Sea

For about a month, the United States had refrained from attacking Iranian targets as the Trump administration turned toward economic warfare against the Islamic Republic. However, that changed last night when U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) struck what it said were Iranian rocket launchers preparing to fire naval mines into the Strait of Hormuz. The problem is that mine-deploying rockets are not a common capability, so much so that the statement seemed bizarre at first glance. But it just turns out that Iran does claim to have such a system and that system would have a glaring application in the current state of play of the conflict. In fact, it would be absolutely critical to do exactly what CENTCOM did, blowing them up prior to launching, because if they didn’t, the final and very fragile energy lifeline between the Persian Gulf and the world could be severed at the worst possible time.

“I can confirm that earlier today U.S. forces struck two Iranian launchers on Larak Island,” Navy Capt. Tim Hawkins, CENTCOM’s spokesman, told us Sunday evening. “Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps forces were observed preparing to launch rockets with sea mines into the Strait of Hormuz.”

The U.S. strikes against the launchers on Sunday spurred Iran to respond with ballistic missile attacks on a Jordanian air base housing U.S. troops. Jordanian officials said all eight missiles were intercepted, and no casualties or damage was inflicted.

Hawkins did not specify what exact type of rocket launcher was struck or whether this was the first time CENTCOM had seen Iran use this type of system to launch sea mines.

Though CENTCOM won’t comment on what kind of system was attacked, Iran did tout just this kind of a system last year with exactly the kind of range needed to be a huge problem for the U.S. and its allies. This system uses a variant of the Fajr-5 rocket that is converted with a sea mine warhead.

You can see a video of that system below.

The clip shows the rockets being fired from a truck-mounted multiple launch rocket system (MLRS). The video later cuts to nose cone-shaped mines that appear to float on the surface above the spent missile body, however, little is known about the Fajr-5 sea mine warhead conversion process that allows them to be delivered by rocket.

We also don’t know the full extent to which Iran has developed and/or fielded this particular capability, or whether it has other options for similarly deploying naval mines by rocket. Neither Behnam Ben Taleblu, a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD) think tank, nor the Ambrey maritime security firm has seen any indication that Tehran has used an MLRS to launch sea mines in the past.

At the same time, “the Fajr-5 is an Iranian calling card, a 333mm caliber rocket that can reportedly travel 75 km carrying between an estimated 90 to 170 kg warhead, depending on the payload,” Taleblu, an expert on Iranian weapons systems, told TWZ.

The Fajr-5 is an established design that traces its roots back to the 1990s and has been evolving since then. “The Fajr class was initially designed as unguided artillery rockets, though Iran claims to have developed a guided version,” Taleblu added.

In general terms, being able to seed naval mines via artillery rockets would offer several advantages for Iran, most immediately by offering an alternative to traditional maritime mine-laying platforms. The destruction of Iran’s naval forces was a top stated objective for the U.S. military during the opening phases of the conflict earlier this year. Iranian vessels, including ones capable of laying mines, were heavily targeted. Still, Iran has retained a large number of its smaller boats that can be used for seeding minefields.

Regardless of what boats they have left, mining the area that actually matters most would be impossible to do as any vessel approaching the southern coast of the Strait of Hormuz would be destroyed. It’s through these tight and complex littorals that a reduced flow of commercial vessels are still traveling, under the kinetic umbrella of the U.S. and its Gulf state allies. The Fajr-5, fired from Iranian controlled islands in the strait, has the range to land in these waterways, seeding mines without risking any boat crews or other platforms. If the rocket-delivered mines splash down, the de-mining process would have to begin, which can be arduous and last weeks, potentially shutting down all shipping.

With that in mind, Iran’s weapon is remarkably relevant to the situation, assuming it works. But even if it doesn’t, it could still pose a risk to mariners even if its efficacy is questionable.

Furthermore, being able to turn any launcher for Fajr-5s (and/or potentially ones for other types of artillery rockets) into a naval mine layer rather than having to rely on specialized systems would be a boon unto itself. Artillery rockets and launchers are something Iran had deep stockpiles of before the war with the United States and Israel started earlier this year. How many naval mine rockets Iran might have, and whether it might be possible to convert existing types to that configuration, are open questions.

Using a road-mobile launcher would also give Iranians a ‘shoot-and-scoot’ option for deploying naval mines where the launch could be exposed only for a short period of time. This, in turn, would create additional targeting challenges for U.S. forces. It is possible that, as it does elsewhere, Iran has constructed tunnels under Larak Island to hide these systems, as well. 

Overall, the “deployment of naval mines by missile significantly speeds up the deployment process, improves the ability to penetrate airspace, and increases the standoff distance between the minelayer and the field, making it the least risky minelaying method,” a piece published by the Center for International Maritime Security (CIMSEC) think tank last year, which also highlighted Iran’s apparent demonstration of the Fajr-5-based capability, noted.

While the Fajr-5’s estimated payload capacity is “light compared to U.S. or Chinese naval mines,” the mines the rockets could deliver “are still heavier than diver-delivered limpet mines and could conceivably disable a ship if struck by enough mines from the field,” the piece added. “Most importantly, this field could be delivered rapidly and with little warning. Even though the explosive capacity of this mine individually is small, the psychological impact from inflicting minor damage on a small number of merchants could still be enough to force shipping companies to avoid the area.”

“Though it’s a bit unconventional, using a rocket launcher again signals that the regime is sensitive to cost and risk, and is trying to deploy mines in a way that doesn’t put as much personnel at risk as by dropping them overboard,” Taleblu posited. “It was reported in the military exercise over a year ago that the regime had used an MLRS system like the Fajr to deploy these, but I haven’t seen significant video confirmation of this most recent round.”

With all this in mind, the point about “psychological impact” mentioned in the CIMSEC piece could be particularly relevant in this case. By launching the attacks on Larak Island, CENTCOM has in a way given credence to Iran having a real capability to launch mines via rocket into the Strait of Hormuz. That threat by itself could be enough to cause commercial ship crews, their corporate operators, and insurance companies to think twice about attempted transits.

This is exactly the issue that President Trump, among others, has repeatedly sought to downplay, including multiple times just within the past week.

“We’re taking them in,” Trump told Glenn Beck last week. “The mines are gone. You probably saw that, we put it out yesterday, all the mines. We got rid of the mines. But the strait, it’s functioning, it’s a functioning strait. Uh, yes, every once in a while, there’ll be a drone or a rocket or something shot, but it is a very functioning strait.”

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“Last week, CENTCOM completed clearing sea mines from the strait’s international shipping routes,” Hawkins, the CENTCOM spokesman, told us yesterday. “U.S. forces are monitoring the area closely and remain prepared to protect the free flow of commerce through this essential waterway.”

“The U.S. military has achieved a major milestone in the Strait of Hormuz,” Adm. Brad Cooper, CENTCOM’s commander, stated last week. “We have successfully cleared sea mines in the strait’s international shipping lanes that were laid months ago by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Internationally recognized transit routes in the strait are free of Iranian sea mines, thanks to the incredible work of the U.S. military.”

Aug. 31 (UPI) — A supertanker transiting the Strait of Hormuz struck two sea mines, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps said Monday, days after the Trump administration said it had cleared the vital transit route of the explosive devices.

According to a statement from the IRGC Navy carried by semi-official Tasnim News Agency, the unidentified tanker struck the mines, caught fire and came to a stop.

The IRGC Navy said the vessel had attempted to pass through an “illegal route south of the Strait of Hormuz” when it came into contact with the mines.

The IRGC Navy once again warns that the fate of ships that violate the security regulations of the Strait of Hormuz will be no different from this,” it said.

“Compliance with the regulations issued by the IRGC Navy for passage through the strait is mandatory.”

The U.S.-Iran war has for months been focused on the Strait of Hormuz, which Iran has restricted commercial passage through with the use of mines, drones and artillery since the start of the conflict.

The U.S. military has been fighting to regain freedom of navigation through this chokepoint, and President Donald Trump has repeatedly stated that vessels are freely able to transit it despite only 8.3% of the normal daily volume passing in the last 24 hours with hundreds of vessels waiting, according to the independent Hormuz Strait Monitor.

Last week, Trump claimed all mines planted by the IRGC in the strait had been cleared and Iran had been warned that any ship planting new mines would be “destroyed.”

U.S. Central Command Commander Adm. Brad Cooper later in the week echoed Trump, saying, “We have successfully cleared sea mines in the strait’s international shipping lanes.”

Neither claim could be independently verified.

The announcement came hours after U.S. forces said it struck a pair of rocket launchers on an island in the Strait of Hormuz on Sunday, the first U.S. military action taken against Iran in weeks.

Aug. 28 (UPI) — The U.S. military said it has clear the Strait of Hormuz of Iranian mines, removing a major obstacle to President Donald Trump‘s goal of regaining freedom of navigation through the vital energy route, though Iran refutes the claim.

The strait has become a focal point in the U.S. war against Iran, which has been restricting maritime traffic at the chokepoint via military drones, missiles and mines since the conflict began.

Trump has repeatedly stated for months that the strait is open, despite the number of ships making it through each day dwindling from about 140 vessels to only a handful.

U.S. Central Command Commander Adm. Brad Cooper announced in a video posted online that the U.S. military has “achieved a major milestone” in the Strait of Hormuz.

“We have successfully cleared sea mines in the strait’s international shipping lanes that were laid months ago by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Internationally recognized transit routes in the strait are free of Iranian sea mines, thanks to the incredible work of the U.S. military,” he said.

Cooper made the announcement a day after Trump on Tuesday said on his Truth Social platform that he had been informed that the mines had been cleared by the U.S. Navy.

“Iran has been notified that any ship or boat placing new mines will be immediately and systematically destroyed,” he said.

“Through Space Force, we are watching every square inch of the Strait,” he added. “There is Zero Tolerance policy on mine placement in full force and effect.”

The claim could not be independently verified.

