northern

The Houthi rebels of Yemen say they are widening the scope of their attacks on Saudi shipping to the northern Red Sea to prevent transits through the Suez Canal. The expansion of Houthi kinetic activities there comes amid mixed messages about efforts to open up the Strait of Hormuz, largely closed by Iran after it was hit by the U.S. and Israel on Feb. 28.

The Iranian-backed Houthis already struck Saudi ships in the southern part of that body of water and refineries along the northern portion after imposing a blockade on the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, leading several oil tankers in the Red Sea to avoid that route in favor of the Suez Canal. The expansion of the Houthi campaign against Saudi shipping began with an attack off the port of Yanbu on the NCC Wafa, a Saudi oil tanker, the rebel group claimed today.

“By God’s grace, the Yemeni Armed Forces succeeded in striking the Saudi oil vessel Wafa in the northern Red Sea off the area of Yanbu, using a number of ballistic missiles — and the hit was precise, by God’s grace,” Houthi spokesman Yahya Saree claimed on X. “In tightening the naval blockade on the Saudi enemy at Bab al-Mandeb in the southern Red Sea, the Saudi enemy has moved to reroute its oil vessels toward the northern Red Sea. The Yemeni Armed Forces therefore affirm that their operations will continue and escalate in targeting Saudi oil vessels in the northern Red Sea, to close off every route and prevent passage, in order to cement the ‘blockade for blockade’ equation.”

There was no immediate statement issued by the Saudis and TWZ cannot independently verify the Houthis’ claims.

As we have frequently detailed, a Houthi blockade of the BAM threatens to add far greater pressure on oil exports from the Middle East, already drastically affected by the Iranian closure of the Strait of Hormuz and the resumption of the U.S. blockade on Iranian ports. The kingdom has diverted millions of barrels of oil per day through pipelines to its Yanbu port on the Red Sea in an effort to minimize the energy shortages due to the hostilities in the Persian Gulf. As we have noted, the Suez Canal is an important artery in addition to the BAM for ships carrying Saudi energy supplies, though this route drastically increases the cost of exports to Asia given the need to travel around Africa. While tankers carrying Saudi oil through the BAM have been greatly reduced, they are still making their way through the Suez Canal. But that could change if the Houthis start making that route perilous too, which would put a tighter energy squeeze on the west, including Europe, as well as the rest of the globe. They could also continue to attack Saudi oil terminals on the Red Sea, making shipping a moot point if the transfer stations are not operational.

The closing of the BAM to Saudi oil traffic, and now threats to the transit route north to the canal, also raise the specter of the U.S. having to get as involved as it did during the previous Houthi campaign against shipping that ended last September, which could pull resources away from Iranian-focused operations. It’s possible Egypt would have a major problem with such actions too, as it would impact the Canal’s revenue and freedom of movement. This could widen the conflict.

Meanwhile, there are mixed signals about whether the Strait of Hormuz will be fully reopened to traffic and under what conditions.

“The U.S., Iran and Oman are closing in on an interim agreement to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, with the U.S. aiming for a Wednesday announcement,” Axios reported on Wednesday, citing two regional sources and a U.S. official. “According to two regional sources, the deal under discussion sets up a 60-day temporary arrangement between Oman and Iran in the Hormuz strait, which could be extended.”

All inbound traffic of ships through the strait and into the Gulf would go in a northern lane through Iranian waters, the publication noted. All outbound traffic through the strait and into the Arabian Sea would go in a southern lane through Omani waters, in coordination with Iran. In addition, there would be no tolls or fees charged during this interim two-month period and the parties would work to clear the median lane of the Strait of mines within 30 days.

“After the median lane is cleared, it would be used for inbound and outbound traffic under the terms of a permanent arrangement to be negotiated between Oman and Iran,” the outlet added.

The deal described by Axios largely mirrors the Iran-Oman negotiations we reported on yesterday, with the main differences being the involvement of the U.S. and no imposition of fees. As we noted, both Iran and the U.S. are currently following a bifurcated traffic pattern, with the U.S. Navy recommending transits close to the Omani coastline and Iran pushing shipping toward its shores. The middle of the Strait has been deemed too hazardous because of the threat primarily from mines.

Speaking to Fox News Tuesday night, President Donald Trump said negotiations with Iran have been ongoing but that Tehran faces severe consequences if it fails to open up the Strait.

“If they back out again, they are going to get hit really hard,” Trump proclaimed.

The president has insisted that Iran must fully open the vital chokepoint or face new and more intense attacks that would include power plants, other civilian infrastructure and even strikes on leadership.

There are indications from Iran, however, that any deal to open the Strait is between Iran and Oman and that it might not result in a quick resolution.

The official Iranian Press TV stated on X “that any potential bilateral agreement between Tehran and Muscat regarding maritime traffic in the Strait of Hormuz will not automatically lead to the immediate re-opening of the strategic waterway.”

Reuters on Wednesday concurred that any deal to open the Strait may not be as imminent as Trump has claimed.

“A proposed deal between Iran and Oman would give Tehran control over ships entering the Gulf through the Strait of Hormuz,” the outlet wrote, citing a senior Iranian source and two regional officials. “Despite the apparent step towards yielding to Iranian demands, the sources pushed back against assertions by U.S. President Donald Trump that ‌a deal reopening the strait was imminent, saying important details still had to be agreed.”

Regardless of negotiations, U.S. Central Command stated on X that the Strait of Hormuz southern route along the coast of Oman remains open and that over the past three months, “U.S. forces have assisted more than 1,000 vessels in successfully transiting the strait despite unwarranted Iranian aggression, and these transits continue today.”

Between Houthi actions in the Red Sea region and the ongoing closure of the Strait of Hormuz, commercial traffic in both areas continues to be greatly reduced, though transits through the BAM are spiking upwards, according to MarineTraffic.

