Saudi Arabia’s Foreign Minister warns Iran that regional neighbours have ‘significant’ capabilities with which to respond to Tehran’s aggression.
Saudi Arabia’s Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud has warned Iran that tolerance of its attacks on his country and those of neighbouring Gulf states is limited, calling on Tehran to immediately “recalculate” its strategy.
Warning that Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states have “very significant capacities and capabilities” that could be drawn on should they “choose to do so”, the foreign minister told a news conference early on Thursday that Iran had carefully planned its strategy for striking regional neighbours, despite denials from Tehran’s diplomats.
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“The level of accuracy in some of this targeting – you can see it in our neighbours as well as the kingdom – indicates that this is something that was premeditated, preplanned, preorganised and well thought out,” Prince Faisal said.
“I’m not going to lay out what would and would not precipitate a defensive action by the Kingdom [of Saudi Arabia] because I think that is not a wise approach to signal to the Iranians,” the foreign minister continued.
“But I think it’s important for the Iranians to understand that the kingdom, but also its partners who have been attacked and beyond, have very significant capacities and capabilities that they could bring to bear should they choose to do so,” he said.
“The patience that is being exhibited is not unlimited. Do they [the Iranians] have a day, two, a week? I’m not going to telegraph that,” he added.
“I would hope they understand the message of the meeting today and recalculate quickly and stop attacking their neighbours. But I am doubtful they have that wisdom.”
Prince Faisal’s warning followed a meeting of foreign ministers from Arab and Islamic countries in the Saudi capital earlier in the day to discuss the expanding war in the region, which on Wednesday saw Iranian attacks on Gulf energy sites, including Qatar’s Ras Laffan gas facility, where significant damage was reported, and the United Arab Emirates’ Habshan gas facility.
Qatar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs expressed its “strong condemnation and denunciation of the blatant Iranian attack targeting Ras Laffan Industrial City”, located 80km (50 miles) northeast of the Qatari capital Doha, which is the world’s largest liquefied natural gas (LNG) production facility, producing some 20 percent of the world’s LNG supply.
Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) had warned earlier that oil and gas facilities in Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE would face retaliation for an Israeli strike on Iran’s South Pars gasfield.
Iranian state media reported that facilities linked to the country’s huge offshore South Pars field – located off the coast of southern Iran’s Bushehr province – had come under attack.
Saudi Arabia’s Ministry of Defence also said on Wednesday that its air defences had intercepted four Iranian ballistic missiles that targeted Riyadh and two launched towards the country’s eastern region.
Air defences in the UAE dealt with 13 ballistic missiles and 27 drones, according to the country’s Defence Ministry, while operations were suspended at the Habshan gas facility as authorities responded to incidents caused by fallen debris after the successful interception of a missile.
The Saudi foreign minister also told the news conference on Thursday that while the war will end one day, it will take much longer to restore relations with Iran as trust “has completely been shattered” due to Tehran’s tactics of targeting its neighbours.
“We know for a fact that Iran has been building this strategy over the last decade and beyond,” Prince Faisal said.
“This is not something that is a reaction to an evolving circumstance where Iran is improvising. This has been built into their war planning: targeting their neighbours and using that to try and put pressure on the international community,” he said.
“So when this war eventually ends, in order for there to be any rebuilding of trust, it will take a long time. And I have to tell you, if Iran doesn’t stop … immediately, I think there will be almost nothing that can re-establish that trust,” he added.
Iranian strikes come after Israel attacked Iran’s South Pars gasfield, with President Pezeshkian warning of ‘uncontrollable consequences’ that could ‘engulf the entire world’.
Alireza Enayati says relations with Saudi Arabia are ‘progressing naturally’ and he’s in direct contact with Saudi officials.
Published On 15 Mar 202615 Mar 2026
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Iran’s ambassador to Saudi Arabia denied Tehran is responsible for attacks on Saudi Arabia’s oil infrastructure, saying if it was behind the strikes, it would have announced it.
Alireza Enayati did not suggest who carried out the attacks, but added Iran is only attacking United States and Israeli military targets and interests during the ongoing war, Reuters news agency quoted him as saying on Sunday.
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After the US and Israel launched attacks on Iran at the end of February, Tehran retaliated against US and Israeli military assets, including in Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain, Jordan, Iraq, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).
Last week, the Ras Tanura oil refinery was forced to stop operations after debris from a drone caused a small fire. Attempted attacks were also reported on the Shaybah oilfield in the desert near the border with the UAE.
So far, Saudi Arabia’s Defence Ministry has not blamed anyone for the attacks.