However, Iran’s deputy foreign minister, Kazem Gharibabadi, refuted Trump’s comments, saying only Iran knows where the mines are, Iran’s semi-official Tasnim News Agency reported.

“The Strait of Hormuz is closed both because of the presence of mines and because of our military actions. If America is making this claim, why is not a single vessel passing through?” he said, seemingly meaning none have transited without Iran’s permission.

“These remarks are propaganda intended to create calm in global energy markets. No one has accepted these claims.”

Gharibabadi was speaking about framework for the strait being by Iran and Oman.

A provision of the proposed agreement concerns the implementation of a joint project to clear the strait of mines.

Iran has restricted transit of the strait since the war began Feb. 28, when it was attacked by the United States and Israel. While the United States launched the war with the goal of preventing Tehran from securing a nuclear weapon and encouraging regime change, the Trump administration has now focused on regaining freedom of navigation through the strait. Iran is fighting to maintain its ability to oversee ships transiting the chokepoint.

STRIKING orange sunsets over sage green marshes. Clear, starry skies and healing salty air. A seafront pub bringing all the party vibes and the best of local seafood.

This is The White Horse in Brancaster Staithe, a posh pub with rooms on the North Norfolk coast.

Norfolk locals like me will tell you this pub is famous for three things: Oyster festivals, blazing orange sunsets, and the colossal Seafood Platter that’s doing the rounds on social media. (And maybe that clip of General Manager Rob falling off his chair on Instagram).

Here’s everything you need to know about staying at The White Horse.

Where is The White Horse?

The White Horse sits on the North Norfolk coastline in the seaside village of Brancaster Staithe.

This stretch of North Norfolk coast is known for it’s freshly-caught seafood such as lobsters and oysters, vast golden beaches and laid-back, friendly feel.

POSH PUB

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SEA IT

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The seafront pub sits smack-bang on the Norfolk Coast Path, its garden leading straight out onto the coastal trail with its maze of creeks and pretty marshland.

Follow the trail along to Brancaster Beach to find a sprawling expanse of dog-friendly golden sand, where you can even spot the rusted wreck of a WWII ship.

What is the hotel like?

The White Horse has an impressive exterior, with multi-levelled restaurants directly facing the salt marshes.

This setup offers unbeatable sunset views for arguably the best outdoor dining on the North Norfolk coast.

Inside the beachy theme continues with rattan furniture, shell and sailing artwork lining the walls, as well as a balance of cool blue and warm orange tones to reflect those famous Norfolk sunsets over the sea.

Whether you’re sipping your morning coffee by the creeks, or enjoying a pint of golden Wherry by the roaring fire, the whole place operates at an unhurried coastal pace – what locals dub being on ‘Norfolk time’.

What are the rooms like?

There’s 15 bedrooms in the main building, many of which look out over the sea, offering views over the sandy stretch of Scolt Head Island.

The ‘Room at the Top’ comes with a stargazing terrace and telescope, letting you take full advantage of Norfolk’s clear, starry skies.

The pub’s eight garden rooms are pricier starting at £210 per night, but are super spacious, come with their own outdoor terrace, and are just steps from the sea.

Rooms start from £165 per night, including breakfast. See whitehorsebrancaster.co.uk.

What is there to eat and drink?

There’s three main spots to eat here: the cosy bar, the swanky main restaurant, and the vibey Marshside bar.

The main bar is perfect for popping into after a breezy beach walk, where you can grab a pint of local ale or a hot drink and sink into the sofa.

There’s also light lunches and dinner on offer here, like focaccia sandwiches (£12.50), fish and chips (£22.50) and a local beef burger with fries (£19).

The raised main restaurant boasts panoramic views over the marshes, with floor-to-ceiling windows that allow the sunlight to flood in, with touches of warm light and glowing candles.

Here you can order a locally-caught Market Fish of the Day (£28.50) served with Norfolk potatoes, three huge Brancaster Rock Oysters for £13.50, or the one that people travel far and wide for: the Seafood Platter.

The Seafood Platter comes with smoked salmon, oysters, crab, cockles, clams, tuna, crevettes, prawn cocktail, caviar, mackerel, sauces and focaccia for £89, and can easily be shared between 2-3 people. It’s a must-try!

Then there’s Marshside – the outdoor bar and restaurant where the pub’s festivals are held in summer, and cocktails are enjoyed with salty air and vibey music.

If you’re dining at Marshside, go for the chicken kiev and fries – or a cheeky Bloody Mary served with an oyster on the side for £15.

What else is there to do there?

This pub hosts very popular festivals over the summer and into September, including an annual Oyster Festival, Paella Weekend and a Lobster BBQ. Make sure to check the website for specific dates.

My favourite is the Sea Shanty Festival, where local crew Nelson’s Shantymen and touring shanty groups perform sea-faring favourites like Blow The Man Down and the TikTok-famous ‘Wellerman’ to raise money for the RNLI.

Outside of the festivals, there’s plenty of water sports to tackle nearby, from stand up paddling with Brancaster Boards to sailing with Brancaster Staithe Sailing Club.

If you’re looking to unwind, Wild Yoga Norfolk offers unique seaside wellness sessions like seaside sauna and swims in the saltwater creeks.

Twitchers will love nearby Titchwell Marsh, where you can spot birds like pink-footed geese, marsh harriers and avocets.

Sister pub The Jolly Sailors is just a few minutes down the road, and has a large beer garden with beach huts selling everything from unicorn ice cream to rum cocktails. They also serve generous bowls of local mussels, when in season.

Is it family friendly?

There are dedicated family rooms here with space for extra beds – just make sure to mention if you need this when booking.

There’s also a children’s menu in the restaurant with options for ‘Little Kids’ like haddock and chips (£9.50) and a chargrilled chicken burger (£9.50), or ‘Bigger Kids’ mains like a beef burger (£16) and even half a lobster with fries (£28).

Is the hotel accessible?

There are accessible garden rooms with ramps, as well as step-free access to restaurants.

Make sure to mention any additional needs you may have when booking.

It has been dubbed one of the most unique villages in the UK thanks to its steep cobbled streets, stunning beach and car-free policy that sees residents use sledges for transport

The UK boasts some stunning locations, but one village in North Devon could well be among the most distinctive. Nestled into a dramatic sea cliff, the village is so steep that cars are banned from its cobbled streets, forcing locals to devise a rather unconventional method of getting about. Instead of vehicles navigating tight lanes, residents rely on sledges to haul items up and down the remarkably steep hillside.

TikTok user David Ashman paid a visit to the village and was left astounded by what he discovered. The village comprises a remarkable maze of cobbled streets, with a pub and hotel positioned at both the top and bottom of the slope. This means residents and visitors face plenty of climbing, with what David described as an “obscene amount” of cobbles separating the two ends.

Yet the challenging walk is arguably part of what lends the village its unique character.

At the base, the streets emerge towards a picturesque harbour, while a brief stroll away sits a waterfall framed by striking coastal scenery.

For those who enjoy discovering quirky corners of the UK, it certainly appears to be a destination worth adding to the bucket list.

David said he could imagine it being “pretty cool” to live there, though conceded the relentless walking would undoubtedly keep residents in good shape.

The village is called Clovelly and is located in North Devon.

There is, however, one drawback for visitors hoping to explore during the summer months.

David highlighted that visitors are required to pay an entrance fee to access the village during the summer months, meaning you’ll need to purchase a ticket before exploring its distinctive streets and seaside panoramas.

Recording his experience on TikTok, David described the village as among the most remarkable locations he’d encountered in the UK, while urging his followers to seek out more unconventional destinations across the country.

Responding to his video, one user said: “My dad grew up here and they used to live around the inn.

“People back then would leave their doors open in summer and one time some American tourists just walked right in to the house because they didn’t think people actually live here.

“[They] just thought it was some quaint preserved village for tourists..”

Another user added: “Ok just to confirm the queries. Car park at the bottom for hotel guests only. Car park further up for residents but no access to the cobbly bits.

“Car park right at the top for visitors and the only access from there is via visitor centre, shop etc.

“Yes, you have to pay because it is a family owned private estate. The same as paying to go into Longleat, etc.

“All the residents and businesses are tenants of the estate, hence no second home usage. If anyone fancies it, the lease on the pub at the top was up for renewal last year. Not sure of its current status.”.

Why do you have to pay to enter Clovelly?

According to Clovelly’s official website, there has always been a charge to visit the village.

A statement reads: “Like most historical landmarks (e.g. National Trust sites), we heavily rely on entrance fees for the essential maintenance and upkeep that comes with an ancient village perched on a 400ft cliff, with no vehicular access.

“Your entry fee also goes towards our tree planting and conservation initiatives that you can see around the village.”

What is included in your entrance fee?

• Entry to the village
• Parking
• Entry to Clovelly Court Gardens
• Entry to the Fisherman’s Cottage and Kingsley Museum
• Audio-visual experience
• General Facilities
• Great access to the walks and picnic spots surrounding the area
• Contribution towards the care of the donkeys

1st March 2026 to 28th February 2027

• Adult – £10.90
• Child (Aged 7 – 16) – £6.25
• Young Child (Under 7 – Free
• Family (2 adults & 2 children) – £27.00
• Adult (Annual pass) – £35.00
• Family (Annual pass) – £85.00

This time last year, Antelope Reef was mostly submerged underwater and barely visible unless you were steaming past at low tide. New satellite imagery, provided to TWZ by Vantor, showcases what the People’s Republic of China (PRC) can construct after 10 months of nonstop dredging: a nearly 1,500-acre artificial island with a deep-water port, 2,000-plus-foot quay capable of berthing warships, and the beginnings of a 10,000-foot-long military-grade runway. Hardly recognizable today, Antelope Reef has become the latest, and one of the largest, man-made outposts in Beijing’s aggressive campaign to militarize and dominate the South China Sea.