The latest “data highlights how headline volumes can obscure underlying maritime risk. Strait of Hormuz crossings fell from 10 to eight on 4 August, with seven vessels exiting the Middle East Gulf and only one entering,” MarineTraffic stated on X. “Five of the eight movements used the Iranian Unilateral Scheme, while no Hormuz Traffic Separation Scheme crossings were recorded.”

Meanwhile, “Bab el-Mandeb traffic rose from 25 to 34, including 18 vessels entering the Red Sea and 16 exiting,” MarineTraffic added. “Yet four dark transits, two sanctioned crossings and six shadow fleet movements indicate that visibility, routing concentration and compliance exposure remain central concerns.”

Amid all this, oil prices have actually fallen, with Brent Crude now trading at slightly over $79 a barrel, down from nearly $85 per barrel yesterday. Still, there are many reasons Trump is pushing a rekindled effort to find a diplomatic off-ramp to a conflict that has killed 18 American troops, wounded hundreds more, drained U.S. weapons stocks and roiled international relations and global financial markets. In addition to the global economic pressures this conflict has created, it is unpopular among the American electorate and crucial mid-term elections will take place in November. Even Fox News, generally supportive of Trump, has released polling data that shows a “majority of voters oppose U.S. military action, and nearly two thirds think the conflict will last at least a year.”

The latest Fox News survey “finds 56% oppose U.S. military action against Iran, including 40% who “strongly” oppose.”

How much these factors will play a role in Trump’s decision-making should become clearer over the next hours and days.

Contact the author: howard@twz.com

The PIL had been the third tier of NIFL since 2016 and is now set to be replaced by the Conference League, which will be run by NAFL.

As a result, NIFL will only control the top two leagues of Northern Irish football and has now expanded the Championship from 12 to 16 teams.

The top four teams from last season’s PIL – Moy­ola Park, Stra­bane Ath­letic, Rath­fri­land and Newry City – were promoted to the Championship.

But the 10 teams who finished between fifth and bottom of last year’s PIL- Dollingstown, Ballymacash Rangers, Portstewart, Oxford Sunnyside, Dergview, Ballyclare Comrades, Knockbreda, Coagh United, Lisburn Distillery and Banbridge Town – are all set to feature in the inaugural Conference league.

Ballymena & Provincial League champions St. James’ Swifts and Rosario, who came fifth in NAFL’s Premier Division last season, are also due to complete the new 12-team league.

But Banbridge, who finished bottom of the PIL, believed the decision to remove the side from the NIFL structures was “unlawful” and appealed to the Irish Football Association [IFA].

Banbridge argued that NIFL had not followed its own regulations by not previously securing approval from member clubs at an annual general meeting [AGM] or EGM to bring its annual regulations into operation, and their appeal was upheld by the IFA’s appeals committee.

Bamako, Mali – An unprecedented battlefield partnership between a separatist movement and an al-Qaeda affiliate has transformed the conflict in northern Mali, shifting the military balance and deepening divisions over how, if at all, the war can end.

When the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA) and Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) launched a joint offensive on April 25, 2026, the conflict entered a phase unlike any before.

A war that had long pitted the Malian state against multiple armed groups gave way to a coordinated campaign stretching from Kidal and Anefis to Tilemsi, Gao and Sevare, posing the most serious challenge to the Malian army in years and to Russia’s Africa Corps, the Kremlin-backed force that replaced the Wagner Group in Mali.

Since then, the fighting has been marked by simultaneous assaults, ambushes, drone strikes and attacks on military convoys, with all sides claiming significant battlefield gains.

Bamako says it is working to restore state authority and dismantle what it calls a “terrorist alliance” between the FLA and JNIM.

The FLA says it remains committed to independence for Azawad, the name separatists use for northern Mali, while JNIM portrays the war as part of a campaign to “liberate” Mali and overthrow the government, which it accuses of relying on Russian forces.

More significant than the offensive itself, however, is the unprecedented military cooperation between a nationalist separatist movement and an al-Qaeda affiliate.

Their political ambitions remain fundamentally different, yet their cooperation has already reshaped the conflict and could have far-reaching implications for security across the Sahel.

The partnership emerged after the collapse of the 2015 Algiers Peace Agreement, which sought to end years of fighting between Bamako and northern armed groups through greater decentralisation and political representation, but whose implementation repeatedly faltered.

Successive military coups after 2020 reshaped Mali’s political leadership and security strategy. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) suspended Mali and imposed sanctions, while Russia deepened its military role by deploying the Wagner Group in late 2021.

After Russia folded the Wagner Group’s operations into the state-controlled Africa Corps, renewed fighting left neither the government nor northern armed groups able to impose a lasting settlement.

How the alliance took shape

On paper, cooperation between the FLA and JNIM appears unlikely. The FLA traces its roots to northern separatist movements that declared the independence of Azawad during the 2012 rebellion, a claim never recognised by the Malian state or the international community.

It presents itself as a secular nationalist movement seeking independence for Azawad, while JNIM seeks to overthrow governments it considers illegitimate and establish governance based on its interpretation of Islamic law.

Yet senior officials from both groups told Al Jazeera those ideological differences have been set aside to confront a common enemy.

Colonel Mohamed Issa, a senior FLA officer, said the movement remained committed to an independent Azawad, arguing that previous peace agreements repeatedly collapsed because successive governments in Bamako failed to honour them.

Negotiations, he said, would only be acceptable if they recognised Azawad’s right to separate.

Issa rejected suggestions of an ideological alliance, describing the relationship as a battlefield arrangement against a common enemy.

He said the JNIM-affiliated fighters operating alongside the FLA were exclusively Azawadis rather than members of the group’s wider regional network, arguing they were motivated primarily by defending their communities against the Malian army and what he described as Russian “mercenaries”.

Suleiman, a senior JNIM field commander who requested that only his first name be used for security reasons, described the relationship in broader terms.

He said the group approved operational coordination with the FLA after internal consultations because fighters on both sides largely came from “one people” caught up in the same conflict and because their liberation goals had become “relatively unified”.

