Terrorism in the Digital Age: New Threats and Outdated State Strategies
In an era where nearly all activity has shifted to the digital space, terrorism has also evolved. Terrorists no longer need territory to establish training camps, ideological teachers, or secret meetings in the middle of the night. All they need now is an internet connection, a social media account, and closed, hard-to-trace chat rooms. This is the new face of terrorism: invisible, borderless, and infiltrating our daily lives through the small screens in our hands. This phenomenon creates a threat that is far more difficult to address than the conventional forms of terrorism that have historically been the primary focus of states.
This transformation of terrorism is no longer an academic prediction, but it is already happening. ISIS is the most obvious example. When its physical territory collapsed in 2019, analysts expected the group to slowly fade away. In fact, they have emerged even more dangerously through the digital world. By utilizing social media, Telegram, dark forums, and professionally polished propaganda videos, ISIS has succeeded in establishing a “virtual caliphate” with followers spread across the globe. In Indonesia, the National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT) even noted that the majority of radicalization of terrorists over the past decade has occurred online. This means that violent narratives are now spreading faster than the state can control them.
This phenomenon raises a far more serious problem: terrorism no longer takes the form of large groups easily targeted by security forces but rather individuals or small groups inspired online. This is known as lone wolf terrorism. Many perpetrators have never met their network leaders, never entered a training cell, or even left their homes. They learn to make bombs through anonymous PDFs, discuss discussions in encrypted groups, and gain legitimacy through calls to digital jihad. The most obvious examples come from lone wolf attacks in Europe and America, including those radicalized simply by watching YouTube videos or following propaganda accounts on social media.
Indonesia is no exception. The 2021 suicide bombing at Makassar Cathedral Church is one of the most prominent examples of how digital radicalization works. The perpetrators were known to actively consume extremist content online and interact in groups affiliated with Jamaah Ansharut Daulah (JAD). They never underwent organized physical training. The entire recruitment process, indoctrination, and even action direction were conducted digitally. This is a new form of terrorism that is much more difficult to map, spreads much faster, and is far more dangerous.
Even more worrying, technological advances such as artificial intelligence (AI) are giving terrorists new tools that never existed before. Deepfakes, for example, allow someone to create videos of religious figures calling for jihad that appear “authentic.” AI-based disinformation can also amplify conspiracy theories and encourage easily triggered individuals to commit violence. Cybersecurity experts have even warned that in the next few years, AI-based terrorism could produce forms of attack never imagined in previous eras, including automated attack scripts, measured psychological manipulation, and personalized propaganda—something impossible to do manually.
The problem is, state strategies both in Indonesia and many other countries are still lagging behind. Our counterterrorism policies still focus on physical threats: arrests, network dismantling, weapons confiscation, and headquarters raids. These are certainly important, but not enough. States often fail to understand that today’s radicalization doesn’t occur in small mosques or secret training camps but rather through social media algorithms that unwittingly push extremist content to vulnerable users. Digital regulation has also moved much slower than the technological innovations exploited by extremist groups.
State weakness is also evident in the limited ability of law enforcement to track encrypted communications. Apps like Telegram, Discord, and WhatsApp have end-to-end encryption systems that make messages unreadable to third parties. Meanwhile, terrorist groups are quickly shifting their activities to the most difficult platforms to monitor. Without comparable technological capabilities, states will always be left behind. Ironically, the majority of national security budgets are still focused on conventional strategies, even though the greatest threats now emerge from the digital space.
This situation demands a comprehensive change in approach for the state. Anti-terrorism strategies in the digital age must combine security policies with a deep understanding of the technology ecosystem. First, modern cyber surveillance capabilities are needed, not in the sense of violating public privacy, but rather in the sense of enhancing collaboration between governments, social media platforms, and digital service providers. Technology companies like Meta, Google, and TikTok must become strategic partners in efforts to remove extremist content and prevent algorithms from spreading radical material.
Second, the state must strengthen international cooperation. Digital terrorism knows no borders. Attacks in Indonesia could be initiated from Syria, the Southern Philippines, or Europe. Cooperation with Interpol, ASEAN Counter-Terrorism, and other global institutions is crucial for tracking transnational networks that utilize the internet for propaganda and coordination.
Third, deradicalization must also adapt. The old approach, which relied solely on face-to-face counseling, is no longer sufficient. Digital deradicalization through counter-narratives, moderate influencers, and creative content targeting young people is imperative. Extremist narratives must be countered in the same place where they thrive: social media.
Fourth, digital literacy must be part of the national security strategy. Many individuals are exposed to radicalization not because they are ideologically extreme, but because they cannot distinguish credible information from propaganda. Teaching the public to recognize misinformation, conspiracy theories, and radical content is the most fundamental form of defense in this era.
And lastly, the state must raise awareness that terrorism today no longer originates in physical spaces but in the digital spaces we use every day. This threat may be invisible, but its impact is very real. If the state does not immediately update its security strategy and adapt to changes in the digital world, the radicalization of the younger generation will not only be difficult to prevent, it will also continue to increase unnoticed.
Terrorism in the digital age is a new battlefield that no longer relies on guns and bombs but rather on narratives, algorithms, and propaganda that spread in seconds. We have only two choices: adapt or be left behind. Amid rapid technological change, national security can only be assured if the state moves faster than the ever-changing threats. Otherwise, we will continue to be surprised by attacks that actually started long before the perpetrator hit the “upload” button.