The “first phase” of construction is now complete, according to a report from Reuters, following the departure of a fleet of dredgers that have been on station for months. Vantor, a spatial intelligence company, shared the images, dated August 11, with TWZ that show the results of the rapid transformation in detail, which you can view in high resolution below.

Reports surfaced in early 2026 about unusual PRC activity around the reef, which is located in the northwest part of the South China Sea, approximately 160 nautical miles (nm) south of Hainan, China, and 200 nm east of Da Nang, Vietnam. The fleet of PRC cutter-suction dredgers appeared late last year, assembling at the Zhujiang River Estuary and transiting with their Automatic Identification System (AIS) transponders dark to avoid unwanted attention. Once on the scene, they began working around the clock to move sand from the seabed to create ground above.

The pace of construction and rate of change have been staggering, and show how much progress the PRC has made in its reclamation and land-building capabilities. In less than a year, the PRC dredged more than a million tons of sand to reclaim approximately 1,500 acres of land. The teardrop-shaped island is now 3.7 miles long, surrounded by seawalls and internal roads, with ongoing construction underway at three primary locations around the lagoon – which you can see marked on the graphic above. For comparison, construction of the artificial islands in the Spratly Islands, more than a decade ago, took several years.

Antelope Reef, or Lingyang Jiao to the Chinese and Đá Hải Sâm to the Vietnamese, is part of the Crescent archipelago in the Paracel Island chain. China has occupied the Paracels since 1974, but the territory is still disputed by Vietnam and Taiwan.

In the latest satellite imagery from Vantor, several notable features are discernible and were first identified by the Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative (AMTI). On the northwest side, preparations are being made for what will likely eventually be a 10,000-foot-long, 180-foot-wide runway, similar to those built at Fiery Cross, Subi Reef, Mischief Reef, and Woody Island. The northwest edge of the island is the only area long enough to accommodate a runway capable of landing large military and commercial aircraft, and grading appears to be about halfway complete – but no concrete has been poured yet. AMTI also identified excavation for a 200-by-200-foot structure nearby, which mirrors the footprint of the large aircraft hangars at China’s other island-airfields.

On the southern part of the island, a 680-meter – roughly 2,200 feet – quay where both military and civilian ships can dock inside the lagoon is clearly visible. Reuters noted that a China Coast Guard (CCG) vessel was spotted dockside at the quay recently. The east side of the island, just below the channel entrance, hosts the only part of the base in active use, with green space areas, a helicopter pad, and parking lots, as well as buildings for administrative spaces and housing. Temporary piers are visible at each of the major points. Two concrete plants, located along the northwestern and southern edges of the lagoon, are supporting construction efforts. TWZ has not independently confirmed AMTI’s assessments.

According to PRC state media, Antelope will be used for commercial and civilian purposes – a similar tale told during construction of the other military outposts while they were being developed. It’s worth noting that in 2015, Chinese President Xi Jinping stood in the Rose Garden next to then-President Barack Obama and said, “China does not intend to pursue militarization” in the South China Sea. “Relevant construction activity that China is undertaking in the Nansha Islands does not target or impact any country and there is no intention to militarize,” he claimed, using the Chinese name for the disputed Spratly Islands. Since Xi’s head fake, which epitomizes the notorious PRC “say-do” gap, Beijing has built up multiple artificial islands as military bases, and has used them to press its territorial claims and confront its neighbors across the nine-dash line, in strict defiance of the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

Antelope Reef sits in a key strategic location south of Sanya Port and Yulin Naval Base on Hainan Island, home to two of the three People’s Liberation Army Navy’s (PLAN) aircraft carriers, CNS Shandong and CNS Fujian, as well as a significant submarine force at Longpo Naval Base. A military base there could extend PLA radar and electronic surveillance coverage, add another dispersed airfield to the PLA’s rolodex to launch sorties from and an additional port to dock ships at, and further expand China’s sweeping air defense umbrella.

The constellation of artificial islands would be instrumental in enforcing total control over the South China Sea, serving as key anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) nodes. They act as logistical and persistent surveillance nodes, among other uses, today, and the more that China has dispersed throughout the South China Sea, the greater its options are as well as the credibility of its anti-access capabilities.

“I have no doubt that this marginally benefits China in that it’ll be able to forward deploy more Coast Guard and more militia in the Paracels persistently. It will, I’m sure, facilitate more persistent aerial patrols,” Greg Poling, the senior fellow who oversees AMTI, said on the Why Should We Care About the Indo-Pacific podcast earlier this year. “But the main benefit is probably the ISR [Intelligence, Surveillance, Reconnaissance] component; the ground-based sensing you get just building stuff.”

Beijing’s land grab in the South China Sea shows no signs of slowing down, and Antelope Reef marks the latest in a decades-long string of island seizures that it can leverage during a potential dustup in the future. But whether it will eventually run out of islands to claim remains unclear. “China doesn’t have a lot left to dig,” according to Poling, “so unless China plans to seize another island, I don’t see it building anything, at least anything substantial.”

Contact the author: ian.ellis-jones@recurrent.io

Tom Rutland, East Worthing and Shoreham MP, said: “The whole community here is heartbroken by the death of Saja.

“We had been hoping and praying for her recovery after she was taken to hospital on Tuesday.

“My thoughts are with her family and friends at this incredibly sad time.”

A community vigil is taking place on Saturday morning at Kingston Beach as well as a one-minute silence in Shoreham town centre.

The family lived in London and were British citizens of Palestinian origin, with roots in the Rashidieh refugee camp in Lebanon. Their extended family had lived in the UK for many years, the Palestinian Forum says.

Prime Minister Andy Burnham called the incident a “terrible family tragedy”.

People in Shoreham left floral tributes at the scene and said the community was devastated.

The Beach Residents’ Association said the incident had “sent shockwaves across the local community”.

Local councillor Joss Loader, who represents the Shoreham Beach Residents’ Association and has lived in the area most of her life, described the deaths as a “shocking, heart-rending tragedy”.

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WHEN twenty-something me holidayed in Ayia Napa, ­gorgeous scenery and chic cuisine were the furthest things from my mind.

I was firmly focused on foam parties and feral antics.

Now, 15 years on, I’m back to savour a different side to the party town and see what the rest of Cyprus has to offer.

And while there were still plenty of excited Gen Z holidaymakers on my Tui flight from Gatwick, this trip was to be a much more grown-up affair.

Luxury, relaxation and an itinerary younger me simply wouldn’t recognise.

Ayia Napa’s famous party strip and old fishing port looked very similar as we travelled from the airport, but arriving at the 5* Mare Ayia Napa could not have been more different from my youthful experiences.

WAIL OF A TIME

I drove Irish Route 66 with deserted golden beaches and pirate-like islands

TEMPTED?

Tiny ‘Bali of Europe’ town with stunning beaches, €3 cocktails and £20 flights

A ten-minute drive out of town, Mare sits on the edge of the Cape Greco national park, with its turquoise waters, nature walking trails and limestone sea caves.

The resort resembles a sun-drenched Cypriot village with low-rise, whitewashed bungalows featuring terracotta roofs set among winding stone paths.

Young me made do with a hostel. This time, I walked into a modern luxe dream.

Think muted tones, Molton Brown toiletries and Nespresso on tap.

Some rooms have access to pretty gardens, while others have swim-up pools or even a private place to take a dip.

After a long day travelling, I hit the hotel’s adult-only Sky Lounge rooftop bar to watch sunset.

It delivered stunning beachfront views as well as a potent Paloma cocktail of tequila and grapefruit soda. A girl still needs her treats.

On that subject, the all-inclusive hotel has eight restaurants to enjoy, ranging from poolside sushi and charcoal grilled kebabs to Mediterranean meze and dry-aged steaks.

There is also a splash park with slides for the kids, and adults can escape to their own pool with plush cabanas.

By day, there’s a sandy and quiet Blue Flag beach in a calm bay that’s perfect for paddling kids and paddleboarding.

With Tui’s extensive range of tours, there’s the option to explore parts of Cyprus younger me would never have considered.

A Coastal Landmarks trip takes us through the stunning Cape Greco park where we admire clifftop views over the caves and the tiny white-washed Agioi Anargyroi church perched over the water.

Legend has it that if you kiss while making a wish at the Lovers’ Bridge — a natural limestone arch spanning the sea — your dreams will come true.

While I didn’t have anyone to pucker up with, the view alone was worth it.

After a leisurely stop at Cyprus’s most famous stretch of sand, Nissi Beach, for a drink and quick dip, we move on to the Ayia Napa Sculpture Park.

I adored the hundreds of statues, mythical beasts and art installations right next to the Cacti Park, also perfect for a stroll.

We end the day with coffees and cocktails at a beachside taverna in Protaras.

Called Fig Tree Bay, it is named after the single tree that has stood near the beach since the 17th century.

Next day we up the ante on the adventure front with some unique experiences that would normally be the reserve of qualified scuba divers.

Underwater Sea Adventures on Ayia Triada beach take you out to a purpose-built pontoon positioned over a reef.

There are two unusual ways to observe it. On the seabed walk, you wear a huge “space age” helmet that is supplied with fresh air pumped down from the surface via a hose.

Once on, your head and hair stay dry — you can even keep glasses on — while you follow a guided trail along the seabed, little fishes dart in and out.

Or take the pace up a bit with an underwater scooter or Breathing Observation Bubble (BOB).

You sit upright with your head inside a clear dome helmet fed with air as the scooter glides along the seabed doing the hard work for you.

The crystal-clear waters mean you feel like you’re in a Little Mermaid remake, walking, dancing and feeding the fish. It was an incredible experience.

My rediscovery of this one-time party island of my youth wasn’t over yet.

First there was a trip into the hills to see a different side of the island above the town of Paphos.

Aphrodite Hills Resort is perched high on a coastal plateau overlooking the legendary birthplace of the ancient Greek goddess.

The huge estate feels more like a self-contained village, complete with its own central square, chapel and a dozen restaurants.

