Nigeria

Morocco coach Walid Regragui has angrily rejected suggestions his team is benefitting from favourable refereeing decisions as the 2025 CAF Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) host.

The Atlas Lions will face fellow favourites, Nigeria, in a titanic semifinal on Wednesday.

“We’re the team to beat. As the team to beat, people will try to find all sorts of reasons to say Morocco has an advantage,” Regragui said after his team’s 2-0 win over Cameroon in the quarterfinals.

“The only advantage that Morocco has at this Africa Cup is playing in front of 65,000 spectators. The rest is on the field, we speak on the field.”

On the field, however, Cameroon might have had two penalties if experienced referee Dahane Beida hadn’t decided in favour of the home team.

Morocco defender Adam Masina was involved in both, appearing to catch Bryan Mbuemo’s right boot after missing the ball when Cameroon was trying to level the match, then, in the final minutes, appearing to strike Etta Eyong’s head with his elbow in the penalty area.

Beida, who refereed the final at the last edition, also decided not to show Bilal El Khannouss a second yellow card for stopping Danny Namaso on a counterattack shortly before Ismael Saibari wrapped up the win.

“Many people want to believe or make others believe that we have advantages from the referees. Personally, I saw penalties that could have been awarded to us. As for the referees, I never talk about the referee,” Regragui said.

The Morocco coach then spoke about a penalty his team was not awarded against South Africa in the previous tournament in the Ivory Coast, and wrongly said he was “suspended for no reason” at that tournament.

Regragui was suspended for two games at the previous edition for his role in a dispute with Congo captain Chancel Mbemba at the end of their game that led to a melee between players and team officials.

“The statistics always show us as better than the others,” Regragui said, getting back to this edition. “We create far more opportunities than our opponents. Not a single goal was disallowed for Cameroon, or for any other team. When you want to get rid of something, you find a pretext.”

Mali and Tanzania also had penalty claims against Morocco rejected in previous games, while Morocco also had a penalty awarded after a VAR check in the draw against Mali.

Thousands of whistling Moroccan fans tried to help referee Abdou Abdel Mefire make up his mind while he consulted replays before he eventually decided to penalise Mali’s Nathan Gassama for handball. He initially ignored Jawad El Yamiq’s penalty-area foul on Mali’s Lassine Sinayoko before awarding it some minutes later after a VAR check.

There did not appear to be any VAR checks against Cameroon on Friday.

Morocco has played all its matches at the nearly 70,000-capacity Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium in Rabat, where the vast majority of supporters are shouting for the home team, creating an intimidating atmosphere for opponents and referees.

“Today, Cameroon played the match they needed to play. I think they lost against a better team. I don’t think any player, coach, or anyone else is going to talk about the refereeing because there were a lot of physical battles today. This is Africa. But today, I think we deserved our victory,” said Regragui, who added his team also deserved to win all its previous games.

“That’s it. We’re trying to play on that field. I don’t think it’s fair play from those who want to see us fall. The best team will win this tournament, inshallah,” he said.

Morocco will play Nigeria at the Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium, which is also the venue for the final on January 18.

The Atlas Lions are among the heavy favourites to win the tournament, having become the first African nation to reach the semifinals of a FIFA World Cup at the Qatar 2022 edition.

Victor Osimhen scores one and sets up another to send Nigeria into the last four of the Africa Cup of Nations.

Nigeria powered to a deserved 2-0 victory over Algeria in their Africa Cup of Nations quarterfinal with second-half strikes from Victor Osimhen and ‍Akor Adams to set up a semifinal with hosts Morocco.

Osimhen steered home a long cross from the left by Bruno Onyemaechi ⁠two minutes into the second half on Saturday as Algeria goalkeeper Luca Zidane made a bizarre jump to try ​and stop the effort, but ended up getting his angles wrong and conceding an ‍easy goal.

Adams increased Nigeria’s lead 10 minutes later as Osimhen unselfishly fed him the ball, and he took it around Zidane before placing it into an empty net.

It was an impressive performance by Nigeria, who two months ago missed out ‍on World Cup ⁠qualification, as they overwhelmed their opponents from the start at the Grand Stade de Marrakesh, looking more determined, quicker around the field and stronger in the challenges, and denying their opponents a single scoring chance.

Algeria were already hanging on grimly in the first half, with Nigeria having good chances to be ahead at the break.

Algeria centre back Ramy Bensebaini cleared off the line in the 29th minute from Calvin Bassey after the depth of Ademola Lookman’s free kick ​was misjudged by Zidane and the Nigeria fullback was able to steer an ‌effort goalward from a tight angle.

Bensebaini hooked it clear, although television replays looked to show the whole circumference of the ball had crossed the line. A VAR check in the absence of goal line technology, however, ‌did not award a goal.

In the 37th minute, a poor clearance from Zidane to full-back Aissa Mandi was intercepted by Alex Iwobi, who quickly ‌fed the ball to Adams, but the Sevilla striker‘s left-footed effort ⁠missed the target with only the goalkeeper to beat.

Adams also headed against the upright in the 82nd minute as Osimhen’s enterprise and persistence again set him up with a clear chance.