Enayati said he’s in direct contact with Saudi officials, explaining that relations are “progressing naturally” in many areas.
Talks included Saudi Arabia’s publicly stated position that its land, sea, and air would not be used to target Iran. He didn’t elaborate.
Iran and Saudi Arabia re-established diplomatic relations in 2023, in a deal brokered by China, that saw the two sides, which backed rival groups across the region, agree on a new chapter in bilateral relations.
‘Reliance on external powers’
Enayati reiterated to the Gulf states that the war “has been imposed on us and the region” following coordinated US and Israeli attacks.
Asked about the attacks on Gulf nations, Enayati replied: “We are neighbours, and we cannot do without each other; we will need a serious review.”
“What the region has witnessed over the past five decades is the result of an exclusionary approach and an excessive reliance on external powers,” he said, calling for deeper ties between the Gulf Cooperation Council’s six members along with Iraq and Iran.
Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi also denied his country is targeting civilian or residential areas in the Middle East, and said Tehran is ready to form a committee with its neighbours to investigate the responsibility for such strikes.
So far, the UAE, which normalised relations with Israel in 2020, has faced the brunt of Iran’s attacks, with US bases and oil refineries heavily targeted.
While all countries targeted have strongly condemned Iran’s missile and drone strikes, regional sources say there remains growing frustration at the United States for dragging them into a war they did not sign up for but are now paying the heaviest price for, Reuters reported.
Enayati said to resolve the conflict, the US and Israel need to stop their attacks, and international security guarantees to prevent future “aggression” must be given.
Paul Musgrave, associate professor at Georgetown University in Qatar, said the administration of US President Donald Trump has lost much of its leverage in the region, and the US engaged in the wrong conflict at the wrong moment, without proper planning.
Iran’s strategy, meanwhile, now seems to be “not who has a bigger bomb or bigger munitions, but who has the highest threshold for pain”, Musgrave told Al Jazeera.
From the first oil discoveries to the ambitious economic diversification of Vision 2030, Saudi Arabia’s banks have been indispensable partners in the Kingdom’s transformation.
Once a land of pearl diving and desert trade routes, Saudi Arabia is today one of the world’s largest economies and a powerful force in global finance, with a banking sector that ranks among the most dynamic and well-capitalized in the Middle East.
Regulated by the Saudi Central Bank (SAMA), the country’s banking sector has undergone successive waves of modernization, from the Saudization of foreign-owned banks in the 1970s to the digital transformation reshaping the industry today. Saudi banks are now at the forefront of financing multi-billion-dollar mega-projects — from NEOM’s futuristic, car-free, zero-carbon urban living to the Red Sea Project’s regenerative, marine-focused luxury tourism — while championing Islamic finance innovation and expanding their reach across the region and beyond.
These are the leading banks in Saudi Arabia, listed alphabetically, each with its own distinctive strengths and unique history.
Al Rajhi Bank
What began as a small family currency exchange operation in Riyadh has grown into the world’s largest Shariah-compliant institution with assets nearing $300 billion. Al Rajhi Bank traces its origins to 1957, when four brothers —Sulaiman, Saleh, Mohamed and Abdullah Al Rajhi— who were born in poverty to become one of Saudi Arabia’s most prominent families, began building a network of individual banking and commercial entities. In 1978, these entities were consolidated under the Al Rajhi Trading and Exchange Corporation, and in 1988 the bank was formally established as a Saudi joint stock company.
Al Rajhi Bank has been essential in bridging the gap between modern financial demands and Shariah compliance, pioneering products such as Islamic credit cards, lease financing and Sukuk, and blending dense branch coverage with heavy digital adoption. It serves approximately 20 million customers through a network of over 500 branches and more than 4,000 ATMs across Saudi Arabia, and maintains an international presence in Kuwait, Jordan and Malaysia. Al Rajhi Bank is a repeat winner of Global Finance awards, including for Best Islamic Bank, Best Consumer Digital Bank and Best Foreign Exchange Provider.
Alinma Bank
Established by Royal Decree in 2006, Alinma Bank is the youngest of Saudi Arabia’s major banks and —matching its name, which means “growth” or “development” in Arabic — one of its fastest-growing. Its purple branding incorporates the Khuzama (Wild Lavender), a Saudi symbol of the welcoming desert after rain, to signal a departure from legacy institutions, and position Alinma as a modern, boutique and consumer-centric alternative.
With assets of more than $80 billion, the bank was founded by three of the country’s most powerful state entities—the Public Investment Fund, the Public Pension Agency, and the General Organization for Social Insurance—each holding an equal 10% stake, with the remaining 70% offered to the public in April 2008, making it one of the most anticipated IPOs in Saudi market history.