This is low-key luxury and we were soon in golf buggies zipping through the sprawling grounds, ticking off the Elemis spa, 18-hole PGA championship golf course and Real Madrid-backed kids’ football academy.

But with Aphrodite’s birthplace just below us, we make a pilgrimage to admire Petra tou Romiou at sunset before making our way up to the village of Kouklia for an evening of fabulous food, live music and dancing.

Emboldened by one too many glasses of glorious Cypriot wine, I am first on my feet to join in.

You can take the girl out of Ayia Napa, but you seemingly can’t take Ayia Napa out of the girl.

WASHINGTON — President Trump’s war against Iran is stretching the limits of U.S. aircraft carriers and leaving the western Pacific without one of the key American warships as China shows more signs of aggression.

The USS George Washington is departing the Pacific to relieve the USS Abraham Lincoln in the Middle East, amid growing concerns about mental health and supply issues aboard the long-deployed carrier. The Lincoln has had its time at sea extended from its original May return date to support the war in Iran.

The lack of a U.S. carrier in the Pacific may be short-lived if the Navy deploys another in the next couple of months. But it shows how the open-ended operations with Iran are running some American sailors ragged, analysts say, while the Trump administration further retreats from the Asia-Pacific region and focuses on the Western Hemisphere.

“The administration says that the Pacific is supposed to be the most important behind the Western Hemisphere,” said Greg Poling, director of the Southeast Asia Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. Instead, the U.S. is “doing the exact opposite” of its previously expressed goal of pulling out of the Middle East.

American allies in the Pacific are unsettled over the unpredictability of the Trump administration, Poling said, while China “is quite happy with U.S. distraction, with the frustration of U.S. allies and partners.”

China may take advantage

Beijing sees the U.S. military presence in the region as a threat to China’s rise and an obstacle to its ambition to seize Taiwan, the self-governing island it claims as its own. But the United States has argued that the Pacific region is too important economically to lose.

No one expects China to invade Taiwan just because an American aircraft carrier has left the region. But the carrier’s absence gives the Chinese another opportunity to show its strength, said Bryan Clark, a former Navy submariner who is a defense analyst at the Hudson Institute.

“They’re using this as part of the narrative to demonstrate to the Philippines, to Japan, to Indonesia and others that the U.S. is not the big dog in the western Pacific anymore,” Clark said. “They would just prefer that countries in the region decide that China is the bigger power and the U.S. is not able to guarantee their security anymore.”

China conducted naval exercises this week with Indonesia and recently has shown signs of aggression toward Japan and the Philippines, two key U.S. allies that also have territorial disputes with Beijing.

China carried out military drills this month near the Scarborough Shoal in the South China Sea. Both China and the Philippines have claims over the shoal. Last month, a Chinese guided-missile destroyer conducted a live-fire exercise off Japan’s southernmost island of Okinotori.

Adm. Frank Bradley, head of the U.S. Special Operations Command, has been trying to reassure regional allies of Washington’s commitment. He was in Manila on Thursday, telling his Filipino counterparts that U.S. special operations forces are ready to step up joint exercises to strengthen the countries’ alliance. He also is expected to travel to Japan.

Evan Sankey, a policy analyst at the Cato Institute who focuses on U.S. policy toward China, said aircraft carriers provide psychological assurance to U.S. allies. The absence of carriers in the region, he said, “adds to the general sense that the U.S. is distracted by events in the Middle East.”

Trump has relied on aircraft carriers for military actions

Trump has relied heavily on aircraft carriers to support his numerous military operations during his second term. The USS Gerald R. Ford returned home in mid-May after an 11-month deployment, the longest since the Vietnam War, during which it supported the U.S. fight against Iran and the capture of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.

The Ford had experienced a fire in a laundry space that forced the carrier to turn around and return to the Mediterranean Sea for repairs and left hundreds of sailors without places to sleep.

The USS Lincoln has been at sea 268 days as of Saturday, a record deployment without a port visit, as the Ford had. Democratic lawmakers and families of the sailors have been calling for investigations and greater visibility into conditions aboard the ship, which is preparing to return to its home port in San Diego.

Warships and their crews can handle only so much, said Robert Farley, who teaches national security and diplomacy at the University of Kentucky and often writes about aircraft carriers.

“People don’t get enough rest. It’s psychologically exhausting. And R&R is part of keeping the crew healthy,” Farley said. “Sometimes it’s framed as, ‘These people haven’t had a vacation.’ But we are dealing with well-known limits on the capacity of a crew to operate at top efficiency over time. And that just declines.”

Clark, of the Hudson Institute, said the squeeze on the nation’s aircraft carriers stems from the lack of preparation and planning for the Iran war.

“If we were going to mobilize to do this kind of conflict, and we anticipated it might go this long, we might have done some changes to the carrier schedule to make sure more would be available,” Clark said.

Clark said the Navy has 11 aircraft carriers and typically deploys two or three at a time. But it could soon deploy four if the USS Theodore Roosevelt leaves San Diego for the Middle East, allowing the Washington to return to Pacific.

But the massive warships will need maintenance, probably causing a bottleneck at the nation’s only two carrier shipyards.

“We’ll end up with a maintenance debt that needs to be paid for the next few years,” Clark said. “We’ll probably have less carrier presence than we’ve had in the previous years because carriers will be lined up to get into the shipyard.”

Role in modern warfare

Michael Swaine, a senior research fellow in the Quincy Institute’s East Asia Program, questions the future need for aircraft carriers as warfare rapidly changes.

Carriers can be more easily targeted with drones and missiles, particularly by an adversary such as China, Swaine said, while smaller ships and submarines can be as effective in striking targets as the fighter jets that launch off a carrier.

Top Navy officials have indicated a desire to move away from a heavy reliance on carriers. Adm. Daryl Caudle, chief of naval operations, told the Associated Press in February that he wants to convince commanders to use smaller, newer ships and other assets instead of consistently turning to huge aircraft carriers.

Finley and Tang write for the Associated Press.

The Royal Australian Air Force’s (RAAF) recently delivered and extremely capable MC-55A Peregrine airborne intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance, and electronic warfare (AISREW) aircraft has begun its first overseas deployment. Publicly available flight tracking data shows that the aircraft has been operating out of Clark Air Base in the Philippines, from where it has ventured out into the highly strategic and tense South China Sea on several occasions.

Flight tracking data from Flightradar24 indicates that MC-55 serial A51-004 flew from its home base at RAAF Base Edinburgh in South Australia to Clark, close to the Philippine capital Manila, on July 28. Data compiled by Australian Defense Magazine reveals seven missions flown out of Clark between July 30 and August 7.

With missions typically lasting between four and nine hours, the MC-55 primarily flew in or close to Philippine airspace near Mindoro and Palawan islands. However, on four occasions, according to available data, it flew further west into the South China Sea. For those parts of the mission, its transponder was switched off for periods of between three and four hours.

The Australian Defense Forces (ADF) told Australian Defense Magazine that the deployment is part of its longstanding engagements in the Indo-Pacific region but provided no further operational details.

Based on the length of time that the MC-55 ‘went dark’ on flight tracking aggregators, its areas of interest could have included various disputed reefs and other features in the South China Sea, including the Spratly Islands and Scarborough Shoal.

China, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan, and Vietnam all claim the Spratly Islands, which are largely uninhabited but may have significant reserves of natural resources around them. The Spratly Islands are home to a significant Chinese military presence, most notably in the form of artificial islands featuring long runways and aircraft hangars, among other infrastructure. They are also heavily defended with missiles, radar stations, and more.

Both China and the Philippines also lay claim to the Scarborough Shoal (known as Huangyan Island in China), which is little more than 100 miles from the Philippines and 500 miles from China.

Overall, China’s sovereignty claims over the South China Sea, including islands, other features and adjacent waters, are the most sweeping and have led to high tensions with competing claimants.

China routinely backs up its expansive claims with naval patrols, in the air and at sea.

Meanwhile, the United States says it does not take sides in these disputes but sends warships and military aircraft close to the disputed islands as part of its ‘freedom of navigation’ operations.

The same kinds of operations are also conducted by the ADF, with the RAAF responsible for missions into the South China Sea. These have previously been flown from Clark Air Base, as well as from Butterworth in Malaysia and out of Singapore. The RAAF uses the P-8A Poseidon maritime patrol aircraft for these missions, and previously also the AP-3C (EW) Orion.

The specially equipped AP-3C (EW), the secretive electronic warfare version of the RAAF Orion, was formerly flown by No. 10 Squadron, which is now responsible for the MC-55 fleet at RAAF Edinburgh.

Since we reported on the arrival of the first MC-55 at Edinburgh in January of this year, a second and third aircraft have been delivered to Australia, arriving at the same base in March and in June. The fourth aircraft is still to be delivered.

As we have described in depth previously, the MC-55 — based on a highly modified version of the Gulfstream G550 business jet — is equipped with a variety of sensors to combine electronic warfare (EW), signals intelligence (SIGINT), and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) missions in a single airframe. These capabilities would be in extreme need during any kind of crisis in the Indo-Pacific region.

The aircraft can also serve as a networking relay and data-fusion platform, linking together other aircraft as well as surface combatants and ground forces. TWZ has previously confirmed that the MC-55 incorporates technology ported directly over from the RC-135 Rivet Joint, as you can read about here. In the past, we have also speculated that the jet is likely outfitted with active electronically scanned arrays (AESA), which would be used for standoff electronic attacks, as well as intelligence-gathering. 

In the context of missions in the South China Sea, the MC-55 is a highly capable passive intelligence-collection platform, bringing a major boost to the ADF as it seeks to keep tabs on the growing Chinese military threat in the Indo-Pacific region.

The aircraft’s ISR capabilities mean it will be well-suited to surveilling Chinese military expansion and monitoring Beijing’s activities, which have already seen a number of incidents involving the ADF and Chinese military assets. As well as operating from the Philippines, and potentially from Malaysia and Singapore, the RAAF plans to deploy the MC-55 to the Cocos Islands, deep in the Indian Ocean, approximately midway between Australia and Sri Lanka.

