the uncultured and provocative trend of intolerance… against foreigners is not addressed”.

South African foreign ministry spokesman Chrispin Phiri said the government had asked Nigeria’s High Commission to submit “any actionable information to our law enforcement authorities, which will enable a thorough, objective investigation in accordance with the rule of law”.

Weeks of anti-immigrant marches

There have been weeks of protests against undocumented migrants, with many South Africans blaming workers from other African countries for taking their jobs and putting a strain on their social services.

South Africa’s government has been accused of not doing enough to crack down on the violence, which has claimed the lives of several foreigners and seen shops owned by immigrants looted and torched.

Mozambique said that five of its citizens were killed in xenophobic attacks in late May. South Africa ⁠⁠said the number was only two.

Ghana and South Africa were embroiled in a diplomatic row last week, following the killing of a Ghanaian national. The South African government said the death of Bashiru Isak was not linked to anti-immigrant protests.

Hundreds of Nigerians, among tens of thousands of foreigners, have already left South Africa, once a popular destination for documented and undocumented African immigrants due to its relatively strong economy.

Uganda’s High Commission in Pretoria announced on Monday that a fourth group of Ugandan nationals were voluntarily repatriating.

South Africa has had a longstanding violent crime problem that precedes the outbreak of xenophobic violence.

CHICAGO — A spate of shootings in Chicago has led to seven deaths and at least 38 injuries since Friday evening, police say, prompting President Trump to renew his call for a military intervention in the nation’s third-largest city.

It is the latest in a series of threats made and interventions ordered by the Republican president against a Democratic-led city, including Los Angeles.

“Why isn’t Governor Pritzker calling me for help. I could make Chicago a safe City in ONE MONTH, in ONE YEAR, it would be one of the safest!!!” Trump said in a Sunday morning post on social media.

The office of Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker, a potential 2028 Democratic presidential contender who has repeatedly rebuffed Trump’s calls for a military intervention, did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Under Trump, National Guard troops have been deployed on crime-fighting missions in Democratic-led cities including New Orleans, Washington and Memphis, Tenn.; and Marines and Guardsmen were sent to L.A. last year amid protests over federal immigration raids.

Although Chicago Police Department data show a slight increase in shooting incidents compared with the first half of last year, violent crime rates have generally dropped in the city over the last few years, in parallel with national trends.

Preliminary information shared by Chicago police indicate there have been at least two dozen shooting incidents since 5 p.m. Friday. Those killed by gunfire include a 21-year-old shot in the chest Sunday, an 18-year-old shot in the armpit Saturday evening and a 50-year-old shot in the chest Friday.

At least 12 people in a crowd on a Chicago street suffered gunshot wounds Friday evening after an SUV pulled up and two people inside started shooting, police said.

The eight men and four women in the group ranged in age from 17 to 47. They were being treated at four hospitals. Police said another man suffered unknown injuries and refused medical treatment.

That shooting happened on Juneteenth, a holiday that celebrates the end of slavery in the U.S. Earlier Friday, former President Obama and former First Lady Michelle Obama welcomed the first visitors to his presidential center on the South Side.

“What should have been a night of celebration and community reflection for Juneteenth was shattered by a horrific act of violence,” Mayor Brandon Johnson said in an X post Saturday. “My thoughts and prayers are with the victims and their loved ones.”

“Violence has no place in our city, and those responsible will be held accountable,” he said.

Al Jazeera’s Basel Ghazoghli traces the documented record from 1948 to the present. Sexual violence against Palestinians in Israeli custody is often framed as a post-October 7 issue. But historical records, academic research, and legal testimony suggest a much longer history.

WASHINGTON — President Trump said Friday that a “swift and lethal kinetic” U.S. strike has killed Hector Rusthenford Guerrero Flores, whom he called “the infamous leader” of the Tren de Aragua gang.

Tren de Aragua has been labeled by the United States as a terrorist organization. Guerrero Flores was charged in a New York federal court with racketeering conspiracy and other crimes, including lending support to terrorists in crimes that stretched more than a decade, authorities announced in December.

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth posted on X that the strike occurred earlier in the week on a Tren de Aragua compound in Venezuela.

U.S. Atty. Jay Clayton alleged at the time that the gang is responsible for countless acts of violence, extortion and drug trafficking in North America, South America and Europe. Trump nominated Clayton on Thursday to be director of national intelligence.

The U.S. State Department had offered rewards of up to $5 million for information leading to Guerrero Flores’ arrest.

In a post on his social media site, Trump wrote, “Tren de Aragua terrorists no longer have safe haven in Venezuela or anywhere else and, under my leadership, we will find these vicious murderers and drug lords anytime, anyplace, and send them to the depths of hell where they belong.” Trump’s post referred to Guerrero Flores by his alias, Niño Guerrero.

Hegseth said, “The operation underscores the shared U.S. and Venezuelan commitment to take the fight to narco-terrorists and deny them any safe haven in our hemisphere.”

Venezuela’s ministry of communications did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the operation.

Trump has taken a series of extraordinary actions against the gang, including a series of strikes on small boats his administration has accused of smuggling drugs to the U.S.. At least 207 people have been killed in boat strikes by the U.S. military in the eastern Pacific Ocean and Caribbean Sea since the Trump administration began the campaign in early September.