Fully Shariah-compliant across all its operations, Alinma provides a comprehensive range of retail, corporate, investment and treasury services. With over 100 branches, more than 1,500 ATMs and an extensive digital platform, the bank serves close to 6 million customers. Alinma has earned recognition from Global Finance, including for Best Islamic Bank and in the Best Digital Banks category.
Arab National Bank
Established in 1979 by Royal Decree, Arab National Bank (ANB) took over the operations of six branches previously run by the Jordan-headquartered Arab Bank in the Kingdom, and has since grown its network to over 120 locations.
Always at the forefront of innovation, ANB introduced the TeleMoney international money-transfer service in 1992. In 2000, it became the first bank to launch an internet banking service in Saudi Arabia, evolving into a major player in the Middle East with a strong focus on digital transformation while remaining, to this day, a close collaborator with the FinTech sector.
With total assets close to $70 billion, Arab National Bank delivers a comprehensive suite of financial services spanning retail and private banking, corporate and commercial banking, treasury operations, and insurance. Its Shariah‑compliant products are offered through its subsidiary, Arab National Investment Company. The bank’s financing capabilities range from microlending to project and structured finance, including dedicated support for Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs), a segment for which ANB was recognized by Global Finance in the Best Bank in Saudi Arabia category.
Bank Albilad
Established in 2004, Bank Albilad is one of Saudi Arabia’s newer and smaller full‑service institutions. As a born‑digital Sharia‑compliant bank that never had to unwind legacy systems, it was designed for modern digital‑first banking, positioning itself early as a nimble provider of services to personal, SME, and corporate clients, who can also rely on a network of over 100 branches across the Kingdom.
Beyond conventional banking services, Bank Albilad has built a diversified group of subsidiaries that strengthen its market offering: Albilad Capital provides investment banking, brokerage, and asset management; Enjaz has emerged as a leader in international remittance services, processing some of the largest outbound transfer volumes in the region; and Albilad Real Estate and Financial Solutions Company round out the group’s capabilities. The bank has also been ranked among the Safest Islamic Banks in the Gulf Cooperation Council by Global Finance magazine.
Bank AlJazira
Established in 1975, by 1979 Bank AlJazira had already transitioned to become a fully Islamic banking institution, earning the distinction of becoming the first bank in the Kingdom to offer fully Shariah-compliant services. In 2002, it again broke new ground by introducing Takaful Ta’awuni, giving Saudis the first fully Shariah-compliant alternative to conventional life insurance.
Today, the Jeddah-headquartered bank manages around $40 billion in assets and serves customers through approximately 80 branches and 60 Fawri Remittance Centers across the Kingdom, offering retail, corporate, investment and private banking services. Its investment arm, AlJazira Capital, extends that reach into brokerage, asset management, and corporate advisory. Global Finance has recognized Bank AlJazira as one of the Safest Islamic Banks in the GCC.
Banque Saudi Fransi
With roots stretching back to the French colonial-era banking institution Banque de l’Indochine et de Suez, Banque Saudi Fransi (BSF) has one of the most international pedigrees of any bank in the Kingdom. When the Saudi government enacted its Saudization policy in the late 1970s and converted all foreign bank branches into Saudi joint stock companies with majority local ownership, BSF was established in 1977 by Royal Decree as a joint venture between prominent Saudi shareholders and its French predecessor. Its cosmopolitan legacy is reflected to this day in its enduring strength in trade finance and cross-border corporate banking through its affiliation with Crédit Agricole Corporate and Investment Bank, an arm of the storied French banking group.
With assets valued at approximately $80 billion, a workforce of around 3,000 employees, and over 80 branches and 570 ATMs nationwide, Banque Saudi Fransi serves approximately 1.3 million customers across four primary segments: retail, corporate, treasury, and investment banking. BSF has been recognized by Global Finance numerous times, including for Best Bank for Cash Management in the Middle East, and in the Best Bank, Safest Banks, and Top Innovators categories.
Riyad Bank
Established in 1957, Riyad Bank is the oldest publicly held bank in Saudi Arabia. Its founding coincided with a period of rapid transformation in the Kingdom, as oil revenues began reshaping the economy and creating demand for sophisticated financial services. Today, the Saudi government retains a 51% stake in the institution, the third-largest in the Kingdom with assets of about $140 billion.
Riyad Bank provides a comprehensive range of fully Shariah-compliant products and services to retail, corporate, and SME clients through over 330 domestic branches, while its investment banking subsidiary, Riyad Capital, is a top player in IPO advisory and asset management.