With the first appearance of the MC-55 at Clark Air Base, Australia appears to be moving from relying primarily on the P-8A for South China Sea maritime surveillance toward having a dedicated, highly specialised airborne SIGINT/EW capability operating alongside it. This will give the ADF and its partners a much better picture of Chinese radar, communications, air defense and naval activity.

The first overseas deployment of the MC-55 — among the most advanced surveillance and electronic attack platforms in the world — marks a significant expansion of Australia’s ability to monitor and understand Chinese military activity in the South China Sea, strengthening the ADF’s intelligence and electronic warfare reach across the Indo-Pacific.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

Aug. 11 (UPI) — At least six people were killed Tuesday when Houthi militia attacked a cargo ship with missiles in the Red Sea, the Yemeni government said.

The Yemeni Transport Ministry said in a statement that the ship was carrying food and was hit while traveling through the Bab al-Mandab Strait. One Indonesian and three Pakistani crew members were killed in the attack after a fire broke out on board the Tihamah.

The Yemeni coast guard said later Tuesday that two members of the armed forces were also killed during a rescue mission when another Houthi missile was launched at the ship.

The Houthis have not commented on the attack, but the group has recently fired on Saudi Arabian vessels in the Red Sea as part of a blockade against its northern neighbor.

It’s unclear who owns the ship. The Transport Ministry described the Tihamah as a Yemeni commercial vessel, but Equasis, a shipping database, said it’s a small cargo ship owned by Egyptian company Thubab for Marine Services and flies the Tanzanian flag, The New York Times reported.

Yemen has been embroiled in a civil war since 2014, though a 2022 cease-fire had slowed conflict. In 2014, the Iran-backed Houthis took over the Yemeni capital Sanaa. A Saudi-led coalition intervened but failed to remove the Houthis. Now, the Houthis control the northern half of Yemen, including Sanaa.

The Red Sea has become increasingly important since the Strait of Hormuz has been blocked by Iran after the United States and Israel began a war on the country.

On Sunday, the Houthis attacked a Saudi state-owned oil refinery in Jazan, Saudi Arabia, as well as the Red Sea port of Mokha, which is controlled by the Yemeni government. The attack on Mokha killed at least seven people. It was the most recent in a spate of attacks by the rebels.

Despite risks in the Strait of Hormuz and Black Sea, seafarers from the Philippines are still competing for jobs.

Manila, Philippines – Monsoon rains may have forced schools to shut down and suspended government services in the Philippine capital last week, but applicants at shipping companies and employment agencies still formed long lines that snaked around street corners.

The rain was the least of their worries. They were taking the first step on a journey that would take them to increasingly treacherous waters – and they say they are fully aware of the risks.

Gerald, a veteran sailor, was sorting out some last-minute paperwork for his next deployment next week. He is going to board the same ship he was last on – a cargo vessel off the port of Fujairah in the United Arab Emirates. The last time he was there, he was stuck for two months. He was due to return to the Philippines when the United States and Israel launched air attacks on Iran in late February.

“There was one missile that flew over. The navy intercepted it right when it was above us, so we hid,” recalled Gerald, who asked for his full name not to be used to protect his job. “We knew fragments could land on our ship. But what can we do? There was nowhere safe.”

He said he had never had to face and fear and uncertainty in 15 years as a commercial seafarer. As the US-Israel war on Iran spread across the region, effectively closing the Strait of Hormuz, he and his stranded colleagues for weeks watched projectiles from both directions blow up mid-air. Shrapnel mostly ended up in the water, but the crossfire prevented their usual rations from coming through. They had to brave the danger and fish on the deck to survive.

But none of that has deterred him – not even the on-and-off diplomacy between Washington and Tehran.

“I was able to save enough to buy a property after just two years of sailing,” he said. “I was able to build a house for my parents.”

The sea had always been a source of food and income for Gerald. He grew up in a fishing village. And while he says he was never hungry, sailing in waters beyond his hometown changed his life.

“This job has provided me with a decent income. And it’s the only job I’ve known for a long time. I can’t just go into business or farming. That’s easier said than done,” he said.

‘If I die, my family will be set for life’

At the height of the war in March, nearly 20,000 sailors on 1,500 ships were trapped in the Strait of Hormuz. At least 17 have been killed in attacks since then.

The Philippines supplies more than a quarter of the world’s seafaring workforce. Among the 6,000 sailors currently stranded in the waterway, approximately 2,500 are Filipinos, according to data from the International Maritime Organization in July.

But even when the US and Iran struck an interim deal in June to end the war, there was no mass repatriation of Filipino sailors. The Department of Migrant Workers said more than 60 have since returned home from the Gulf, but most Filipinos on vessels that have been able to transit the Strait of Hormuz remain on board.

Alberto Lobaton was also due to return to sea and was staying at the same apartment complex near Manila Bay where Gerald was. The place has served as a halfway house for seafarers for years and was fully booked despite escalating maritime conflicts.

In addition to the conflict in the Gulf, there has been an increase in attacks on merchant vessels in the Black Sea as the war between Russia and Ukraine intensifies. In July alone, 35 ships were struck, and more than 20 sailors were killed, including at least three Filipinos.

Lobaton witnessed one such strike last year.

“I felt the ship shake because the explosion was so close. It was just around 300 metres (984 feet) away; I was in our quarters, but those who were on duty that night stood up and ran,” said Lobaton.

The Philippine government has appealed to shipowners to avoid high-risk areas or disembark their Filipino crew. It’s also reminded Filipino sailors they have the right to refuse to sail.

Lobaton says it would be a lie to say he is not concerned for his safety, but the financial rewards outweigh the risk of injury or death.

“If I die, my family will be set for life because we are insured. So if something were to happen to me, I’d prefer it happened while I’m at work at sea.”

The Houthi rebels of Yemen say they are widening the scope of their attacks on Saudi shipping to the northern Red Sea to prevent transits through the Suez Canal. The expansion of Houthi kinetic activities there comes amid mixed messages about efforts to open up the Strait of Hormuz, largely closed by Iran after it was hit by the U.S. and Israel on Feb. 28.

The Iranian-backed Houthis already struck Saudi ships in the southern part of that body of water and refineries along the northern portion after imposing a blockade on the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, leading several oil tankers in the Red Sea to avoid that route in favor of the Suez Canal. The expansion of the Houthi campaign against Saudi shipping began with an attack off the port of Yanbu on the NCC Wafa, a Saudi oil tanker, the rebel group claimed today.

“By God’s grace, the Yemeni Armed Forces succeeded in striking the Saudi oil vessel Wafa in the northern Red Sea off the area of Yanbu, using a number of ballistic missiles — and the hit was precise, by God’s grace,” Houthi spokesman Yahya Saree claimed on X. “In tightening the naval blockade on the Saudi enemy at Bab al-Mandeb in the southern Red Sea, the Saudi enemy has moved to reroute its oil vessels toward the northern Red Sea. The Yemeni Armed Forces therefore affirm that their operations will continue and escalate in targeting Saudi oil vessels in the northern Red Sea, to close off every route and prevent passage, in order to cement the ‘blockade for blockade’ equation.”

There was no immediate statement issued by the Saudis and TWZ cannot independently verify the Houthis’ claims.

As we have frequently detailed, a Houthi blockade of the BAM threatens to add far greater pressure on oil exports from the Middle East, already drastically affected by the Iranian closure of the Strait of Hormuz and the resumption of the U.S. blockade on Iranian ports. The kingdom has diverted millions of barrels of oil per day through pipelines to its Yanbu port on the Red Sea in an effort to minimize the energy shortages due to the hostilities in the Persian Gulf. As we have noted, the Suez Canal is an important artery in addition to the BAM for ships carrying Saudi energy supplies, though this route drastically increases the cost of exports to Asia given the need to travel around Africa. While tankers carrying Saudi oil through the BAM have been greatly reduced, they are still making their way through the Suez Canal. But that could change if the Houthis start making that route perilous too, which would put a tighter energy squeeze on the west, including Europe, as well as the rest of the globe. They could also continue to attack Saudi oil terminals on the Red Sea, making shipping a moot point if the transfer stations are not operational.

The closing of the BAM to Saudi oil traffic, and now threats to the transit route north to the canal, also raise the specter of the U.S. having to get as involved as it did during the previous Houthi campaign against shipping that ended last September, which could pull resources away from Iranian-focused operations. It’s possible Egypt would have a major problem with such actions too, as it would impact the Canal’s revenue and freedom of movement. This could widen the conflict.

Meanwhile, there are mixed signals about whether the Strait of Hormuz will be fully reopened to traffic and under what conditions.

“The U.S., Iran and Oman are closing in on an interim agreement to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, with the U.S. aiming for a Wednesday announcement,” Axios reported on Wednesday, citing two regional sources and a U.S. official. “According to two regional sources, the deal under discussion sets up a 60-day temporary arrangement between Oman and Iran in the Hormuz strait, which could be extended.”

All inbound traffic of ships through the strait and into the Gulf would go in a northern lane through Iranian waters, the publication noted. All outbound traffic through the strait and into the Arabian Sea would go in a southern lane through Omani waters, in coordination with Iran. In addition, there would be no tolls or fees charged during this interim two-month period and the parties would work to clear the median lane of the Strait of mines within 30 days.

“After the median lane is cleared, it would be used for inbound and outbound traffic under the terms of a permanent arrangement to be negotiated between Oman and Iran,” the outlet added.

The deal described by Axios largely mirrors the Iran-Oman negotiations we reported on yesterday, with the main differences being the involvement of the U.S. and no imposition of fees. As we noted, both Iran and the U.S. are currently following a bifurcated traffic pattern, with the U.S. Navy recommending transits close to the Omani coastline and Iran pushing shipping toward its shores. The middle of the Strait has been deemed too hazardous because of the threat primarily from mines.