He also claimed the FLA had accepted Islamic legal arbitration by local religious scholars, one of JNIM’s core objectives, a point the FLA itself did not raise. Bamako, meanwhile, has described the relationship as a “JNIM/FLA terrorist alliance” that threatens Mali’s sovereignty.

The differing accounts illustrate both the strength and the fragility of the arrangement. For now, shared battlefield interests appear to outweigh ideological differences. Whether that remains true as the conflict evolves is far less certain.

A shifting balance of power

The partnership has altered not only the battlefield but the way the war is fought.

FLA officials say working alongside JNIM has enabled both groups to divide responsibilities and pool expertise in attacks on military bases and supply convoys.

Bamako disputes casualty figures released by the armed groups and insists its forces retain the initiative. Even so, the conflict has become markedly more sophisticated, with simultaneous attacks across distant locations, engagements lasting several days and ambushes targeting reinforcements before they reach the front lines.

Drones have assumed an increasingly prominent role, serving not only as reconnaissance platforms but increasingly as strike weapons against vehicles and military positions. Malian forces, backed by Russia’s Africa Corps, continue to rely heavily on air power, yet months of sustained fighting suggest neither side has secured a decisive advantage.

The war economy

Long-established financing and trafficking networks continue to sustain both sides.

JNIM sources describe a funding model built on regional commercial networks, organised zakat collections and resources accumulated over years, including proceeds linked to earlier al-Qaeda kidnapping-for-ransom operations.

The FLA says it relies primarily on donations organised by tribal leaders, traders and community associations.

Officials from both groups also acknowledged that individuals linked to the movements participate in illicit economies, including trafficking across the Sahara, although the extent to which those activities finance the war remains difficult to verify.

Weapons have proved as important as funding. Arms have flowed across the Sahel since the collapse of Libya in 2011, providing armed groups with a steady source of equipment.

The latest fighting has opened another supply channel: weapons and military vehicles captured from Malian forces now form an increasingly important part of both groups’ arsenals.

Can either side win?

There is little to suggest the conflict is nearing an end.

The Malian army retains a clear advantage in air power, backed by Russia’s Africa Corps. Yet the FLA and JNIM continue to mount coordinated operations across much of northern Mali.

The military standoff reflects a wider political deadlock. Bamako remains committed to preserving Mali’s territorial integrity, the FLA insists on independence for Azawad and JNIM continues to seek the overthrow of the government.

None has shifted position since the latest fighting began, and nothing on the battlefield has yet forced any of them to do so.

Those competing objectives also cast doubt on how long the two groups can continue fighting together. Their partnership rests on a common enemy rather than a shared political vision, making its future uncertain.

A war without an endgame

Three months into the latest offensive, northern Mali remains locked in a conflict with no obvious end in sight. The partnership between the FLA and JNIM has reshaped the military landscape, while Bamako continues to reject any outcome that could weaken Mali’s territorial integrity.

What began as a confrontation between the state and separate armed movements has evolved into a conflict shaped by competing visions of sovereignty, separatism, rule by al-Qaeda-linked armed groups and the involvement of external powers.

Unless those competing ambitions – territorial unity, independence and regime change – are addressed alongside the fighting, a negotiated settlement is likely to remain elusive.

Whatever happens next, the partnership forged in April 2026 has already changed the course of the war in northern Mali. Whether it endures or fractures under the weight of its competing ambitions, it has created a new military and political reality whose consequences are likely to extend well beyond Mali’s borders.

Four other Palestinians were also killed by Israeli air strikes, and a policeman died from wounds sustained last week.

The head of the Hamas-led police force in northern Gaza has been killed by an Israeli air strike, while other attacks have claimed the lives of five more Palestinians, the Hamas-run interior ministry and medics said.

Brigadier-General Abdel-Nasser Al-Maqadma, who also served as governor of northern Gaza, was targeted in the Sheikh Radwan area north of Gaza City on Saturday. The Israeli military said he had also been a member of the military wing of Hamas.

Israeli strikes also killed a Palestinian medic in the Nuseirat refugee camp, and two people in a house in Khan Younis. Israel’s military said the house was attacked to target a member of the Islamic Jihad group

Later on Saturday, another air strike on Khan Younis killed high school student Khaled Al-Breim. Relatives said he was killed as he sought to bring ⁠sweets to distribute to relatives and friends who had flocked into his family home to offer their congratulations as he had just concluded high school and was preparing for university.

A sixth death was a policeman who was wounded by an Israeli strike last week and died from his injuries on Saturday.

In recent months, Israel has killed dozens of members of the Hamas-led police force, alleging that many were tied to Hamas’ armed wing and represented an active threat.

Hamas accuses Israel of deliberately targeting the force to destabilise the enclave, calling it a further breach of the US-brokered ceasefire reached in October.

The ceasefire deal has been mostly ignored by Israel. Since the truce agreement was signed, Israeli attacks have killed more than 1,180 Palestinians, mostly civilians, according to Gaza’s health ministry. Over the same period, four Israeli soldiers have been killed in attacks in Gaza.

July 21 (UPI) — Conditions from Tropical Storm Bertha will continue to spread into Wednesday across parts of the north Gulf Coast, the National Hurricane Center said. Tropical storm conditions are possible in Louisiana by late Wednesday.

The storm, which isn’t expected to become a hurricane before fizzling out, formed Monday night.

The epicenter of the storm was located about 120 miles west-southwest of Panama City, Fla., and 105 miles south-southeast of Mobile, Ala., the NHC said in its 7 p.m. CDT update. The storm was traveling west at 6 mph and had maximum sustained winds of 60 mph.

Winds must reach at least 74 mph for a storm to be considered a hurricane.

There was a tropical storm warning in effect from the Bay/Gulf County line in Florida west to Morgan City, La., metropolitan New Orleans and Lake Pontchartrain. A tropical storm watch was in place from Morgan City, La., west to Cameron, La., and Lake Maurepas. This marked no change from the 4 p.m. CDT update.

“Little change is strength is expected tonight, and gradual weakening is forecast Wednesday through Friday,” the NHC said.

Bertha is expected to produce total rainfall amounts of 2 to 4 inches with isolated higher totals through Thursday along the central Gulf Coast from western Florida into southern Louisiana. This could produce isolated flash flooding, especially in urban areas, the NHC said.

Surf conditions caused by Bertha will continue spreading west along the northern Gulf Coast, with swells likely to cause life-threatening surf and rip current conditions.

Monsoon rains devastate communities, with rescue and relief operations intensifying and the death toll rising.

At least 25 people have been killed as floods and landslides have hit across north and northeastern India, local officials reported.

Several incidents were reported over the weekend in Indian-administered Kashmir and the northeastern state of Nagaland, following days of torrential monsoon rain, officials said on Monday.

In Kashmir, rain-related incidents in the Poonch, Rajouri and Doda districts killed at least 15 people, with several others reported missing, a senior police official said. In Nagaland, multiple landslides triggered by persistent rains killed nine people.

“We have recovered four of the eight bodies, and rescue work is ongoing,” Wennyei Konyak, the magistrate of Nagaland’s Mon district, told the AFP news agency, adding that at least 15 others had been injured.

In Jammu, a flash flood in Rajouri caused extensive damage to public and private property and disrupted countless lives, according to a statement from the office of Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah. Army personnel and state emergency responders rescued 11 people, including five children.

In the neighbouring state of Assam, one person died in flooding on Sunday, according to the state disaster management body, which said more than 57,000 people across seven districts had been affected.

India’s weather office warned of the potential for more extremely heavy rainfall in Jammu and Kashmir over the coming days, with active monsoon conditions likely to persist across the region for up to a week.

Authorities also announced the temporary suspension of the annual Amarnath pilgrimage, which drew more than 400,000 Hindus last year, and the Vaishno Devi pilgrimage in Jammu, citing the safety of devotees until routes are declared safe.

Floods and related accidents are an annual occurrence across India during the monsoon months, which follow the region’s long summers, with many parts of the country also facing severe water scarcity and drought.

Drone video shows the scale of a major wildfire in northern Spain where more than 150 square kilometres have burned across an 80-km perimeter.

This double act of “Lancashire” locations is my final celebration of Britain’s bypassed towns. My native county has dominated my life of late, and one key question asked in these columns has been: can you holiday right at home?

The French author Xavier de Maistre believed you could fit a journey inside a single room. And in Instructions on How to Climb a Staircase the Argentine-French writer Julio Cortázar turned a walk upstairs into a quest. An entire county offers enough adventures to fill a life.

Touring seldom-trod places, I’ve witnessed a lot of regeneration and redevelopment, demolition and disappearance. Preston, my closest city, has a £45m leisure complex, a revamped museum and a new bridge over the River Ribble, with lots more planned. St Helens, my childhood town – proudly in historic Lancashire, but administered as Merseyside, and now part of the Liverpool city region – looks and feels like a drawing board at the moment. But both are changing for the better, if you look beyond the frayed fabric of their townscapes.

Preston

At first, I was struck by the city’s low-slung eastern edges, as if land had been cleared. It was simply that areas have been Americanised – all squat, boxed retail, yawning carparks, and ring roads. It left me feeling flat. But Preston began to grow on me the minute I stood beneath the extraordinary hypodermic spire of St Walburge’s church – the tallest parish church in the UK, designed by Joseph Hansom (of cab fame), and a testament to the strong Roman Catholic presence in “Priest’s Town”. Looking up signifies hope; doing it is primitive cognitive therapy.

Then I discovered the imposing Harris museum and gallery, which reopened after a £19m refurbishment last September. It’s become the place to go for art, local history, textiles, fashion, ceramics, coffee, library books – the ultimate rainy-day or, indeed, heatwave refuge. It’s a regional treasure (and perhaps the Ashmolean and British Museum might like to return the complete Cuerdale hoard, the largest Viking hoard found in England, unearthed beside the River Ribble).

I used the Harris a lot while doing jury service at the crown court and turned my walks to town from the park-and-ride into sightseeing tours. Highlights include the brutalist bus station and Guild Hall, built for an unrealised new town; the monument to the 1842 martyrs gunned down by infantry and coppers during the General Strike; the Victorian market hall and court and Miller Arcade; Winckley Square with its park and Georgian terraces; St Wilfrid’s, St John’s Minster, the Saint Alphonsa Syro-Malabar Cathedral.

Made a city in 2002, Preston has long been a place of power and influence. It’s where the cotton-town trail through east Lancashire begins, geographically and chronologically. Richard Arkwright, father of the factory system and co-creator of the water-powered spinning frame, was born here in 1732. Centenary Mill was built for the empire-spanning textile firm Horrockses, Crewdson & Co – its magnificent chimney was mammon’s shameless challenge to the churches; an annexe off the yard contains a magical emporium of antiques, and fixtures and fittings culled from mouldering mansions.

Industry, one way or another, led to many of Preston’s other inventions. Temperance and teetotalism, spearheaded by the nearby Walton-le-Dale’s Joseph Livesey, son of a clothier, were partly reactions to urban “immorality”. Professional football was what professional workers wanted on Saturdays. Preston North End was a founder member of the English Football League. Deepdale, on the same site since 1875, is one of England’s oldest grounds. Dick, Kerr Ladies, founded in 1917, was one of the first women’s teams.

I respect the temperance movement, but love the Black Horse – to me, Preston’s most beautiful old pub, with etched windows, fixed snug-like seating, gorgeous tiling and a rare ceramic bar. Trad spaces have been complemented by new food venues, with the cool Korean restaurant Kimji, authentic Spanish dishes at Pintxos and modern British at Aven.

When they hacked up counties in the 1974 local government overhaul, they accidentally made Preston a future “capital” of sorts. It’s beginning to live up to the billing.