Much like in its early years, the bank remains a leading arranger of syndicated loans in the oil, petrochemicals, and infrastructure sectors. Yet, the seven‑decade‑old banking institution is very much committed to digital innovation and alignment with Vision 2030. Riyad Bank has been recognized by Global Finance for excellence in Best Corporate/Institutional Digital Banks, Best Investment Bank and Safest Bank categories, among others.
Saudi Awwal Bank
The story of Saudi Awwal Bank (SAB) is, in many ways, the story of banking in Saudi Arabia itself. One of its predecessors, Alawwal Bank—originally the Netherlands Trading Society, established in 1926—was the first bank in the Kingdom and played a crucial role in the country’s early financial development. The other half of SAB’s lineage is the Saudi British Bank (SABB), created in 1978 when the operations of the British Bank of the Middle East were transferred to a new Saudi joint‑stock company in partnership with HSBC, which continues to hold approximately 31% of SAB’s capital.
In 2018, the Saudi British Bank announced its merger with Alawwal Bank. The integration was completed in 2021, resulting in SAB, a universal bank offering the full spectrum of banking and financial services, with approximately $120 billion in assets and more than 100 branches in Saudi Arabia, as well as one in London. SAB has been recognized numerous times by Global Finance, earning awards in the Best Bank, Best Private Bank, Best Trade Finance Provider, Best SME Bank, and Best Bank for Sustainable Finance categories.
Saudi Investment Bank
The Saudi Investment Bank (SAIB) was founded by Royal Decree in 1976 and started operations a year later with a primary mandate to provide medium and long-term industrial financing in support of the Kingdom’s economic development.
Over the years, the bank broadened its scope into full commercial banking, and in 2006 it launched its Alasalah Islamic Banking brand, offering a dedicated range of Shariah-compliant products and services through a network of specialized branches. SAIB has also established a range of joint ventures and subsidiaries spanning investment banking, share trading, asset management, leasing, mortgages, insurance, and credit cards.
A publicly listed company on the Saudi Exchange, with total assets exceeding $46 billion, SAIB caters to about one million customers through its 50 branches across the Kingdom, while keeping a dedicated focus on financing quasi-government and private industrial sectors, alongside trade finance solutions designed to support imports and grow Saudi exports.
Saudi National Bank
Also known as SNB AlAhli, the Saudi National Bank (SNB) is the largest financial institution in Saudi Arabia and one of the largest banks in the Middle East. Its principal heritage is the National Commercial Bank (NCB), which was founded in December 1953 and became the first bank to be officially licensed and operate in the Kingdom under a Royal Decree. For decades, NCB served as the anchor of Saudi banking, financing the country’s development across oil, infrastructure, and commerce. In April 2021, following one of the largest banking mergers in regional history, NCB combined with Samba Financial Group —itself originally established as Citibank’s Saudi operations, nationalized in 1980— to create the Saudi National Bank.
With total assets of over $300 billion, SNB serves approximately 15 million customers through over 480 branches and 20 retail service centers across the Kingdom, with international offices in Bahrain, the UAE, Qatar, as well as in Singapore, China, South Korea, and the United Kingdom.
The Public Investment Fund and the General Organization for Social Insurance are among its largest shareholders. SNB is also the preeminent financier for Saudi Arabia’s landmark Vision 2030 infrastructure and diversification projects, and regularly wins Global Finance awards in the Safest Bank, Best Bank, and Best Digital Bank categories.
Saudi Arabia’s fixation with megaprojects may be giving way to more pragmatic initiatives better aligned with investor appetite.
The urgent need for foreign investment crystallized last month when a royal decree replaced veteran cabinet member and investment minister Khalid Al-Falih amid broader funding concerns over the kingdom’s signature Vision 2030 development framework.
Foreign investment amounted to just 2.1% of GDP last year, according to Capital Economics. That’s well below the government’s Vision 2030 target. The research firm also forecasts government debt will balloon to 40% of GDP next year. That’s up from just over 30% last year and above consensus.
Vision 2030, which now appears to be under review, represents Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s blueprint for diversifying an economy still heavily reliant on hydrocarbon revenues.
Replacing Al-Falih is Fahad Al-Saif, sometimes also referred to as Fahad bin Abduljalil Al-Saif, a former HSBC banker.
Until his appointment, Al-Saif held various positions at the Public Investment Fund (PIF), Saudi Arabia’s $1.15 trillion flagship sovereign wealth fund. He was also instrumental in overhauling the kingdom’s capital-raising capabilities. Earlier, he played a role in roadshows aimed at mustering investor support for Saudi bond sales.
