Ocean

May 4 (Asia Today) — Pan Ocean beat market expectations in the first quarter, helped by strong performance in its LNG and tanker businesses.

Pan Ocean said Monday its preliminary first-quarter sales rose 8.3% from a year earlier to 1.51 trillion won ($1.03 billion), while operating profit increased 24.4% to 140.9 billion won ($95.8 million).

The results exceeded market forecasts of 1.46 trillion won ($989 million) in sales and 132.2 billion won ($89.8 million) in operating profit.

Compared with the previous quarter, sales rose 2.2% and operating profit increased 8%. Analysts said expansion of the company’s LNG-focused business portfolio helped defend earnings despite the seasonal shipping slowdown.

By business segment, tanker operating profit rose 41.5% from a year earlier to 28.1 billion won ($19.1 million), supported by strong medium-range tanker market conditions. The LNG business posted 47.2 billion won ($32.1 million) in operating profit, up 49.7%, helped by fleet expansion and higher utilization.

The bulk segment, including grain operations, continued to grow from a year earlier, but profitability weakened from the previous quarter because of spot voyage losses caused by geopolitical risks from U.S.-Iran tensions and rising oil prices. Bulk operating profit totaled 54.7 billion won ($37.2 million).

The container segment posted 9 billion won ($6.1 million) in operating profit, down 42.9% from a year earlier, as oversupply pushed freight rates lower.

Pan Ocean said its strategy of diversifying into LNG and tankers to manage shipping market volatility has begun to show results.

“We will continue efforts to strengthen our ability to respond to market changes, expand our business portfolio and secure stable profitability,” a Pan Ocean official said. “At the same time, we will establish our position as a sustainable company through active ESG management.”

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260504010000408

IF you fancy a stay right by the beach but with a bit of style, you’ll want to head to Suffolk.

Here is everything you need to know about staying at Brudenell Hotel.

Where is the Brudenell Hotel?

The hotel is perched right on the beach and promenade of the sophisticated seaside town of Aldeburgh.

And the four-star boutique hotel – a local Victorian landmark – has had a makeover bringing it right into the 21st Century.

What are the rooms like?

The 44 rooms vary from standard double rooms overlooking the town through to superior deluxe seaview rooms with unparalleled views across the long pebble beach.

The beds are super comfortable and everywhere is decorated in soft, neutral tones with the occasional nautical and coastal reference here and there – like pieces of driftwood or porthole shaped windows.

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There is nothing more restorative and relaxing than sitting in your room watching, and listening, to the waves crash on the beach and seagulls crying overhead.

The illuminated seafoam washing up out of the darkness of the North Sea is a hypnotic experience.

Double rooms from £164 per night, including breakfast. See here.

What is there to eat and drink?

The hotel has a terrific seafood & grill restaurant with views over the beach and offers all-day dining with a two course lunch from £20.

There are plenty of other options in Aldeburgh from the best fish and chips imaginable to pizzas and even a terrific Indian, Sea Spice, at the nearby White Lion Hotel.

What else is there to do nearby?

You have to walk the length of the beach and take in the stunning Suffolk countryside flanking the nearby winding and sprawling River Alde.

But also check out the town centre with its myriad of shops, galleries and museums. Aldeburgh is a real gem of a coastal destination.

Is the hotel family friendly?

Some of the Superior rooms and Deluxe rooms can sleep two kids, and cots are available on request.

is it accessible?

There is lift access as well as two accessible rooms.

Blue bay parking is available.

Authors: Rahul Mishra & Harshit Prajapati

The US-Israel conflict with Iran dragged almost every country into a phase of energy insecurity. While Iran’s neighboring countries are directly affected by the armed conflict, immediate regions too have not remained insulated from the ongoing conflict. For India, the conflict has demonstrated the implications of getting caught in the crossfire of a conflict in its vicinity. Two particular incidents—the US sinking of the Iranian warship IRIS Dena in the waters off the coast of Sri Lanka (just 40 nautical miles away) and the reported firing of two ballistic missiles towards the joint UK-US base at Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean—serve as a grim reminder about a conflict spiraling in India’s maritime backyard in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR).

For decades, the Indian Ocean region has remained largely peaceful, away from any direct impact of a conflict in a neighboring region or any major power conflict with a regional impact. The two above-mentioned incidents highlight the need for littoral states of the IOR to have a regional security mechanism to deal with any crisis in the region in a more cohesive and coordinated fashion. Being one of the major stakeholders in the region, it is incumbent upon India to foster meaningful and substantial cooperation with IOR littoral states through regional mechanisms such as the Colombo Security Conclave (CSC) and the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS). It would be a timely exercise to strive to move beyond non-traditional security cooperation mechanisms to protect the shared maritime space, especially during such conflicts.