A little bird (an old pigeon outside the Harris, actually) tells me Manchesterism is misnamed. The big central idea, of local authorities exerting control and investing in a place, comes from Preston – with local living standards rising fast as a result. Manchester’s former mayor Andy Burnham has acknowledged this. Prestonism may yet change Britain and the world, all over again.
Things to see and do: walk or cycle the 21-mile Guild Wheel, Tram Bridge, Preston England Temple and the Devil’s House on St Wilfrid Street, Ribble Steam Railway and Museum

St Helens

Till now, I had never been inside St Helens Minster, though I was born nearby. In my defence, it was just the parish church till May of this year, when the name was changed to reflect its role as mother-church of the whole community.

The town began here, with four ancient rural manors ranged around a chapel of ease where wayfarers could rest and pray. Windle, Parr, Sutton, Eccleston; old names that contain even prettier-sounding villages: Clinkham Wood, Thatto Heath, Nutgrove. St Helens was once fields. Then it was shops, pits and workplaces. Now it’s something else.

Two big things are unfolding to that end. One looks small on a map but is mightily symbolic. Conservation work is progressing at No 7 Cannington Shaw Bottle Shop. Built in 1886, there were originally nine such shops – factories – making up the largest glass bottle production site in the world. This lovely redbrick circular building, with a classic conical roof, is the sole survivor, occupying a rare patch of rough land beside a big Tesco and Saints’ flashy rugby league arena. Once tons of molten glass were heated here, with glassblowers scooping up gobs to skilfully inflate, shape and place in a mould to create bottles.

On the first Saturday of every month, No 7 Cannington Shaw Bottle Shop now hosts artisan craft markets, with a bar and food stalls. After serving as an air raid shelter and storage depot, the site was abandoned and was only spared demolition by happy accident. John Tabern, director of the project, says: “As an ex-glassman, it’s extremely important to me. I’m proud of St Helens and want people to know its story. But we must monetise it with gigs and markets and all those things.”

The other thing is large on the map, equally important, if less evocative. Following blitz-level demolition, a large area east and south of the town hall is being given a new bus station, homes, offices, a hotel, green spaces, piazzas and “revitalised retail spaces”.

They’re always knocking things down here. But the Gamble building will soon house a smart new library, youth space and offices. This and the town hall are solid examples of redbrick Victoriana. The Beecham’s building, built in 1887, cost a fortune at the time and is topped by a coquettish clock tower. Its founder, Thomas Beecham, began selling laxatives to costive Wiganers; St Helens, like a crucible, allowed his business to flourish. The smart St Helens college faces the former HQ and the marriage of old and new works well.

Reflection Court, the old Pilkington’s headquarters on Canal Street, has a streamlined brick facade, influenced by the architecture of the Dutch modernist Willem Marinus Dudok. The former Pilkington’s complex at Alexandra Park on the edge of town was built by modernist architects Jane Drew and Maxwell Fry – who collaborated with Walter Gropius and Le Corbusier. Everything seems to be earmarked for apartment conversions.

I leave town via the Book Stop community bookstore, which I have “shares” in and where I gave a talk on my recent Lancashire book earlier this year. With no prompting from me, the manager titled it “Don’t Call Us Merseyside”. The newer “Liverpool City Region” is equally unpopular. I pass a church that, as a child, I thought was huge and ominous. Renowned architectural historian Nikolaus Pevsner wasn’t overly keen on St Mary’s Lowe House Catholic church, but I like the competing Byzantine dome and gothic tower. It’s as if the architect couldn’t make up his mind. The brickwork is black – the patina of two centuries of factory fumes. I pass the Turks Head pub, routinely lauded by Camra, and FC St Helens, where the rugby league team played in the 1880s.

Finally, I come to St Helens cemetery and crematorium. I have been here too often this past couple of decades. St Helens was built on furnaces; this one is still busy. I head to an area beyond the neat ranks of modern gravestones, walking on a path that, from the sky, is heart-shaped. In the wooded corner stands St Helens most ancient structure: Windleshaw Chantry, dating from 1415, when this was open countryside.

Beneath it is a large tomb, with a flat tablet full of abbreviated words. Spelled out, they say, “Here lie the remains of Jean Baptiste François Graux de la Bruyere – He was the first Who brought to Perfection A Work of very considerable Magnitude And Importance To the Commercial Interest of the British Nation.” This immigrant from Picardy, who died in 1787, aged 48, is thought to be the hero who brought glass-making to St Helens. I’m sure he’d be pleased that the town is at last celebrating his legacy.
Things to see and do: World of Glass, The Book Stop, North West Museum of Road Transport, the Dream sculpture, Café Laziz

“It’s all about tuning into the culture of the sea,” helmsman Chris O’Brien tells me, scanning the rippling cobalt horizon from the wheel of a catamaran. “People find the water, and the meditative experience of sailing, healing.” Meditative isn’t a word that usually comes to mind when talking about cross-Channel ferries on a bank holiday weekend, but this is no ordinary ferry.

Launched last year, SailLink operates a largely wind-powered (engines are only used when necessary) service from Dover to Boulogne up to five times a week between April and mid-September, with a new Shoreham to Fécamp route due to start trials later this year.

Being able to bring bikes on board and swerve large customs queues are big draws for many travellers (officials come to the boat to check documents, so there’s no waiting around in terminals). For my two teenage sons, however, the clincher is a chance to have a go at sailing, and turn a four to five-hour journey into an adventure.

We arrive in Dover by train, strolling to the marina in 15 minutes, past the town’s beach and the elegant Georgian terraces of Waterloo Crescent, before reaching SailLink’s designated pontoon. Less than 45 minutes later we’re on board, watching Dover’s castle and white cliffs recede as a few of the more eager passengers help to haul the sails.

The catamaran can carry 12 passengers. Among them are Paul and Caroline Docherty from York, who took a train to London and cycled down through Kent. “The cycle was hot and unpleasant so we thought maybe we’d just sail from Hull next time, but I’m sold,” says Caroline. “I’m loving it.” So, too, are my sons who, after a lesson in steering from Chris, have sprawled out on the nets at the front of the boat, looking out for dolphins as we cut a course to Boulogne.