Algeria had been forced to play extra-time before winning their last-16 clash ‌against the Democratic Republic of the Congo on Tuesday and the exertion could have been the reason many of their key players turned in listless performances. In contrast, Nigeria had a comfortable 4-0 win over Mozambique ‍on Monday.

Nigeria, who have reached the last four 17 times in the last 20 tournaments they have qualified for, will take on Morocco in Rabat in the semifinals on Wednesday.

The Super Eagles, who had a far from ideal preparation with reports of bonuses not being paid, will face host Morocco in the second semifinal in Rabat on Wednesday.

Defending champions Ivory Coast play seven-time champions Egypt in Agadir later on Saturday for a place against Senegal in the first semifinal.

In the evening, moments before the United States’ aerial operation in northwestern Nigeria, a helicopter hovered above the perimeters of Gwangwano District, in Sokoto’s Tangaza Local Government Area (LGA). It was Dec. 25, 2025. Residents said helicopters had hovered around in the past, but this one stayed far too long, unsettling the civilians and alerting the terrorists. 

For at least two years, communities in Tangaza have cohabited with foreign-linked Lakurawa terrorists, who first appeared like their saviours. Villagers agreed to a peace deal with the group in exchange for protection from homegrown terrorists who were ravaging their homes and taxing them to death. Initially, Lakurawa seemed more persuasive, residents said, but they eventually introduced their own radical ideologies—far worse than the criminal enterprise they had condemned.

A few hours after the helicopter was sighted, Ardo Kyaure, a terrorist leader in Tangaza, was seen moving house to house near Bauni forests, urging residents to flee. He warned them of an impending attack. Villagers who saw Ardo said he was also making phone calls to accomplices, panting as he ran through the communities. 

Ardo was once a local terrorist leader before defecting to join Lakurawa. He became a middleman between the foreign terrorists and the villagers after he was subdued, losing so many of his fighters to the new sect.

News quickly reached the communities that the Lakurawa terrorists were evacuating their camps. Residents said the terrorists fled the area on over a dozen motorcycles. The villagers within the Bauni Mountains and the Kandam community also ran for their lives.

“We sighted 15 motorcycles carrying luggage and the Lakurawa terrorists with their women and children,” Alhaji Rabiu, a resident of Zurmuku, a village neighbouring the Bauni forest, told HumAngle. “Ten additional motorcycles were moving to Muntsaika, a community in the nearby Niger Republic, in the evening before the strikes happened.”

HumAngle spoke to scores of locals who witnessed the air raid, especially villagers living near the Bauni Mountains. We also interviewed village chiefs and a local monarch in Tangaza, who corroborated Rabiu’s account, stating that the strike failed to reach its target, despite public claims by US and Nigerian officials. 

“No terrorist was found dead throughout our communities,” said Alhaji Bunu, the traditional ruler of the Gwangwano District in Tangaza LGA. “We saw nothing like dead bodies, even at the Bauni Mountains where the bomb fell. The same Lakurawas we knew are still here, loitering around our communities. We are still mingling with them.”

Fireballs, flaming narratives 

A few days after the strike, the Nigerian government claimed “a total of 16 GPS-guided precision munitions were deployed using MQ-9 Reaper unmanned aerial platforms, successfully neutralising the targeted ISIS elements attempting to penetrate Nigeria from the Sahel corridor”. Donald Trump, the US President, had said that the strike eliminated Islamic State terrorists who had been “viciously killing, primarily, innocent Christians at levels not seen for many years, and even centuries”.

That narrative had lingered for years and intensified in the final months of 2025, when the US designated Nigeria a country of particular concern and also threatened military action against terrorists operating within the country. Nigerian officials and security experts, however, dispelled the narrative, saying that Muslims, Christians, and other adherents of other faiths are victims of violent attacks and terrorism in the country. The rhetoric was inflamed again when the US announced that its Christmas Day airstrikes targeted elements of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in Nigeria. 

US forces have occasionally targeted ISIS terrorists in parts of Africa, especially in Somalia, often working with local intelligence to combat the violent groups. In Nigeria, however, the strike has sparked fierce debate over whether ISIS terrorists were present at the location hit.

Most security experts agree that Boko Haram and the Islamic State of West African Provinces (ISWAP), which are primarily based in northeastern Nigeria, have established links to ISIS. However, the targeted Tangaza forest, which officials described as the transit hub for ISIS-affiliated terrorists, is known to be dominated by the Lakurawa group, which infiltrated Sokoto through porous borders with the Niger Republic. 

Nigerian government officials have publicly claimed that the strike was conducted jointly with US forces, based on intelligence shared to fight terrorism. The country’s Minister of Information, Muhammad Idris, described it as “successful precision strikes on two major ISIS terrorist enclaves located within the Bauni forest axis of Tangaza Local Government Area, Sokoto State”.

“Intelligence confirmed that these locations were being used as assembly and staging grounds by foreign ISIS elements infiltrating Nigeria from the Sahel region, in collaboration with local affiliates, to plan and execute large-scale terrorist attacks within Nigerian territory,” he said.

Yet the circumstances surrounding the strike have raised concerns amongst villagers in Sokoto State and conflict researchers in the northern region.

Was the precision strike successful?

HumAngle began gathering witness accounts moments after the air raid, tracing events before, during, and after the missiles were launched. