Tunisia

Mali win penalty shootout after a 1-1 last-16 draw to set up Africa Cup ‍of Nations quarterfinal with Senegal.

El Bilal Toure scored the winning spot-kick as a 10-man Mali beat Tunisia 3-2 on penalties to reach the Africa Cup of Nations quarterfinals after their last-16 tie had finished 1-1 at the end of extra time.

It looked as if Tunisia had got the job done on Saturday against a Mali side forced to play most of the game a man down when substitute Firas Chaouat headed the Carthage Eagles in front in the 88th minute.

Mali had defender Woyo Coulibaly sent off in the 26th minute at the Mohammed V Stadium in Casablanca, but earned a reprieve when they were awarded a stoppage-time penalty.

Lassine Sinayoko converted from the spot to take the tie to extra time and, eventually, on to the decisive shootout.

Captain Yves Bissouma, the Tottenham Hotspur midfielder, blazed Mali’s first kick over the bar, but Ali Abdi then missed for Tunisia before Eagles goalkeeper Djigui Diarra saved two further penalties and Toure won it.

Tom Saintfiet’s Mali advanced to a quarterfinal next Friday in Tangier against West African neighbours Senegal, after the 2022 champions came from behind to beat Sudan 3-1 earlier.

Mali have never won the Cup of Nations, and their prospects here were not helped when right-back Coulibaly, currently based in Italy’s Serie A with Sassuolo, was shown a straight red card for raking his studs down the back of Hannibal Mejbri’s calf.

Yet, the game remained goalless and extra time was looming when Tunisia finally made their numerical superiority count as Elias Saad flighted a ball into the box and Club Africain striker Chaouat stole a march on his marker to head home.

That goal was celebrated by the majority of the 41,982 crowd in Morocco’s largest city, with many locals choosing to give their backing to their fellow North Africans.

And yet, a tie that appeared to be over took a dramatic twist in injury time, with South African referee Abongile Tom pointing to the spot when the ball struck the arm of Tunisia defender Yassine Meriah inside the area.

Auxerre forward Sinayoko kept his cool through a long delay as the official consulted with the VAR team before converting the penalty, with the match in the 96th minute.

Tunisia toiled to create chances in extra time as heavy rain fell. The conditions forced many spectators in the largely uncovered stadium to abandon their seats.

Chaouat had the ball in the net again at the start of the second period of extra time, but was this time denied by the offside flag.

A penalty shootout appeared inevitable, and so it transpired, with Bissouma and Nene Dorgeles failing from the spot for Mali.

However, Abdi’s miss and Diarra’s saves from Elias Achouri and Mohamed Ali Ben Romdhane allowed Mali to win it, when Toure, who had failed to score a penalty in the same stadium against Zambia in the group stage, stepped up to score.

Elsewhere in Group C, Tanzania scrape through to the knockout stages for the first time after 1-1 draw with Tunisia.

Raphael Onyedika has scored twice, and Paul Onuachu has netted his first international goal in four years as already-qualified Nigeria overcame 10-man Uganda 3-1 to maintain a 100 percent record after the group stage and send the East African side home.

Nigeria ‍finished ⁠top of Group C on Tuesday with nine points, followed by Tunisia in second with four and Tanzania, who reached the round of 16 as one of the four best third-placed ​sides after their 1-1 ‌draw with Tunisia, also on Tuesday.

It was a dominant performance from Nigeria despite resting several regulars, having already been assured of the top spot ‍in the group.

After Onuachu missed a simple chance midway through the first half, ​he found the back of the net after 28 minutes.

Fisayo Dele-Bashiru ‌showed quick feet on the left, and his pass in to Onuachu was perfect for the big forward to finish. The goal was the striker’s first for Nigeria since 2021.

Uganda were reduced to 10 men in the 56th minute ‌when substitute goalkeeper Salim Jamal Magoola used his hands about 9 metres (10 yards) outside his area to stop a Victor Osimhen shot.

Magoola had been ‌a halftime replacement for injured starter Denis Onyango, so Uganda ⁠had to use their third goalkeeper in the game as Nafian Alionzi was brought on for midfielder Baba Alhassan.

Nigeria scored their second goal in the 62nd minute when Onyedika took Samuel Chukwueze’s pass and drilled his shot low through the legs of Alionzi.

Onyedika ‌netted his second five minutes later with a side-footed finish, Chukwueze again the provider with a pass from the right.

Uganda got a consolation goal with 15 minutes left as the Nigerian ‍defence momentarily went to sleep and Rogers Mato had time and space from Allan Okello’s pass to lift the ball over the keeper and into the net.

Nevertheless, Nigeria have impressed in the group stage, having been losing finalists two years ago and following the shock of missing out on 2026 World Cup qualification.

Meanwhile, Tanzania reached the knockout stage of the Africa Cup of Nations for the first time, 45 years after their maiden appearance, by coming from behind to draw 1-1 with fellow qualifiers Tunisia in Rabat.

Feisal Salum’s ‌powerful shot three minutes into the second half was enough to secure ‌the draw after Tunisia had been ‌ahead with a ⁠43rd-minute penalty converted by Ismael Gharbi.

It ‍was only ⁠Tanzania’s second point of the tournament but proved enough for them to advance as one of the four best ​third-placed finishers.

Tanzania have been trying since 1980 to advance beyond the group stage and have still to win a match in four appearances.

Victor Osimhen starred as Nigeria became the second qualifiers for the Africa Cup of Nations knockout stage after Egypt by surviving a late Tunisia onslaught to win 3-2 in Fes.

The Super Eagles were cruising to victory on Saturday, leading 3-0 through goals from Osimhen, captain Wilfred Ndidi and Ademola Lookman.

But Tunisia refused to surrender in the top-of-the-table Group C clash, and Montassar Talbi and Ali Abdi scored to set up a tense finish.

Tunisia had two chances to level during seven minutes of added time, but a header from captain Ferjani Sassi and a shot by substitute Ismael Gharbi were just off target.

Nigeria have six points, Tunisia three, and Tanzania and Uganda one each, with the final round of group matches set for Tuesday.

The showdown was the seventh time the Super Eagles and the Carthage Eagles had faced each other at an AFCON.

Nigeria won three times, and Tunisia once. Another two meetings went to penalty shootouts, with each nation winning one.

After performing well below par when edging Tanzania in the opening round, Nigeria were a transformed team against Tunisia, dominating the first 30 minutes in the northern city.

Osimhen was outstanding, particularly in aerial duels, while Tunisia were forced to constantly defend against the three-time champions.

The Galatasaray striker, wearing his trademark mask, headed just over after nine minutes, and came close again soon after as he rose to meet a corner kick.

Osimhen had the ball in the net after 17 minutes, but was rightly ruled offside. Big-screen replays showed the 2023 African player of the year timing his run too early.

Tunisia midfielder Hannibal Mejbri was lucky to escape a yellow card for dissent after reacting angrily when a Nigerian took a foul throw, flinging the ball into the ground.

Osimhen was wide with another headed goal attempt, then left the pitch temporarily so that the medical staff could apply a spray to his leg.

Tunisia finally broke out of a defensive shell on 32 minutes and forced a corner. The set-piece ended with the ball coming back to Abdi, whose shot flew well over.

Several Tunisian raids reaped no reward, and on 44 minutes, the goalless deadlock was broken, with Osimhen, predictably, the scorer.

The goal involved two former African players of the year, with 2024 winner Lookman crossing the ball and Osimhen rising between Abdi and Talbi to head powerfully into the net.

Just five minutes into the second half, Nigeria stretched their lead to two goals, as they once again exposed the aerial weaknesses of the Tunisian defence.

Atalanta striker Lookman was the architect again, floating a corner into the heart of the goalmouth, where Ndidi soared to beat goalkeeper Aymen Dahmen and score his first international goal.

After creating the first two goals, Lookman scored the third on 67 minutes, after being set up by Osimhen. He had time to control the ball in the box before slamming it into the net off the post.

Tunisia pulled one goal back with 16 minutes remaining. The North Africans finally got the better of an aerial duel, and Talbi nodded a Mejbri free-kick into the net.

The goal had a dramatic effect as Tunisia took control and scored again with three minutes left, when Abdi converted a penalty awarded after a VAR review showed Bright Samuel handled.

Uganda spurn penalty chance to beat Tanzania

Uganda’s Allan Okello missed a late penalty as his side had to settle for a 1-1 draw against East African neighbours Tanzania at the Africa Cup of Nations earlier on Saturday.

Okello’s failure to convert from the spot denied Uganda a precious victory in the Group C clash after Uche Ikpeazu had scored a late equaliser for the Cranes in front of 10,540 fans at Al Medina Stadium in Rabat.