But the government’s recent signaling suggests Al-Saif will preside over a period of relative austerity while attempting to maintain investor support for a rolling set of reforms. His stewardship is likely to face an early test as policymakers’ attention is focusing on future foreign investment initiatives.
Recent reports imply that the government will soon announce a streamlined set of priorities and a pivot away from nosebleed-inducing megaprojects such as The Line, a 170-kilometer, multibillion-dollar planned smart city that makes up a segment of the ambitious Neom development.
Posts on social media have broadly welcomed Al-Saif’s appointment, variously describing him as a safe pair of hands fit to carry out a shift towards more mundane revenue-generating projects.
Iran’s IRGC had earlier said they targeted radar systems in locations including Al-Kharj, home to Prince Sultan base.
Published On 8 Mar 20268 Mar 2026
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At least two people have been killed after a projectile fell on a residential location in Saudi Arabia‘s Al-Kharj city, Saudi authorities reported, as Iranian counterattacks on Gulf nations hosting US military assets entered a second week.
The Saudi civil defence said in a post on X on Sunday, without mentioning Iran, that an unspecified “military projectile” had hit a residential area in Al-Kharj, killing two foreign nationals – one Indian and one Bangladeshi – and injuring 12 people.
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Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) had said earlier that it had targeted radar systems in locations including Al-Kharj governorate, which is home to the Prince Sultan airbase used by United States forces, and has come under repeated attack over the past week in the US and Israeli war against Iran.
Reporting from Doha, Al Jazeera’s Laura Khan said the projectile had landed on a residential site belonging to a maintenance and cleaning company.
“This is getting very volatile and dangerous for people across the Gulf,” she said. “It’s really important to emphasise that over 200 nationalities live and work across the Gulf nations. Many of these could be labourers.”
On Sunday, the Saudi Defence Ministry reported intercepting 15 drones, including an attempted attack in the diplomatic quarter of the capital Riyadh.
Kuwait, meanwhile, said an attack hit fuel tanks at its international airport, and Bahrain reported a water desalination plant had been damaged.
Sunday’s attacks came after Israeli warplanes hit five oil facilities around the Iranian capital, killing several people, according to a state oil executive, and blanketing the city in acrid smoke.
A spokesperson for the IRGC said Iran would retaliate if US-Israel attacks on its energy infrastructure did not let up.
“If you can tolerate oil at more than $200 per barrel, continue this game,” said the spokesperson.
As the war extended into its ninth day, the IRGC said it had enough supplies to continue drone and missile attacks across the Middle East for up to six months.
Ahmed Aboul Gheit, secretary-general of the Arab League, said Iran’s attacks on several member states were “reckless”, urging Tehran to reverse what he called a “massive strategic mistake”.
Iran’s Health Ministry said Sunday that at least 1,200 civilians had been killed and around 10,000 wounded since the US and Israel launched their war on Iran on February 28.
Islamabad, Pakistan – The reverberations of a war in which US-Israel attacks have killed more than a thousand people in Iran, including the country’s supreme leader Ali Khamenei, and Iranian missiles and drones have fallen on Israel in retaliation, are being felt deeply in Pakistan.
Six Gulf countries have also come under Iranian missile and drone attacks, putting Pakistan in a tough position.
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The country shares a 900-kilometre (559 miles) border with Iran in its southwest, and millions of its workers are residents in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf nations.
Since September last year, Islamabad has also reinforced its decades-long ties with Riyadh by signing a formal mutual defence agreement that commits each side to treat aggression against the other as aggression against both.
As Iranian drones and ballistic missiles continue to target Gulf states, the question being asked with increasing urgency in Pakistan is what Islamabad will do next if it finds itself pulled into the war.
Islamabad’s answer so far has been to work the phones furiously, engaging regional leaders, including Iran and Saudi Arabia.
When US-Israeli strikes killed Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on February 28, Pakistan condemned the attacks as “unwarranted”. Within hours, it also condemned Iran’s retaliatory strikes on Gulf states as “blatant violations of sovereignty”.
Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, who was attending an Organisation of Islamic Cooperation meeting in Riyadh when the conflict began last week, launched what he later described as “shuttle communication” between Tehran and Riyadh.
Speaking in the Senate on March 3, and at a news conference later the same day, Dar disclosed that he had personally reminded Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi of Pakistan’s defence obligations to Saudi Arabia.