On this calm, sunny day, we’re lulled by the gentle lifting and sinking of the boat and, by the time we arrive in Boulogne, we’ve swayed ourselves into a gentler rhythm, tuned into the wind, the waves and the tides.

It’s a fitting approach to Boulogne-sur-Mer, a city so deeply shaped by the sea it anchors its name to it. Historically a strategic link between Britain and France, today it’s still France’s largest fishing port, home to a venerable fish market and Europe’s largest aquarium, Nausicaá.

Swimming against a tide of visitors flowing into Nausicaá, we pick up ebikes and trace a route north along the Vélomaritime cycle path to Cap Gris-Nez. As we pedal along the coast, passing Wimereux’s brightly coloured belle epoque villas, dipping into the sea from Ambleteuse’s bleach-blond beach and weaving inland through fields stippled with catapulting skylarks, it feels as far from the flat, industrial and battle-blitzed stereotype of the Pas-de-Calais as it’s possible to get.

At Cap Gris-Nez, the Channel narrows to its slimmest point and we peer out towards Kent, buffeted by the breeze as we eat baguettes stuffed with gooey cheese.

Back in Boulogne, we call in at the Maison de la Beurière, the house of a typical local fishing family, presented as it would have been in the late 19th century. The museum’s former head, Jean-Pierre Ramet, tells us how dominant the sea was over the lives of these families. The sea was both respected and feared, he adds: “The arrival of the radio, with its scientific weather forecasts, prompted a huge decline in religion here.”

With our forecast still looking sunny, we leave the coast but not the water, travelling inland by train to Saint-Omer. A few hundred metres from the town’s elegant chateau-style railway station is Boat’Om, a stylishly restored merchant péniche (barge), which will be our home for the night.

A long way from the boat’s later incarnation as a nightclub, owner Angélique Boulet transformed the péniche into guest accommodation with four bedrooms and a huge open-plan kitchen three years ago. Moored along the Canal de Neufossé, 20 minutes’ walk from the city’s cathedral, Boat’Om is a serene oasis in the heart of the city. We drift towards one of its window seats and watch reflections from the water ripple across its wooden ceiling as ducks, and the odd evening rower, paddle past.

The idea is to offer visitors a chance to disconnect, Angélique tells us. “We are in the city but all around us are peaceful marshes. You don’t realise that if you come by car, but by bike you feel it.”

We take her advice the following morning, collecting rental bikes from Saint-Omer’s tourist office and pedalling just north of the city to explore the Audomarois marshes, a Unesco biosphere reserve. At the visitor centre, La Maison du Marais, we pile into a traditional bacôve boat and glide silently into a maze of quiet channels.

Our guide, Hippolyte Petit, explains that until the seventh century much of this area lay under water. Later, monks and farmers dug canals, creating a lattice of waterways to support the market gardens that still survive today. For centuries, the gardens’ prized cauliflowers and endive were transported to market by boat and, even now, France’s last postal boat service operates here, delivering mail to isolated waterside homes.

Later we meet Rémy Colin, of Les Faiseurs de Bateaux, the last traditional boat-builders in the marshes. His workshop creates bacôves – flat-bottomed boats used for transporting produce – using oak from nearby forests, but the boat-building business is difficult, he says. A sideline running boat trips, tours and dining experiences helps sustain the workshop. In medieval times, these boats would have been common throughout northern Europe. Now they only exist in the Audomarois. “We’re not just the last boat-builders but also the last boat-maintainers,” he tells us. “If we stop, they will disappear.”

That poignancy is brought into focus on our final night, which we spend deeper in the marshes at La Fermette de Marie Grouette, a waterside guesthouse only accessible by boat. Owner Muriel Richart collects us from a prearranged spot and steers us to her pretty whitewashed cottage, where a supper packed with local cheeses, smoked fish, salads and warm bread is served in a hamper so that you can eat wherever you like, including out on the water.

Before the light disappears, I take one of Muriel’s kayaks and paddle out into water that looks like molten gold. Droplets of liquid amber fall from my paddle as I go and, around me, the marsh feels almost jungle-like, as moorhens squeak, great crested grebes bark, chiffchaffs chirp and wood pigeons throatily coo.

The following morning, we reluctantly begin our journey home. This time, we cross from Calais to Dover on a P&O ferry – the last remaining foot passenger service on the route. Standing on deck as we leave the shore we gaze at clouds bubbling ominously above the hazy horizon. The water that carried us here will soon rise and drift inland, before falling and returning to the sea. For days we’ve been immersed in its cycle. Or, as Chris would perhaps say, we’ve been learning to go with the flow.

The trip was provided by Visit Pas-de-Calais. One-way foot passenger fares on SailLink cost £85 per adult and £30 per child (last crossing 20 September) and on P&O from £30 in the summer months. Boat’Om rental starts from £250 per night for two, self-catering. Doubles at La Fermette de Marie Grouette start from €94 (£81), B&B

June 25 (UPI) — Authorities in northern Canada on Thursday confirmed that three people are dead after a plane responding to forest fires in the Northwest Territories crashed the night prior.

NWT Fire said responders were able to access the crash site on Thursday and confirmed the fatalities.

“Our organization is grieving alongside the families, friends, colleagues and the broader wildfire community as we process this unthinkable loss,” it said in a statement.

“We will honor those who lost their lives in the line of duty at the appropriate time and in accordance with the wishes of their families.”

The bird dog aircraft, with three people aboard, crashed Wednesday evening near Fort Simpson where it was deployed along with an airtanker group to fight a nearby wildfire.

Though the identities of the victims have not been made public, Yellowknife-based Buffalo Airways confirmed one was an employee.

“It is with heavy hearts that we confirm the loss of one of our aerial firefighting pilots while actioning fire west of Fort Simpson,” Buffalo Airways said in a statement.