Before that, it looked like Tanzania, winless in 10 previous matches across four AFCON tournaments, might finally break their duck when Simon Msuva put them in front from the penalty spot.

But Ikpeazu, who plays in the Scottish second tier for St Johnstone, headed in a cross by fellow substitute Denis Omedi to level the scores with 10 minutes remaining.

“I have a very bad feeling, because I think we didn’t deserve this draw. I think we had more opportunities,” said Uganda coach Paul Put.

Of the missed penalty, he said, “That is very, very painful, but that is also football.”

The deadlock between the regional rivals, who will co-host the 2027 Cup of Nations with Kenya, does little to help their chances of progressing to the last 16 from Group C.

Both have one point from two matches and trail Nigeria and Tunisia, with the two former champions facing off later on Saturday in Fes.

“It is not in our hands, but we have to believe,” said Put, whose team play Nigeria next.

Uganda, who have just one AFCON win of their own across three tournament appearances since losing the 1978 final, came closest to scoring in the first half.

An Aziz Kayondo cross from the left was met by the head of Rogers Mato, whose effort came back off the underside of the crossbar.

Tanzania were awarded a spot-kick just before the hour mark, when a shot by Alphonce Msanga struck the arm of Uganda’s Baba Alhassan.

The experienced Msuva, who plays club football in Iraq, made no mistake from the spot and has now scored goals at three different AFCON tournaments.

However, a dramatic finish to the game amid a torrential downpour saw Tanzania squander the lead and then breathe a big sigh of relief as Uganda missed the opportunity to claim victory.

Ikpeazu made it 1-1, and Uganda won a penalty when James Bogere went down as his shirt was pulled by Tanzania defender Haji Mnoga of Salford City.

With the game in the 90th minute, Okello stepped up and was perhaps put off by a huge clap of thunder just before he took his kick, which went over the bar.

“I am a little bit disappointed with the result, because we tried to win the game, but we also could have lost it in the last five minutes,” said Tanzania coach Miguel Angel Gamondi.

“We wanted our first win at the Africa Cup of Nations, and I am very sorry for all the Tanzanian people.”

Follow our live build-up, with team news coverage, before our text commentary stream of the Africa Cup of Nations tie.

The way the story is often told is that Western countries gifted human rights to the world and are the sole guardians of it. It may come as a surprise for some, then, that the international legal framework for prohibiting racial discrimination largely owes its existence to the efforts of states from the Global South.

In 1963, in the midst of the decolonisation wave, a group of nine newly independent African states presented a resolution to the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) calling for the drafting of an international treaty on the elimination of racial discrimination. As the representative from Senegal observed: “Racial discrimination was still the rule in African colonial territories and in South Africa, and was not unknown in other parts of the world … The time had come to bring all States into that struggle.”

The groundbreaking International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) was unanimously adopted by the UNGA two years later. The convention rejected any doctrine of superiority based on racial differentiation as “scientifically false, morally condemnable and socially unjust”.

Today, as we mark 60 years since its adoption, millions of people around the world continue to face racial discrimination – whether in policing, migration policies or exploitative labour conditions.

In Brazil, Amnesty International documented how a deadly police operation in Rio de Janeiro’s favelas this October resulted in the massacre by security forces of more than 100 people, most of them Afro-Brazilians and living in poverty.

In Tunisia, we have seen how authorities have for the past three years used migration policies to carry out racially targeted arrests and detentions and mass expulsions of Black refugees and asylum seekers.

Meanwhile, in Saudi Arabia, Kenyan female domestic workers face racism and exploitation from their employers, enduring gruelling and abusive working conditions.

In the United States, diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) initiatives aimed at tackling systemic racism have been eliminated across federal agencies. Raids by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) targeting migrants and refugees are a horrifying feature of President Donald Trump’s mass deportation and detention agenda, rooted in white supremacist narratives.

Migrants held in detention centres have been subjected to torture and a pattern of deliberate neglect designed to dehumanise and punish.

Elsewhere, Amnesty International has documented how new digital technologies are automating and entrenching racism, while social media offers inadequately moderated forums for racist and xenophobic content. For example, our investigation into the United Kingdom’s Southport racist riots found that X’s design and policy choices created fertile ground for the inflammatory, racist narratives that resulted in the violent targeting of Muslims and migrants.