“We have a defence pact with Saudi Arabia, and the whole world knows about it,” Dar said. “I told the Iranian leadership to take care of our pact with Saudi Arabia.”
Araghchi, he said, asked for guarantees that Saudi soil would not be used to attack Iran. Dar said he obtained those assurances from Riyadh and credited the back-channel exchange with limiting the scale of Iranian strikes on the kingdom.
On March 5, Iran’s ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Alireza Enayati, said his country welcomed Saudi Arabia’s pledge not to allow its airspace or territory to be used during the ongoing war with the US and Israel.
“We appreciate what we have repeatedly heard from Saudi Arabia – that it does not allow its airspace, waters, or territory to be used against the Islamic Republic of Iran,” he said in an interview.
But only a day later, during early hours of March 6, Saudi Arabia’s defence ministry confirmed it intercepted three ballistic missiles targeting the kingdom’s Prince Sultan Air Base. And hours later, Pakistan’s Field Marshal Asim Munir was in Riyadh, meeting Saudi Defence Minister Prince Khalid bin Salman, where they “discussed Iranian attacks on the Kingdom and the measures needed to halt them within the framework” of their mutual defence pact, the Saudi minister said in a post on X.
As the war escalates, analysts say that Pakistan’s tightrope walk between two close partners could become harder and harder.
A defence pact under pressure
A month after Iranian president’s visit to Islamabad, Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif met Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in Riyadh in September 2025 to sign a defence agreement [File: Handout/Saudi Press Agency via Reuters]
The Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement, signed on September 17, 2025, in Riyadh by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif alongside army chief Asim Munir, was the most significant formal defence commitment Pakistan had entered into in decades.
Its central clause states that any aggression against either country shall be considered aggression against both. The wording was modelled on collective defence principles similar to NATO’s Article 5, though analysts have cautioned against interpreting it as an automatic trigger for military intervention.
The agreement followed Israel’s September 2025 strikes on Hamas officials in Doha, an event that shook confidence in US security guarantees across the six Gulf Cooperation Council states: Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.
Nuclear-armed Pakistan has maintained a military relationship with Saudi Arabia for decades, according to which an estimated 1,500 to 2,000 Pakistani troops remain stationed in the kingdom.
Now the pact is being tested under conditions neither side anticipated.
Umer Karim, an associate fellow at the Riyadh-based King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies, called Pakistan’s current predicament the outcome of a miscalculation.
Islamabad, he argued, likely never expected to find itself caught between Tehran and Riyadh, particularly after the China-brokered rapprochement between Saudi Arabia and Iran in 2023.
“Pakistani leaders were always careful not to take an official plunge vis-a-vis Saudi defence. It was done for the first time by the current army chief, and though the potential dividends are big, so are the costs,” Karim told Al Jazeera.
“Perhaps this is the last time the Saudis will test Pakistan, and if Pakistan doesn’t fulfil its commitments now, the relationship will be irreversibly damaged,” he added.
In 2015, it declined a direct Saudi request to join the military coalition fighting in Yemen, following a parliamentary resolution that the country must remain neutral.
Aziz Alghashian, senior non-resident fellow at the Gulf International Forum in Riyadh, pointed to that episode. “The limitation of the Saudi-Pakistan treaty is clear. Treaties are only as strong as the political calculations and political will behind them,” Alghashian told Al Jazeera.
But Ilhan Niaz, a professor of history at Islamabad’s Quaid-e-Azam University, said that if Saudi Arabia feels sufficiently threatened by Iran to formally request Pakistani military assistance, “Pakistan will come to Saudi Arabia’s aid.”
“To do otherwise would undermine Pakistan’s credibility,” he told Al Jazeera.
The Iran constraint
The complicating factor for Pakistan is that it cannot afford to treat Iran simply as an adversary if Riyadh calls for military assistance.
The two countries share a long and porous border, maintain significant trade ties, and have recently stepped up diplomatic engagement. Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian visited Islamabad in August 2025, and the two governments maintain a range of formal and backchannel contacts.
Niaz acknowledged that Tehran has also been “a difficult neighbour”, pointing to the January 2024 exchange of cross-border strikes initiated by Iran as evidence of the relationship’s unpredictability.
Even so, he said Pakistan had “vital national interests” in ensuring Iran’s stability and territorial integrity.
“The collapse of Iran into civil war, its fragmentation into warring states, and the extension of Israeli influence to Pakistan’s western borders are all developments that greatly, and rightly, worry Islamabad,” he said.
The domestic fallout from the US-Israel strikes and Iran’s response has already been immediate.