Independent investigations, by the Associated Press and others, have raised questions about the boat passengers’ alleged connection to drug trafficking. And, in any case, many legal experts say the boat attacks amount to extrajudicial killings in violation of international law.

Trump and administration officials have consistently blamed Tren de Aragua for being at the root of the violence and illicit drug dealing that plague some U.S. cities. The president spent months repeating the claim — contradicted by a declassified U.S. intelligence assessment — that Tren de Aragua had operated under Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro’s control. The U.S. invaded Venezuela and seized Maduro in January to face U.S. drug charges.

Tren de Aragua originated more than a decade ago at an infamously lawless prison in Venezuela’s central state of Aragua. The gang has expanded in recent years as millions of Venezuelans migrated to other Latin American countries or the U.S. in search of better living conditions.

Guerrero Flores returned to the prison in Aragua on murder and other convictions in 2013, when Venezuela’s crisis began and corruption, mismanagement and a drop in crude prices wrecked the oil-dependent economy. Guerrero Flores and a few other inmates saw a profitable opportunity as the government neglected prisons.

They assumed control and administration of the prison, establishing a system that controlled the entire inmate population through force and extortion. Over time, they transformed the lockup into a sort of city that included a zoo, baseball field, casino and restaurants. Guerrero Flores had his own lavish suite.

The size of the gang is unclear. Countries with large populations of Venezuelan migrants, including Peru and Colombia, have accused the group of being behind a spree of violence in the region. Still, unlike other criminal organizations from Colombia, Brazil and Central America, Tren de Aragua has no large-scale involvement in smuggling cocaine across international borders, according to InSight Crime, a think tank that tracks crime across Latin America.

In Venezuela, gang leaders have long been known to participate in various illegal activities, including illicit gold mining.

Weissert writes for the Associated Press. AP writer Regina Garcia Cano in Mexico City contributed to this report.

A manhunt is underway for at least 10 suspects in a mass shooting that left 12 people dead near Johannesburg, South Africa. The motive for the attack is not known but Al Jazeera’s Fahmida Miller reports that recent shootings have been linked to turf wars or gang violence.

Rams offensive lineman Alaric Jackson was arrested on suspicion of felony domestic violence Monday night in Los Angeles, according to a person with knowledge of the incident not authorized to speak publicly.

Jackson was arrested shortly before 11 p.m. after police responded to a call at a home in West Hills. Upon arrival, police determined that the woman involved in the incident had recorded the interaction and noticed scratch marks on her arms. Jackson was arrested and later booked into jail on a $50,000 bond, according to jail records.

The specific charge Jackson was arrested for is for a person who “willfully inflicts physical or corporal injury resulting in a ‘traumatic condition’ [such as a bruise, scratch, swelling, or internal injury] on an intimate partner.”

The Los Angeles County District Attorney’s Office is reviewing the case for potential charges.

“We are aware of the incident regarding Alaric Jackson, and we take these matters very seriously,” the Rams said in a statement. “Due to this being an ongoing legal situation, we cannot comment further at this time.”

Jackson, 27, entering his sixth season with the Rams as one of their anchors on the offensive line, was suspended by the NFL in 2024 for violating its personal conduct policy.

In November, a woman filed a lawsuit against Jackson alleging he recorded her without her consent during sex. The woman alleged that Jackson repeatedly refused to delete the video and then taunted her with it. The woman reported the incident to the NFL, but the civil case was dismissed.

Jackson, who joined the Rams as an undrafted free agent in 2021, signed a three-year deal with the team in February 2025 that included $35 million in guarantees.

Times staff writers Richard Winton and Gary Klein contributed to this report.

June 4 (UPI) — The Somalian military and opposition militias opposed to an extension of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s term by the country’s parliament skirmished Thursday in its capital.

After the opposing sides set up positions within Mogadishu late Wednesday, gunfire and fighting broke out in the city ahead of planned demonstrations today, The Guardian and The New York Times reported.

Mohamud was due to leave office May 15, but the country’s parliament voted to extend his term by one year, prompting opposition leaders — including former President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed and former Prime Minister Hassan Khayre — to announce demonstrations against what they said is a constitutional crisis.

Ahmed said that government forces had targeted his home intending to kill him because he has spoken out against the extended term and is leading resistance to it.

Ahmed and Khayre each have their own security, as do other clans throughout the country, and the alleged targeting of the leaders by government military forces led to ongoing skirmishes that have left Mogadishu residents fleeing for their safety.

Ahmed, in a video statement, said that government forces had “encircled and attacked my house.”

“I am never scared of their aggressive attack — I will fight back,” he said.

Khayre said in a statement that the government had deployed anti-tank weapons and drones in the attack, endangering civilians in the area.

At a press conference Thursday, Col. Mahdi Omar Mumin said that government forces staged “an operation in which security agencies neutralized armed militia members who yesterday attacked police forces in the Hodan District,” Somalia’s Ministry of Defense said in a statement on X.

“The militia had caused harm to Somali civilians and disrupted security in the capital,” the ministry said.

Mohamud and members of the parliament who support him said the effort is to move from indirect elections to individuals voting specifically for their chosen candidates.

Opposition members have said they fear the change could prevent many people in the country from having a voice in the government and potentially enable greater power for Mohamud.