Buffalo Airways said the involved plane was a Turbo Commander 690 aircraft operating as a bird dog during the wildfire operations.

The Transportation Safety Board of Canada announced in a statement that it is deploying investigators to the scene.

“My thoughts are with the families of the pilot and two firefighters who died in the plane crash near Fort Simpson,” Prime Minister Mark Carney of Canada said in a statement.

“Protecting Canadians from wildfires requires profound sacrifice and courage. We owe them our deepest gratitude.”

Officials were responding to 19 forest fires throughout the territory Thursday.

The aircraft involved in the Wednesday evening crash was supporting wildfire suppression efforts on FS009-26, a lightning-caused fire located in the Marten Hills area.

Officials said Thursday night that the fire was about 100 hectares and responders were working to suppress its growth. It presented no risk to communities, infrastructure or buildings, they said.

England did not want to go through the play-offs but were given an unkind draw in the qualifying groups when they met world champions Spain.

It does mean, however, that Sarina Wiegman’s side are in a strong position for the play-offs and will fancy their chances with a kind trip to Greece in October.

They beat potential round two opponents Ukraine in both matches in the qualifying group stage, which will give them confidence too.

There is a tricky tie for Northern Ireland, who come up against a talented young squad from Portugal in round one. Portugal twice beat Northern Ireland in Euro 2025 qualifying.

Their task gets trickier if they make it through to round two with potential opponents Iceland proving to be difficult to break down in their matches against England this year.

Scotland are hoping to reach just their second Women’s World Cup finals having failed to qualify in 2023.

They performed well in this year’s qualifying group stages, including draws with Belgium that showed they can compete with Europe’s strongest teams.

They will need to produce their best in round two if they meet big-hitters Sweden, who have been semi-finalists in the past two Women’s World Cup finals.

Wales have never beaten a top-20 ranked nation in a competitive fixture and are likely to need to do so to qualify – and their away form needs improvement.

But Rhian Wilkinson’s side face familiar opponents in round one. They thrashed Albania 4-0 in their qualifying group so who says they can’t do it again?

Meanwhile, having performed superbly in qualifying, the Republic of Ireland have a tricky play-off route with established European opposition Belgium potentially waiting in round two.

First, Carly Ward’s side will have to navigate a 3,100-mile trip to Kazakhstan, against relatively unknown opposition.

In another indication of the growing military and economic importance of the Arctic, Russia and NATO are increasing their buildup of forces and facilities in the region. Recent media investigations found that Russia is constructing new bases near Finland to eventually house tens of thousands of troops while NATO on Saturday stood up a long-planned new battalion battlegroup. It is a force that will operate in Finland and Sweden as a deterrent against Russia.

TWZ has frequently reported how Russia, and to a lesser extent China, have moved aggressively to assert their presence in the High North, leaving the U.S. and its NATO allies looking to bolster their defenses.

While Russia remains totally bogged down and suffering high attrition in Ukraine with little chance of moving masses of troops to the Arctic at the moment, concern over the future has spurred NATO to bolster its presence along the Finnish border. Having moved to a wartime economy during the full-on conflict with Ukraine, Russia could leverage that in a post-Ukraine war future to threaten NATO’s borders.

A NATO official told us Friday morning that while the alliance assesses that the chances of a near-term conflict are low given the war in Ukraine, “Moscow could seek to expand westward into the Nordic and Baltic nations after a ceasefire with Ukraine.”

Russia appears to be investing in infrastructure in preparation of such a contingency. A joint report by several Nordic and Baltic media outlets published earlier this week has found that Russia is expanding military facilities along its borders with Norway and Finland to accommodate tens of thousands of new troops.

“New satellite images show that Russia is increasing its armament in [the] vicinity,” the report stated. “SVT, together with media partners in several countries, has examined how Russia is preparing for 80,000 soldiers… It is a threat that we should take seriously, says Thomas Nilsson, head of Sweden’s military intelligence service (MUST).”

The images “show new barracks for thousands of soldiers, long lines of military vehicles and ammunition storage,” the report further noted. “All winter, Russia has been building new military structures in several places on the other side of the Finnish border.”

“We expect to have 80,000 soldiers on our border and that can be compared to the fact that we previously had 20,000,” Finnish Army Chief Pasi Välimäki told the joint investigation.

A separate report by the Finnish Yle media outlet found that the Russians are expanding a base in the town of Novaya Vilga to hold as many as 6,000 Russian troops. It is located about 100 miles east of the Finnish border.

“NATO has monitored a buildup of military infrastructure in Russia along NATO’s Eastern Flank, particularly along Finland’s border,” the NATO official told us earlier this week. “The real question is what becomes of the infrastructure? Will, for example, Russian troops now in Ukraine be relocated there after the war? It’s something we certainly need to consider, and we do.”

“That’s why NATO and nations are working to deliver real military capabilities to the alliance now, not five to ten years from now, which is so very, very important,” the official added.

One of those efforts, as we noted earlier in this story, was stood up on Saturday, involving NATO’s two newest members.

NATO’s Forward Land Forces (FLF) Finland began operations in Finland and Sweden, according to the alliance. The FLF will include NATO’s newest multinational battlegroup, led by Sweden, “to support the defense of NATO’s northeastern flank.”

The establishment of FLF Finland places a Swedish battlegroup based in Boden, Sweden, and a Multinational Staff Element in Rovaniemi, Finland, under the command of the Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR) and NATO.

“Sweden is contributing a battalion battlegroup that, together with a Multinational Staff Element in Rovaniemi, will form the core of FLF Finland,” NATO added. “The Swedish battalion battlegroup is prepositioned in Boden, with capacity to operate in the North Calotte and, where necessary, rapidly reinforce the presence in northern Finland. In 2026, Sweden’s contribution to FLF Finland will total around 600 personnel, with the option to expand to 1,200 personnel if needed.”