The army was deployed and a three-day curfew imposed in Gilgit-Baltistan after at least 23 people were killed in protests across Pakistan following Khamenei’s assassination. The protests were driven largely by Pakistan’s Shia community, estimated to make up between 15 and 20 percent of the 250 million population, which has historically mobilised around developments involving Iran.
Pakistan’s violent sectarian history adds another layer of risk.
The Zainabiyoun Brigade, a Pakistan-origin Shia militia trained, funded and commanded by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, has recruited thousands of fighters from Pakistan over the past decade. While many fought in Syria against ISIL (ISIS), many Syrians activists accuse them of committing sectarian violence.
Two years ago, Pakistan’s northwestern Kurram district, the Zainabiyoun’s primary recruitment ground, saw more than 130 people killed in sectarian clashes in the final weeks of 2024 alone.
Pakistan formally banned the group in 2024, but many believe the designation has done little to dismantle its networks.
Analysts warn that fighters hardened in Syria’s civil war could, if Iran’s conflict with Pakistan’s Gulf partners deepens, shift from a defensive to an offensive posture on Pakistani soil.
“Iran has significant influence over Shia organisations in Pakistan,” Islamabad-based security analyst Amir Rana, executive director of the Pak Institute of Peace Studies, told Al Jazeera. “And then you have Balochistan, which is already a highly volatile area. If there is any confrontation, the fallout for Pakistan would be severe.”
Pakistan’s Balochistan province borders Iran, and has been ground-zero for a decades-long separatist movement. “That reality cannot be ignored,” Muhammad Khatibi, a political analyst based in Tehran, said, pointing out that geography itself constrains Islamabad’s choices.
“Any perception that Islamabad is siding militarily against Tehran could inflame domestic sectarian divisions in ways that a full-scale regional war would make very difficult to contain,” Khatibi told Al Jazeera.
Violence erupted in Pakistan following news of US and Israeli strikes on Iran that killed Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on February 28. At least 23 people were killed in violence across the country, with at least 10 people killed in Karachi during a protest outside the US Consulate General [Akhtar Soomro/Reuters]
What are Pakistan’s options?
Analysts say direct offensive military action against Iran, such as deploying combat aircraft or conducting strikes on Iranian territory, is not a realistic option for Pakistan, given its domestic constraints.
Rana describes Islamabad’s current posture as an attempt to placate both sides.
“Iran’s primary threat is through air strikes using drones and missiles, and that is an area where Pakistan can help and provide assistance to Saudi Arabia. But that would mean Pakistan becoming a party to the war, and that is a major question mark,” he said.
He added that the most viable option for Pakistan could be to provide covert operational support to Saudi Arabia while maintaining diplomatic engagement with Iran.
Alghashian also agreed; he identified air defence cooperation as the most concrete role Pakistan could play — it would be both “militarily meaningful and politically defensible”
“They could help create more air defence capacity,” he said. “This is tangible, it is defensive, and it is in Pakistan’s interest that Saudi Arabia becomes more stable and prosperous.”
Karim, however, warned that the window for Pakistan’s balancing act may be closing faster than Islamabad realises.
“As the situation reaches a tipping point and as Saudi energy installations and infrastructure are hit, it is only a matter of time that Saudi Arabia will ask Pakistan to contribute towards its defence,” he said.
He added that if Pakistan deploys air defence assets to Saudi Arabia, doing so could leave its own air defences dangerously exposed, while deeper involvement could carry political costs at home.
For now, Islamabad’s strongest card remains diplomacy, using its access to both Riyadh and Tehran and the trust it has accumulated. Khatibi said Pakistan should protect that position “at all costs”.
“Pakistan’s most realistic positioning is as a mediator and leveraging its relationships with both sides. It is highly unlikely that Pakistan deploys forces into an anti-Iran coalition. The risks would outweigh the benefits,” he said.
The stakes for Pakistan
The scenario least favourable to Islamabad would be a collective Gulf Cooperation Council decision to enter the war directly, and the warning signs are mounting.
Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have both declared that Iranian attacks “crossed a red line”.
A joint statement issued on March 1 by the United States, Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE said they “reaffirm the right to self-defense in the face of these attacks.”
For Pakistan, such an escalation could carry serious consequences.
Economically, with millions of Pakistani workers living and earning their wages in Gulf states, remittances from the region provide crucial foreign exchange for an economy still recovering from a balance of payments crisis.
Khatibi said any prolonged regional war that disrupts Gulf economies would directly affect Pakistan’s financial position.
“Energy prices could also spike, adding further strain,” he said, noting Pakistan’s heavy dependence on Gulf states for its energy needs.