Speaking to Fox News Tuesday night, President Donald Trump said negotiations with Iran have been ongoing but that Tehran faces severe consequences if it fails to open up the Strait.

“If they back out again, they are going to get hit really hard,” Trump proclaimed.

The president has insisted that Iran must fully open the vital chokepoint or face new and more intense attacks that would include power plants, other civilian infrastructure and even strikes on leadership.

There are indications from Iran, however, that any deal to open the Strait is between Iran and Oman and that it might not result in a quick resolution.

The official Iranian Press TV stated on X “that any potential bilateral agreement between Tehran and Muscat regarding maritime traffic in the Strait of Hormuz will not automatically lead to the immediate re-opening of the strategic waterway.”

Reuters on Wednesday concurred that any deal to open the Strait may not be as imminent as Trump has claimed.

“A proposed deal between Iran and Oman would give Tehran control over ships entering the Gulf through the Strait of Hormuz,” the outlet wrote, citing a senior Iranian source and two regional officials. “Despite the apparent step towards yielding to Iranian demands, the sources pushed back against assertions by U.S. President Donald Trump that ‌a deal reopening the strait was imminent, saying important details still had to be agreed.”

Regardless of negotiations, U.S. Central Command stated on X that the Strait of Hormuz southern route along the coast of Oman remains open and that over the past three months, “U.S. forces have assisted more than 1,000 vessels in successfully transiting the strait despite unwarranted Iranian aggression, and these transits continue today.”

Between Houthi actions in the Red Sea region and the ongoing closure of the Strait of Hormuz, commercial traffic in both areas continues to be greatly reduced, though transits through the BAM are spiking upwards, according to MarineTraffic.

The latest “data highlights how headline volumes can obscure underlying maritime risk. Strait of Hormuz crossings fell from 10 to eight on 4 August, with seven vessels exiting the Middle East Gulf and only one entering,” MarineTraffic stated on X. “Five of the eight movements used the Iranian Unilateral Scheme, while no Hormuz Traffic Separation Scheme crossings were recorded.”

Meanwhile, “Bab el-Mandeb traffic rose from 25 to 34, including 18 vessels entering the Red Sea and 16 exiting,” MarineTraffic added. “Yet four dark transits, two sanctioned crossings and six shadow fleet movements indicate that visibility, routing concentration and compliance exposure remain central concerns.”

Amid all this, oil prices have actually fallen, with Brent Crude now trading at slightly over $79 a barrel, down from nearly $85 per barrel yesterday. Still, there are many reasons Trump is pushing a rekindled effort to find a diplomatic off-ramp to a conflict that has killed 18 American troops, wounded hundreds more, drained U.S. weapons stocks and roiled international relations and global financial markets. In addition to the global economic pressures this conflict has created, it is unpopular among the American electorate and crucial mid-term elections will take place in November. Even Fox News, generally supportive of Trump, has released polling data that shows a “majority of voters oppose U.S. military action, and nearly two thirds think the conflict will last at least a year.”

The latest Fox News survey “finds 56% oppose U.S. military action against Iran, including 40% who “strongly” oppose.”

How much these factors will play a role in Trump’s decision-making should become clearer over the next hours and days.

Contact the author: howard@twz.com

Iran says talks with Oman are proceeding ‘positively’ as US officials say a deal could be possible soon.

DID you know Travelodge has more than 630 hotels around the UK?

Not only that, but lots of them are on the seafront so you are just steps from the beach or pier.

To save even further, kids get free breakfasts this summer including everything from pancakes and porridge to sausages and cereal

The deal includes two kids under the age of 15, per one paying adult.

Along with a Best Price Finder to get the biggest room bargain, to £14.95 meal deals, Travelodge is on a mission to save you money this summer.

Here are eight of the best Travelodges across the UK that are right on the seafront, all with rooms from £25.

BUILD IT

Travelodge to open hotel in one of UK’s best cities getting £300m makeover

SEA YOU

Travelodge to open new seaside town hotel next month and it’s by popular UK’s beach

Travelodge Bournemouth Seafront

The Travelodge Bournemouth Seafront is just a few steps from the beach, which is Blue Flag.

This means you can enjoy clean, golden sand, before getting some shut eye back at the hotel.

Rooms from £25

Travelodge Brighton Seafront

The location of the Travelodge Brighton Seafront gives you the option of both the beach and the famous The Lanes.

With 159 rooms to choose from in the hotel, you are spoilt for choose.

Rooms from £25

Travelodge Paignton Seafront

Step out of the Travelodge Paignton Seafront and you can see the beautiful sea and pier right outside the door.

The hotel has 92 rooms, which include the New Design ones which have been upgraded.

Rooms from £25

Travelodge Ramsgate Seafront

Did you know Ramsgate is home to the UK’s only Royal Harbour? You can even look straight at it from the Travelodge Ramsgate Seafront.

It is also right by the beach – home to the UK’s biggest Wetherspoons.

Rooms from £25

Travelodge Worthing Seafront

If you want to explore the palm-tree lined promenade of Worthing, one of the cheapest stays you’ll find is Travelodge Worthing Seafront.

Of the 90 rooms, pick one at the front for views over the water.

Rooms from £25

Travelodge Skegness Seafront

This Travelodge not only is right by Skegness beach, but also has a top floor Bar-Cafe with panoramic sea views.

The beach is just two minutes by foot, while the main pier and theme park are nearby too.

Rooms from £25

Travelodge Rhyl Seafront

The Welsh town of Rhyl is getting a £20million makeover – but you can still stay on the cheap with Travelodge Rhyl Seafront.

There’s just 73 rooms to choose from so its a much more intimate hotel.

Rooms from £25

Travelodge Helensburgh Seafront

If you need a base when exploring the west coast of Scotland, choose the Travelodge Helensburgh Seafront.

Pop out for a seaside stroll with amazing views of the Clyde from the pier.

Rooms from £25

The head of Operation Aspides, the European-led task force created to provide security for ships transiting the Red Sea region, tells TWZ that there has been a major increase in the number of commercial vessels seeking escorts since the U.S. and Israel started attacking Iran in February. Security concerns in that region have spiked after the Houthi rebels of Yemen imposed a blockade on Saudi shipping and began attacking the kingdom’s vessels and oil infrastructure. Late Thursday, the leader of the Houthis promised additional escalation against the Saudis.

“We have witnessed a significant increase in requests from commercial vessels seeking Aspides’ support for their safe transit through the High Threat Area (South Red Sea/Strait of Bab-al-Mandeb [BAM]/Gulf of Aden),” Rear Admiral Vasileios Gryparis, Commander of EUNAVFOR Aspides, told TWZ in an email. “In particular, the number of protection requests increased by 39% from February 2026 (the start of the US-Israel-Iran confrontation) until now.”

“The increasing number of protection requests clearly demonstrates that, in times of insecurity, the shipping industry views Aspides as a credible and reliable maritime security provider,” Gryparis added. “We are working daily to maintain and strengthen bonds with the shipping industry, as mutual understanding and effective collaboration are essential to maritime security and the preservation of Freedom of Navigation.”

As we were one of the first to report, Aspides was launched in February 2024 during the previous Houthi campaign against shipping that ended last September. It was created to provide “a shield…to act in purely defensive mode to protect merchant vessels, and two non-executive tasks of ‘accompanying’ to deter with [its] presence and to strengthen maritime situational awareness,” a now former top EU official told reporters at the time.

Since its founding, the task force “has facilitated the safe passage of more than 2,240 merchant vessels and has provided close protection to more than 690 merchant vessels of different flags and interests,” the Aspides commander explained.

Aspides did not provide assistance to vessels recently attacked by the Houthis because the task force was not asked, Gryparis told us.

“Those vessels were sailing within the territorial waters under the responsibility of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre (KSA MRCC),” he stated. “Consequently, assistance was provided by the Saudi Arabian authorities. The vessels in question had not registered their transit with the Maritime Security Centre Indian Ocean (MSCIO) and had not requested protection from EUNAVFOR Aspides.”

In addition to the blockade and strikes on Saudi assets, the Houthis are reportedly considering imposing a toll on Bab al-Mandeb Strait transits. Gryparis told us that such a move, which has yet to be enacted, would not alter Aspides’ goals.

“Such a development would not change the mandate or the mission of Operation Aspides,” the admiral proffered. “Our mission remains clear: to contribute to Freedom of Navigation, protect the lives of seafarers, support the secure flow of global trade by protecting merchant shipping, improve Maritime Situational Awareness, and contribute to regional stability.”

“Of course, any measure that could affect the free passage of commercial shipping has the potential to impact Freedom of Navigation and the confidence of the shipping industry,” he added. “How states or private shipping companies decide to address such a development would be a political and commercial decision for them.”

“From our perspective, we will continue to implement our mandate within our means and capabilities, continuously assess the maritime security environment, provide protection to eligible merchant vessels in accordance with our mandate, and support the shipping industry through Maritime Situational Awareness and the timely dissemination of information and recommendations via the Maritime Security Centre Indian Ocean (MSCIO),” Gryparis noted.

In a fiery speech, Houthi leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi warned Saudi Arabia of an all-out escalation. He described his group’s actions as being in response to a Saudi “siege” on the Houthis in Yemen.

“The indicators show that the Saudi [side] is heading toward comprehensive escalation,” al-Houthi proclaimed. “We will seek God’s help against it — we will meet his comprehensive escalation with comprehensive escalation.”

“In this phase, regarding what the Saudi [side] has done, the outcome has been good since establishing the equation of (siege for siege) — in targeting Saudi oil tankers, in preventing their movement, turning back 16 ships, and also in shooting down the Saudi [-operated] aircraft that come to conduct reconnaissance and penetrate our airspace — armed drones,” the Houthi leader continued.

For its part, Saudi Arabia is creating its own maritime coalition to protect transits in the region.