The sinking of IRIS Dena in the IOR when it was returning to its home after participating in the International Fleet Review and multinational exercise MILAN, hosted by India, serves as a major strategic lesson to countries of the region. Since the International Fleet Reviews are an acknowledgement by the regional and global peers of the host country’s sovereignty and maritime supremacy in its neighborhood, the sinking of an Iranian warship does not augur well for India’s claim as a net security provider or preferred security partner in the IOR.

Additionally, Iran’s launch of two ballistic missiles, which failed to strike the designated target, towards the Diego Garcia base, reflects the risk of a distant war reaching India’s maritime backyard. The 2025 decolonization agreement between the UK and Mauritius enabled the transfer of the Chagos archipelago, including Diego Garcia Island, to Mauritius; however, the UK retained access to the Diego Garcia military base for 99 years. Thus, in the event of a conflict, Diego Garcia, as the joint UK-US base, may become a target, thereby drawing the war into the Indian maritime backyard. With the escalating conflict with Iran, Hezbollah, and the Houthi rebels, the possibility of repetition of such an incident cannot be ruled out.

During the Cold War, India and the IOR countries endeavored to halt the foreign military presence in the IOR, as illustrated by the UNGA Resolution 2832 of 1971, which sought to establish the Indian Ocean Zone of Peace (IOZOP). However, the regional countries failed to implement the declaration because of resistance from the major powers. In 2016, India attempted to revive implementation of the 1971 resolution but failed to garner significant attention from the IOR countries, putting aside any major power.

Rather than seeking IOZOP through restrictions on foreign military presence, India should strengthen its naval capabilities, especially its intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) platforms. Earlier, in 2018, India envisioned a 200-ship fleet by 2027; however, in 2026, the goal was revised to a 200-plus-ship fleet by 2035. Despite the induction of new platforms, this goal seems ambitious, as older platforms retire faster than new ones are inducted, especially given the constrained budget allocation to the Indian Navy.

A sizable portion of India’s submarine fleet is aging. The current force comprising Russian-origin Kilo-class submarines and German-origin Type 209 submarines has been in service for decades and is set to retire soon. Although the induction of nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarine Aridhaman in April 2026 and Arighaat in August 2024 strengthened India’s nuclear triad, the pace of induction of conventional submarines remains lagging. Project 75I, aimed at developing advanced diesel-electric submarines, was originally set in motion in 2007; however, its deal with the manufacturer—a German firm—has yet to be signed.

Earlier, it was planned that India would expand its fleet of long-range maritime reconnaissance Boeing P-8I aircraft from 12 to 28. But then the plan to expand the fleet to 28 P-8I aircraft was reduced to 20-22 due to constrained spending. Additionally, the Indian Navy only possesses 15 MQ-9B high-altitude, long-endurance (HALE) drones.

Therefore, if India needs to entrench its position as a preferred security partner in the IOR and realize its vision of Security and Growth for all in the Region (SAGAR)—upgraded to Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions (MAHASAGAR) in 2025—in the IOR, then it needs to support its normative framework with military capabilities.

Given India’s lack of naval capabilities—across all three mediums (air, surface, and undersea)—to conduct persistent surveillance of the enormous IOR (spanning more than 70 million square kilometers), India should collaborate with littoral countries to conduct surveillance in the IOR through regional mechanisms such as the CSC and the IONS. Presently, cooperation in these forums is largely limited to countering non-traditional security threats, such as piracy, trafficking, maritime disasters, etc. Challenges such as differing threat perceptions, disparity in naval capabilities, and a lack of regional consciousness hinder meaningful and substantial cooperation.

However, if the littoral countries of the IOR seek to avoid getting caught in the crossfire of a distant conflict, such as the present one, they need to move beyond non-traditional security cooperation to develop a common understanding of how to protect the shared maritime space in the IOR, especially during such conflicts. India, being the most militarily equipped country in the IOR, should take the lead in forging the collaborative efforts to conduct persistent surveillance in the IOR, as maritime wars do not respect geographical boundaries.

KESHA is stripping down for Earth Day.

The singer skinny dipped in the ocean in a new Instagram post.

Kesha, 39, went totally nude in a series of snaps she shared on Wednesday in honor of Earth Day.

“Mother Nature is the divine feminine,” the pop star wrote on a post of her kneeling in the water.

She looked over her shoulder with her arm over her chest in the sultry photo.

“I am the infinite amount of things that I am made of,” Kesha wrote on another snap of her lying on her front in the water, holding a shell.

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“did anyone ever stop to think that maybe we are the aliens,” she wrote on another picture.

In the photo, she flipped her hair in the water while topless, with pink heart emojis covering her nipples.

“The most grounded popstar these rocks have ever seen,” she wrote on a pic of her holding the beach’s rocks in her hand.

“#earthday is every day,” she captioned the post.