Pakistan is also simultaneously managing its own military confrontation with the Afghan Taliban which began two days before the US-Israel strikes.
Karim warned that deeper involvement in the regional conflict could trigger internal instability.
“Sectarian conflict,” he said, “can reignite, taking the country back to the bloody 1990s. The government already has lean political legitimacy, and such an occurrence will make it even more unpopular.”
Alghashian also highlighted Pakistan’s reluctance to be drawn into the conflict.
“Saudi Arabia does not want to be in this war and is getting dragged into it. Pakistan will also certainly not want to be dragged into somebody else’s war that they didn’t want to be dragged into. It just wouldn’t make any sense,” he says.
But Niaz said that if the crisis eventually forces Islamabad to choose, the calculus may become unavoidable.
“If Tehran forces Pakistan to choose between Iran and Saudi Arabia, the choice would unquestionably be in favour of the Saudis.”
Multiple Gulf nations, Arab states, as well as Turkiye and Azerbaijan have been caught in the crosshairs of the war.
Published On 6 Mar 20266 Mar 2026
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Iran’s semi-official Fars News Agency has reported that overnight attacks on Bahrain’s capital, Manama, targeted the Financial Harbour Towers commercial complex, the location of the Israeli embassy in the city.
The first week of the United States-Israel war on Iran and Tehran’s retaliatory strikes on nations hosting US forces and assets has engulfed the region and beyond into a broader conflict.
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The Reuters news agency reported Friday that an Iranian drone was intercepted and destroyed in the vicinity of the complex.
Multiple Gulf nations, Arab states, as well as Turkiye and Azerbaijan have been caught in the crosshairs of the war.
The Saudi Ministry of Defense on Friday said a cruise missile was intercepted and destroyed to the east of the country’s central al-Kharj governorate. The ministry provided no additional information.
The ministry also said later it had intercepted three drones to the east of the Riyadh region.
Additionally, the Qatari Ministry of Defence announced overnight that its air defence forces successfully intercepted a drone attack targeting the Al Udeid Air Base in Doha that hosts US assets.
Earlier, authorities issued an alert warning that the security threat level had been elevated, requiring people to remain indoors and to stay away from windows and other exposed areas.
Several explosions rang out in Doha on Thursday.
European Union leaders expressed support for Arab countries in the Gulf as Iran continues to launch missile and drone attacks on targets across the region, in response to attacks by the US and Israel.
EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas and other European leaders held talks with Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) officials on Thursday in Brussels, denouncing what they described as “Iran’s inexcusable attacks against the GCC countries”.
Elsewhere n Friday, air defences shot down several drones in the Jordanian city of Irb, according to an Al Jazeera correspondent on the ground.
March 3 (UPI) — Suspected Iranian drones have struck the U.S. Embassy in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia’s Ministry of Defense said early Tuesday, as the United States orders all non-emergency personnel to evacuate Bahrain and Kuwait amid Tehran’s continued retaliation strikes targeting U.S. assets and Israel.
Two drones struck the embassy, igniting “a limited fire” and causing “minor material damage” to the building, the ministry said in a statement.
The embassy confirmed in a statement that it had been attacked, urging people to avoid the facility. It said the mission was closed on Tuesday, and urged U.S. citizens throughout Saudi Arabia, but especially in the cities of Jeddah, Riyadh and Dhahran, to shelter in place.
The Saudi Defense Ministry later said it had intercepted and destroyed eight drones near Riyadh and Al-Kharj.
Asked what the U.S. response to the attack would be, President Donald Trump told NewsNation, “You’ll find out soon.”
Saudi Arabia is a U.S. ally and home to several American assets, including the U.S. Embassy and Prince Sultan Air Base, as well as other U.S. military facilities.
Since the United States and Israel began attacking Iran early Saturday, the Islamic regime has launched a barrage of missiles and drones targeting Israel as well as U.S. assets throughout the region.
Along with Saudi Arabia, Iran has attacked Kuwait, Jordan, Bahrain, Oman and the United Arab Emirates. At least six U.S. service members have been killed so far, all in Kuwait, where three U.S. fighter planes were also downed by Kuwait’s aerial defense weapons system in what is being called friendly fire.
The State Department on Tuesday ordered non-emergency U.S. government personnel and their families to leave Bahrain and Kuwait, according to statements published by their respective embassies.
On Tuesday, the State Department urged Americans throughout the Middle East to leave.
In a 4 p.m. EST statement from Assistant Secretary Mora Namdar, Americans in 14 Middle Eastern countries were told to “DEPART NOW.”