“This region is one of the most strategically significant and environmentally challenging areas in the world,” said U.S. Air Force Gen. and SACEUR Alexus G. Grynkewich. “FLF Finland, just like Arctic Sentry, will leverage NATO’s strength to defend our territory and ensure the Arctic and High North remains secure, especially considering Russia’s military activity and China’s growing interest there.”

Activated: NATO Multinational Battlegroup (FLF Finland)

The U.S. too is working to improve its presence and operations in the region. During last month’s SOF Week symposium in Tampa, Florida, the head of U.S. Northern Command (NORTHCOM) announced the formation of Nordic Bridge to “tie together” the work of U.S. European Command, North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD) and SACEUR.

Air Force Gen. Gregory Guillot provided no real details about Nordic Bridge at the time, so we reached out to NORTHCOM for additional details.

“The Nordic Bridge concept seeks to enhance Arctic integration between U.S. Northern Command and U.S. European Command and enhance cooperation between NORAD and NATO in order to expand domain awareness, strengthen deterrence, and improve interoperability,” a NORTHCOM spokesperson told us last month. “It envisions increased participation in each other’s training and exercises, increased data sharing (such as air pictures), deconflicting conferences to maximize personnel availability and participation, etc.”

Last month, Guillot visited Grynkewich “to discuss opportunities under this concept,” the NORTHCOM spokesperson told us.

All this is taking place, of course, against the backdrop of President Donald Trump’s frequent insistence that the U.S. subsume Greenland to provide better Arctic protection for the U.S. homeland. The issue reached a fever pitch earlier this year, causing a serious rift with NATO after the president threatened to invade the world’s largest island. You can read more about that in our story about the crisis here.

While there are no indications that the Arctic region is about to break out into open conflict, there are several indications that Russia, NATO and the U.S. are increasing preparations for such an eventuality.

Contact the author: howard@twz.com

Watch the best of the action as Bayern Munich’s Michael Olise scores a hat-trick in France’s 3-1 victory over Northern Ireland in their final World Cup warm-up match in Lille.

MATCH REPORT: Olise scores hat-trick in France World Cup send-off win over Northern Ireland

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Teachers in north-eastern Nigeria held protests, demanding stronger protection for learning institutions.
The outcry comes after the abduction of dozens of school children in Borno State last month. Al Jazeera’s Felix Niwara explains.

Swansea City midfielder Ethan Galbraith said his calf injury is “all good” after being included in Northern Ireland’s squad for friendlies with Guinea and France.

Galbraith had not played since the friendly draw with Wales at the end of March, which came after Northern Ireland’s World Cup play-off defeat by Italy.

In April, Swansea boss Victor Matos said he would prefer the 24-year-old was rested for June’s international window, but Galbraith said he had conversations with his club manager and the medical team.

Having missed the remainder of Swansea’s Championship campaign, Galbraith said he had been “ticked off” by the club’s medical team to link up with Northern Ireland.

Northern Ireland face Guinea in Spain on Thursday before facing France in Les Bleus’ World Cup send-off in Lille on 8 June.

“I’m happy to able to come to camp”, Galbraith said.

“I spent six or seven weeks just with a physio, so that was quite long just training by myself but it is all good now.

“When you spend time off the pitch it’s obviously frustrating. So having these games is absolutely brilliant for everyone, but coming off the back of an injury, it’ll be good to get back out there.”

After an impressive first season at Swansea, where he has been deployed at right back as well as in midfield, Galbaith has been linked with a move to the Premier League, as well as Championship rivals Wrexham, but he says his focus is on his current club.

“It’s nice when you see people are saying that you are doing good things, but at the moment I’m a Swansea player and will just try and focus on Swansea.”

Videos on social media show people on a beach in northern Israel running for shelter as Hezbollah rockets are launched towards the region, according to Israeli media. It was the first barrage fired from Lebanon towards Nahariya in three weeks.

At least six people are feared dead after an under-construction bridge collapsed in India’s Uttar Pradesh state. Local officials say the collapse was triggered by heavy rain, trapping workers under the rubble. The incident comes days after severe storms killed more than 100 people across the state.

Michael O’Neill says he is “100% committed” to Northern Ireland after he signed a new four-year contract with the Irish FA, but he has not ruled out another dual role in the future.

O’Neill had been appointed interim Blackburn Rovers boss in February and had been balancing this role with his position at Northern Ireland, who lost to Italy in the World Cup play-offs in March.

However, it was announced earlier in the month that he would not be taking on the Blackburn job on a permanent basis.

On Wednesday, the IFA confirmed that O’Neill had extended his current contract by four years until 2032.

When asked if he would consider taking on a short-term dual role again in the future, O’Neill did not rule it out as he said: “That’s not a question I need to answer at this minute”, adding it was “hypothetical”.

O’Neill said that he did not “have any regrets” about taking on the role with Blackburn, but admitted he “probably could have done with a little less drama”.

“I said all along, I didn’t think it would affect our preparation for the Italy game, which it didn’t,” O’Neill said.

“I managed to keep Blackburn up, which was the remit of the job.

“I probably think that maybe I underestimated the reaction to it a little bit, but ultimately that’s a learning experience for me as well.”

Goalkeepers: Pierce Charles (Sheffield Wednesday), Luke Southwood (Bristol Rovers), Josh Clarke (Partick Thistle – on loan from Celtic)

Defenders: Tom Atcheson (Blackburn Rovers), Ruairi McConville (Norwich City), Trai Hume (Sunderland), Ciaron Brown (Oxford United), Brodie Spencer (Oxford United), Justin Devenny (Crystal Palace).

Midfielders: Ali McCann (Preston North End), Shea Charles (Southampton), Jamie McDonnell (Oxford United), Paul Smyth (Queen’s Park Rangers), Isaac Price (West Brom), Patrick Kelly (Barnsley), Ethan Galbraith (Swansea), Kieran Morrison (Liverpool).

Forwards: Josh Magennis (Exeter City), Jamie Donley (Oxford United), Jamie Reid (Stevenage), Callum Marshall (West Ham), Ceadach O’Neill (Arsenal), Braiden Graham (Everton).