“Recognizing the growing challenges facing global maritime security, and the resulting need to strengthen collective naval defense cooperation to protect freedom of navigation and international trade routes, and to secure global energy supply routes through the Bab-al-Mandeb Strait, the Red Sea, and the Gulf of Aden,” the Saudi Defense Ministry announced on Thursday. “The founding states affirm that the establishment of the Multinational Naval Defense Coalition represents a strategic step toward strengthening maritime security in the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, the Red Sea, and the Gulf of Aden, consolidating defense cooperation among the member states, and supporting stability and prosperity — in a manner that contributes to complementing international efforts to protect international peace and security, in accordance with the provisions of international law.”

About 50 nations were asked to join and 14 so far have signed up. It is unclear at the moment how this will differ from Aspides.

Meanwhile, Iran claims it has completely shut down the Strait of Hormuz to vessels in the wake of recent U.S. attacks.

“Iran’s Persian Gulf Strait Authority (PGSA) says that passage through the Strait of Hormuz is currently impossible because of the continued ‘aggressive actions’ of US military forces in the region, adding that applications for transit would only be processed once stability returns,” the official Iranian Press TV media outlet claimed. Iran, however, frequently makes statements that are outright fabrications or extremely exaggerated. TWZ cannot independently verify this claim.

Traffic through that strategic chokepoint had already been significantly reduced by Iran since the launch of Epic Fury.

In a post on X, U.S. Central Command pushed back on that claim, saying the Strait remains open to shipping.

“CLAIM: Once again, the Iranian government claims it has closed the Strait of Hormuz. This is FALSE,” the command stated. “FACT: The Strait of Hormuz remains open for commercial vessel transit. Iran does not control it. Thousands of ships have sailed through the international waterway over the past four months.”

Regardless of the dueling claims, traffic through the Strait has slowed to a trickle, according to the Kpler global trade intelligence firm.

“The latest maritime risk data points to growing divergence across the region’s two strategic chokepoints,” Kpler stated on X. “Strait of Hormuz crossings fell 77% day on day to just five vessels, with all transits concentrated through the Iranian Unilateral Scheme, suggesting reduced operational confidence and limited routing flexibility. At the same time, Bab el Mandeb remained active, recording 47 crossings despite ongoing sanctioned vessel movements, shadow fleet activity and a dark transit. With US and Iranian public positions still at odds, operators are closely monitoring traffic volumes, routing behaviour and any diplomatic developments that could reshape risk across regional shipping lanes in the days ahead.”

Adding to concerns about energy exports, Egyptian officials yesterday confirmed that the port facility of Damietta was hit by a drone strike on Wednesday, the first public acknowledgment that the country has come under fire during this conflict. Cairo did not say who launched the attack, but Trump hinted it was the Iranians. The New York Times reported that two Iranians, who asked not to be named to discuss security matters, “said the explosion was a drone attack designed to show that global shipping and energy supplies could be more deeply disrupted if Iran chose to escalate. The individuals did not say whether Iran or an Iran-allied militia in the region had launched the attack, or from where.”

Iran, for its part, suggested Israel was to blame. Regardless, the incident raised the specter of another part of the region being brought into fighting that is largely centered on the flow of energy supplies.

While tensions on the waters are heating up, the pace of kinetic strikes on land targets seems to be slowing.

Kuwait reported its air defenses shot down several drones earlier on Friday.

“The sinful Iranian aggression targeted a number of vital and military facilities, where the hostile targets were dealt with and destroyed, resulting in material damage due to the fall of shrapnel, with no human casualties recorded, praise be to God,” the Kuwaiti Defense Ministry reported on X. “The armed forces affirm their continued execution of their missions and duties with high efficiency, within the framework of ongoing readiness and permanent preparedness, and taking all necessary measures to protect the sovereignty of the homeland, preserve its security and stability, in coordination with the competent authorities, in a manner that preserves the safety of citizens and residents.”

Tit-for-tat attacks between the U.S. and Iran have also slowed, with the last American strikes launched on July 29. However, during a cabinet meeting at Camp David, U.S. President Donald Trump indicated that more offensive action could be in the offing.

“We just want to win,” he stated. “We’ll be hitting them very hard. At some point, they will say we can’t take it anymore.”

When asked about a recent report that he had been given a proposal to “go big,” the president said that has already happened.

“We’ve already gone big,” Trump responded. “What’s big?”

That’s it for now. We’ll update this when there is more information to share.

UPDATE: 8:06 PM EDT –

The Houthis’ Sanaa-based Humanitarian Operations Coordination Center (HOCC) sent us a statement pushing back on claims that the Yemeni rebel group is seeking tolls on the BAM.

“The Humanitarian Operations Coordination Center (HOCC) has recently become aware of the circulation of a number of reports and claims across certain news websites and media platforms alleging that the Republic of Yemen [Houthis] intends to impose tolls for transiting the Bab al-Mandab Strait.

The HOCC categorically denies the accuracy of these claims and confirms that it has neither taken nor considered any decision to impose fees for transiting the Bab al-Mandab Strait. The HOCC further emphasizes that transit throughthe Bab al-Mandab Strait is free of charge.

Furthermore, the services provided by the HOCC — including the Safe Transit Service for vessels — are, as is well known, entirely free of charge. The Safe Transit Service is a voluntary and cost-free service offered by the HOCC to vessels/companies (falling outside the scope of the declared ban) that wish to confirm the safe transit of their vessels through the Red Sea, Bab al-Mandab Strait, the Gulf of Aden, and the Arabian Sea. All vessels outside the scope of the declared ban may transit safely. Additionally, for added assurance, such vessels may submit a Safe Transit Request by email to the following address: clearances@hocc.gov.ye at any time, and a response will be provided within a few hours.

Accordingly, the HOCC categorically confirms that any individual or entity requesting the payment of money in exchange for transiting the Bab al-Mandab Strait does not represent the Republic of Yemen or HOCC in any capacity whatsoever. The HOCC urges shipping companies not to make any payments or provide any information to unauthorized individuals or entities.

The HOCC warns against any unauthorized use of its name or logo, or any false claim of representation, for the purpose of collecting fees or other payments in connection with transiting the Bab al-Mandab Strait. It further calls upon anyone who is asked to pay such fees to refrain from making any payment, document the incident whenever it is safe and practicable to do so, and report the matter via the email address: compliance@hocc.go.ye, attaching all available details and supporting evidence that may assist in verifying the incident and taking the necessary action.

The HOCC calls upon all media outlets and news websites to adhere to professional standards, exercise due diligence and accuracy when reporting news and information, and refrain from publishing or circulating any information concerning transiting the Bab al-Mandab Strait before verifying it through the HOCC’s official channels.“

Contact the author: howard@twz.com

Houthis say Red Sea route remains free to use, pushing back on report of new shipping fees.

Yemen’s Houthi rebels have denied planning to charge ships for passing through the Red Sea, saying passage through the waterway remains free.

The denial came in a statement issued Saturday by the Houthi-run Humanitarian Operations Coordination Center (HOCC), which oversees vessel movement through the Bab al-Mandeb Strait. It said its “safe transit service” was voluntary and free of charge, adding that anyone demanding payment for passage did not represent Yemen or the HOCC. It urged shipping companies not to make payments or share information with unauthorised parties.

The statement follows a Reuters news agency report on Wednesday, citing regional sources, that the Iran-aligned Houthis were considering imposing fees on ships transiting the strait – a week after the group declared a maritime blockade on Saudi Arabia. Those sources said the idea was raised with Iranian officials during a Houthi visit to Tehran earlier in July, with Iranian advisers reportedly helping set up an authority to regulate the fees.

The Bab al-Mandeb Strait is a vital chokepoint linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden, used by ships carrying oil and other cargo between Asia, Europe and the Middle East. Any fee on passage would echo Iran’s own efforts to charge ships transiting the Strait of Hormuz, which has been largely shut since the US-Israel war on Iran began earlier this year.

Yemen’s foreign minister-designate, Afrah al-Zouba, said on Tuesday that the Houthis were seeking to “copy the Iranian model”.

A toll on Bab al-Mandeb would hit Saudi Arabia especially hard, since the kingdom has increasingly relied on the strait as an alternative export route while Hormuz remains disrupted.

The Houthis have waged a long campaign against Red Sea shipping, beginning in 2023 after the start of Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza, and only pausing attacks after a ceasefire last October. A United Nations expert report found that the group may have collected significant informal fees from shipping agents in 2024, though this was never independently verified. Traffic through the strait has still not recovered to pre-2023 levels.

In response to the renewed threat, Saudi Arabia this week announced a 14-nation maritime coalition aimed at protecting freedom of navigation through the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden.

July 31 (UPI) — British oil giant BP announced plans Friday to sell off its North Sea business, ending six decades of exploration and extraction in the U.K. Continental Shelf since the company first struck gas there in 1964.

The firm said that nothing would change for the time being while a buyer was found, vowing in a news release that it was fully committed to continuing to run its operations, prioritizing safety and dependability, while delivering for its customers, partners and investors.

The outcome of a review of its portfolio, BP said the goal was to enhance the value of the company by making it simpler and stronger through adhering to its approach of allocating capital in a rigorous fashion.

“The North Sea remains integral to the U.K.’s energy system. However, as we focus our portfolio and direct capital to our highest-value opportunities, we believe our North Sea business will be better positioned as part of another company. It has world-class people, resilient assets and a proud heritage, and it is precisely these qualities that can attract an owner ready to back its next chapter,” said BP.

“We are seeking an outcome that recognizes that value.”

CEO Meg O’Neill stressed that Britain would remain of key importance to the company going forward, saying BP was proud of the employment it generated, its input to the economy and its role in keeping energy flowing every day.

As recently as May, O’Neill described the North Sea basin as one of “untapped potential.”

The share price gained slightly on the news, rising a little more than 1% to $7.36 in mid afternoon trade on the London Stock Exchange on Friday.