Even human rights defenders from the Global South face racial discrimination when they have to apply for visas to Global North countries in order to attend meetings where key decisions are made on human rights.

All these instances of systemic racism have their roots in the legacies of European colonial domination and the racist ideologies on which they were built. This era, which spanned nearly four centuries and extended across six continents, saw atrocities that had historical consequences – from the erasure of Indigenous populations to the transatlantic slave trade.

The revival of anti-right movements globally has led to a resurgence of racist and xenophobic rhetoric, a scapegoating of migrants and refugees, and a retrenchment in anti-discrimination measures and protections.

At the same time, Western states have been all too willing to dismantle international law and institutions to legitimise Israel’s genocide against Palestinians in Gaza and shield Israeli authorities from justice and accountability.

Just as the creation of the ICERD was driven by African states 60 years ago, Global South countries continue to be at the forefront of the fight against racial oppression, injustice and inequality. South Africa notably brought the case against Israel at the International Court of Justice and cofounded The Hague Group – a coalition of eight Global South states organising to hold Israel accountable for genocide.

On the reparations front, it is Caribbean and African states, alongside Indigenous peoples, Africans and people of African descent, that are leading the pursuit of justice. The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) has been intensifying pressure on European governments to reckon with their colonial past, including during a recent visit to the United Kingdom by the CARICOM Reparations Commission.

As the African Union announced 2026-36 the Decade of Reparations last month, African leaders gathered in Algiers for the International Conference on the Crimes of Colonialism, at which they consolidated demands for the codification of colonialism as a crime under international law.

But this is not enough. States still need to confront racism as a structural and systemic issue, and stop pretending slavery and colonialism are a thing of the past with no impact on our present.

Across the world, people are resisting. In Brazil, last month, hundreds of thousands of Afro-Brazilian women led the March of Black Women for Reparations and Wellbeing against racist and gendered historic violence. In the US, people fought back against the wave of federal immigration raids this year, with thousands taking to the streets in Los Angeles to protest and residents of Chicago mobilising to protect migrant communities and businesses against ICE raids.

Governments need to listen to their people and fulfil their obligations under ICERD and national law to protect the marginalised and oppressed against discrimination.

The views expressed in this article are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

The Arab Spring began in Tunisia 15 years ago, after Mohamed Bouazizi set fire to himself triggering unrest which toppled the dictator and sparked hopes for freedom. Relatives of political prisoners say President Kais Saied has pushed the country back into authoritarianism.

Fifteen years ago, a Tunisian fruit seller, Mohamed Bouazizi, despairing at official corruption and police violence, walked to the centre of his hometown of Sidi Bouzid, set himself on fire, and changed the region forever.

Much of the hope triggered by that act lies in ruins. The revolutions that followed in Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and Syria have cost the lives of tens and thousands before, in some cases, giving way to chaos or the return of authoritarianism.

Only Tunisia appeared to fulfil the promise of the “Arab Spring”, with voices from around the world championing its democratic success, ignoring economic and political failings through much of its post-revolutionary history that stirred discontent.

Today, many of Tunisia’s post-revolutionary gains have been cast aside in the wake of President Kais Saied’s dramatic power grab in July 2021. Labelled a coup by his opponents, it ushered in a new hardline rule in Tunisia.

Burying the hopes of the revolution

Over the following years, as well as temporarily shuttering parliament – only reopening it in March 2023 – Saied has rewritten the constitution and overseen a relentless crackdown on critics and opponents.

“They essentially came for everyone; judges, civil society members, people from all political backgrounds, especially the ones that were talking about unifying an opposition against the coup regime,” Kaouther Ferjani, whose father, 71-year-old Ennahdha leader Said Ferjani, was arrested in February 2023.

In September, Saied said his measures were a continuation of the revolution triggered by Bouzazzi’s self-immolation. Painting himself a man of the people, he railed against nameless “lobbyists and their supporters” who thwart the people’s ambitions.

However, while many Tunisians have been cowed into silence by Saied’s crackdown, they have also refused to take part in elections, now little more than a procession for the president.

In 2014, during the country’s first post-revolution presidential election, about 61 percent of the country’s voters turned out to vote.

By last year’s election, turnout had halved.

“Kais Saied’s authoritarian rule has definitively buried the hopes and aspirations of the 2011 revolution by systematically crushing fundamental rights and freedoms and putting democratic institutions under his thumb,” Bassam Khawaja, deputy director at Human Rights Watch, told Al Jazeera English.

In the wake of the revolution, many across Tunisia became activists, seeking to involve themselves in forging what felt like a new national identity.

The number of civil society organisations exploded, with thousands forming to lobby against corruption or promote human rights, transitional justice, press freedom and women’s rights.

At the same time, political shows competed for space, debating the direction the country’s new identity would take.

“It was an amazing time,” a political analyst who witnessed the revolution and remains in Tunisia said, asking to remain anonymous. “Anybody with anything to say was saying it.

“Almost overnight, we had hundreds of political parties and thousands of civil society organisations. Many of the political parties shifted or merged… but Tunisia retained an active civil society, as well as retaining freedom of speech all the way up to 2022.”

Threatened by Saied’s Decree 54 of 2022, which criminalised any electronic communication deemed by the government as false, criticism of the ruling elite within the media and even on social networks has largely been muzzled.

“Freedom of speech was one of the few lasting benefits of the revolution,” the analyst continued.

“The economy failed to pick up, services didn’t really improve, but we had debate and freedom of speech. Now, with Decree 54, as well as commentators just being arrested for whatever reason, it’s gone.”

In 2025, both Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch slammed Tunisia’s crackdown on activists and nongovernmental organisations (NGOs).

In a statement before the prosecution of six NGO workers and human rights defenders working for the Tunisian Council for Refugees in late November, Amnesty pointed to the 14 Tunisian and international NGOs that had their activities suspended by court order over the previous four months.

Included were the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women, the Tunisian Forum for Social and Economic Rights, the media platform Nawaat and the Tunis branch of the World Organisation against Torture.

‘Plotting against state security’

Dozens of political figures from post-revolution governments have also been arrested, with little concern for party affiliation or ideology.

In April 2023, 84-year-old Rached Ghannouchi, leader of what had been Tunisia’s main political bloc, the Ennahdha Party, was arrested on charges of “plotting against state security”.

According to his daughter, Yusra, after a series of subsequent convictions, Ghannouchi currently faces a further 42 years in jail.

Later the same year, Ghannouchi’s principal critic, Abir Moussi, the leader of the Free Destourian Party, was jailed on a variety of charges.

Critics dismiss the charges, saying the criteria for arrest have been the person’s potential to rally opinion against Saied.

“This is not just the case for my father,” Yusra continued, referring to others, such as the leading post-coup opposition figure Jawhar Ben Mubarak.

“Other politicians, judges, journalists, and ordinary citizens … have been sentenced to very heavy sentences, without any evidence, without any respect for legal procedures, simply because Tunisia has now sadly been taken back to the very same dictatorship against which Tunisians had risen in 2010.”

Ghannouchi and Moussi, along with dozens of former elected lawmakers, remain in jail. The political parties that once vied for power in the country’s parliament are largely absent.

In their place, since Saied’s revised 2022 constitution weakened parliament, is a body that is no longer a threat to the president.

“The old parliament was incredibly fractious, and did itself few favours,” said Hatem Nafti, essayist and author of Our Friend Kais Saied, a book criticising Tunisia’s new regime. He was referring to the ammunition provided to its detractors by a chaotic and occasionally violent parliament.

“However, it was democratically elected and blocked legislation that its members felt would harm Tunisia.

“In the new parliament, members feel the need to talk tough and even be rude to ministers,” Nafti continued. “But it’s really just a performance… Nearly all the members are there because they agree with Kais Saied.”

Hopes that the justice system might act as a check on Saied have faltered. The president has continued to remodel the judiciary to a design of his own making, including by sacking 57 judges for not delivering verdicts he wanted in 2022.

By the 2024 elections, that effort appeared complete, with the judicial opposition to his rule that remained, in the shape of the administrative court, rendered subservient to his personally appointed electoral authority, and the most serious rivals for the presidency jailed.

“The judiciary is now almost entirely under the government’s control,“ Nafti continued. “Even under [deposed President Zine El Abidine] Ben Ali you had the CSM [Supreme Judicial Council], which oversaw judges’ appointments, promotions, and disciplinary matters.

“Now that only exists on paper, with the minister of justice able to determine precisely what judges go where and what judgements they’ll deliver.”

Citing what he said is the “shameful silence of the international community that once supported the country’s democratic transition”, Khawaja said: ”Saied has returned Tunisia to authoritarian rule.”