BP has 24 fields across five main nodes in the North Sea, including its key Clair Ridge and Schielhallion fields of the Shetland Islands, with 1,100 workers pumping a little under 100,000 barrels of gas and oil daily.

Energy consultant Rystad, which estimates the North Sea business was worth $2.6 billion, told the Financial Times that it believed that the TotalEnergies-HitecVision-Repsol joint venture Neo Next +, Delek Group of Israel or Eni of Italy were in the running to buy it.

July 31 (UPI) — Fourteen nations have backed the formation of a Saudi-led coalition to protect shipping routes from Houthi attacks in and around the Red Sea, drawing more countries into the Iran-U.S. war.

The kingdom’s defense ministry announced their support for the multinational defensive maritime alliance Thursday following a meeting in Riyadh attended by the defense ministers and representatives of 43 countries.

According to a statement, the alliance is aimed at “strengthening maritime security, protecting freedom of navigation, securing international trade routes and energy supply routes and safeguarding shared maritime interests in the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden.”

“The alliance is exclusively defensive in nature and does not target any state, alliance or international organization,” it said.

The statement said participation in the alliance’s activities and operations “will remain a sovereign decision” for each state, meaning any member country can opt out of specific missions.

It also identifies Saudi Arabia its founding state and the alliance’s leader and says thee kingdom will host its permanent headquarters.

A second statement added that other countries that had participated in the meeting “expressed support for the initiative and are in the process of completing the necessary domestic procedures and approvals to join the joint statement.”

The 14 countries are Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Pakistan, Turkey, Egypt, Jordan, Yemen, Bangladesh, Nigeria, Sudan, Djibouti and Somalia, the Saudi Press Agency reported.

The alliance was formed after the Iran-backed, Yemen-based Houthis early last week announced a maritime blockade targeting Saudi vessels traveling through the Red Sea via the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, accusing Riyadh of conducting an “unjust and oppressive siege on our people.”

The blockade threatens energy shipments that exit ports along the western side of the oil-rich nation at a time with Iran is exercising a similar blockade of commercial vessels at the Strait of Hormuz near Saudi Arabia’s eastern side.

The move is expected to further strain energy supplies, potentially causing fuel prices to surge and trigging an international energy crisis. Yemen’s Houthi forces have already claimed to have attacked Saudi oil tankers in the region for allegedly violating its maritime ban.

Taipei, Taiwan – China’s coastguard and civilian fleet are expanding their presence in the waters east of Taiwan, raising fears that Beijing may be rehearsing a containment strategy that would cut off the self-ruled island from outside trade and assistance.

Through June and July, China’s Maritime Safety Administration and coastguard staged multiple patrols and “special maritime law enforcement operations”, according to official government announcements.

While China regularly patrols the Taiwan Strait – the waterway with an average width of about 180km (112 miles) separating coastal China from the main island of Taiwan – this marks the first time the patrols have moved east of Taiwan in such quick succession, according to analysts.

K Tristan Tang, a nonresident fellow at the United States-based National Bureau of Asian Research, said the shift carries both strategic and symbolic weight for Taiwan.

“Beijing is signalling that it wants to extend its claimed administrative jurisdiction to Taiwan’s eastern waters, effectively surrounding Taiwan rather than only eroding Taiwan’s space in the strait,” Tang told Al Jazeera.

“Law enforcement operations” have included patrolling the area and requesting information from commercial vessels about their origin and destination, according to Taipei.

The shift east has also occurred amid a greater uptick in Chinese maritime activity around Taiwan and its outlying islands. Taiwan reported 55 sightings of Chinese coastguard and research vessel activity in June, up from 30 sightings in May.

These sightings included Chinese activity near the uninhabited Taiwan-controlled Dongsha Islands, also known as the Pratas Islands, in the South China Sea.

Beijing has said the operations are a response to talks between Japan and the Philippines to set their maritime boundaries, which infringe on “territorial sovereignty as well as its maritime rights and interests”, according to Chinese state media.

Some of the waters around southern Japan and the northern Philippines overlap with Taiwan’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), which extends 200 nautical miles (370km) from its coastline.

On July 4, China’s coastguard announced that law enforcement activities to the east of Taiwan would continue to “firmly safeguard China’s territorial sovereignty and maritime rights and interests”.

China claims Taiwan as a province – which means it also views Taiwan’s EEZ as under its jurisdiction. It also claims large swaths of the nearby South China Sea and East China Sea, some of which are disputed by Japan, the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia and Brunei.

China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has previously told reporters that its activities near Taiwan are “legitimate actions to exercise China’s jurisdiction, safeguard regional stability and uphold order at sea in accordance with the law”.

The Chinese embassy in Washington, DC did not immediately respond to Al Jazeera’s request for comment.

‘Grey zone’ tactics

Ray Powell, founder and director of Sea Light, a maritime transparency project based at Stanford University, said he views the uptick in patrols as part of China’s “boa constrictor strategy that intends to squeeze Taiwan one coil at a time”.

China has pledged to annex Taiwan by peace or by force, and it employs a variety of pressure tactics, from cutting off access to international spaces such as the World Health Organization, drone and fighter jet incursions, to alleged cyberattacks, according to Taiwan’s National Security Bureau.

Known as “grey zone” tactics, these manoeuvres are designed to strain Taiwan’s limited resources and damage morale in order to convince its 23 million people that annexation is inevitable, according to Taiwanese officials.

Security analysts like Powell have warned that “law enforcement” activities could quickly escalate into a blockade or quarantine. Taiwan is particularly vulnerable to this type of pressure as an island that imports nearly all its energy supplies.

“One day we could look back at this and say this was in some ways the start of the quarantine,” he told Al Jazeera.

“Today it’s radio challenges; what is the next stage after that? When do we start to see them stop and inspect ships or reroute them? It’s not a very big step to start squeezing Taiwan on things it needs, like LNG,” Powell said.

China has already signalled that a blockade could be on the table in the future. Since 2022, Beijing has regularly staged large-scale military exercises in the Taiwan Strait, including a simulated blockade of the island during its last round of exercises in December.

While coastguard activity is more low-profile than a naval patrol, Chauluen Lin, an expert in asymmetric warfare at Taipei’s Institute for National Defense and Security Research, told Al Jazeera the fleet could be considered a “second navy”.

China’s coastguard is not a civilian police force, as it falls under the jurisdiction of the Central Military Commission as a division of the People’s Armed Police.

China’s coastguard patrols have been unusual enough to elicit a rare joint response from the United Kingdom, Germany and France, who said in late June that the “actions threaten regional stability and the freedom of navigation and safety of international shipping”.

“We reiterate our opposition to any unilateral change to the status quo, particularly by threat or use of force or coercion,” the statement said.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said last week that Washington disagrees with the expanded patrols and that they undermine regional stability.

A distracted US

William Yang, the Crisis Group’s senior analyst for Northeast Asia, told Al Jazeera that Beijing may be taking advantage of a US distracted by the war in Iran and a president who appears ambivalent towards Taiwan.

Although the US does not recognise Taiwan as a country, it has pledged to help the island defend itself. Much of this assistance has come in the form of weapons sales, training and intelligence sharing.

US President Donald Trump also cast doubt on these commitments when he said US weapons sales could be a “negotiating chip” with China following a meeting with Chinese leader Xi Jinping in May.

“The external environment has fundamentally changed in the Indo-Pacific region, at least from their perspective, with Washington very focused and tangled up in the Middle East,” Yang said.

“At the same time, the US has no bandwidth to really look at or respond to such an expansion of Chinese maritime operations in these sensitive waters,” he added.

THE Cotswolds is easily one of the most popular places to holiday in the UK thanks to its pretty limestone villages and scenic countryside, but if you’re with kids and it’s summertime then let’s face it… they’ll be miffed at a lack of sandcastle building opportunities. 

Fear not, because the scenic region is also home to the UK’s inland beach.

I visited Cotswold Country Park And Beach with my son last week, as England entered what felt like its 100th week of sunshine, and it was the perfect way to spend a summer’s day. 

Located on the South lake and North Lake within the Cotswold Water Park, just down the road from Cirencester, it’s about 45-50 miles in a straight line from the nearest coast in the Bristol Channel. 

The park has 140 metres of sandy beach and a large area for paddling and swimming, as well as stacks of water-based activities. 

These include a large overwater, inflatable obstacle course, pedalos, paddleboarding, rowing boats, electric self-drive boats, paddle boats and kayaks. 

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There’s more to do on land too, including pedal carts, a playground and minigolf. 

We paid £18 to enter the park with our car and a further £18 each for the inflatable obstacle course, plus £12 for 30 minutes on the electric boats. 

As it was a Friday during the school summer holidays and a roasting 27C, the beach was packed, with families spilling out onto the grassy banks behind. 

Thanks to the neverending summer, the water was very warm with no need to brace as you enter the water, like you usually do in Britain. 

The Cotswold lakes were initially made out of old limestone gravel pits from the 1900s, which then refilled naturally and were turned into nature reserves.

Several of them now offer activities like paddleboarding but Cotswolds Country Park is the biggest of the bunch. 

The overwater obstacle course was so brilliant that it was the highlight of my entire week’s holiday, with a good 45 minutes on the water, clambering on the Total Wipeout-style attraction.

The electric boats were brilliant too, with my son loving having control of his own vehicle on the water. 

There’s so much to do at the park that you could easily spend two days here and not get bored. 

We spent 6 hours there and barely scratched the surface of what was on offer. 

If you want to make it into a weekend, I highly recommend staying at the De Vere Cotswold Water Park Hotel, which is an eight-minute drive away on the edge of one of the other 148 lakes in the area and has rooms from £160 a night this August. 

With its own spa, we finished our day with a more relaxing water-based activity and the chance to use their posh products to wash off our time in the lakes, before a waterfront dinner at their Boathouse restaurant and a well-deserved night’s sleep.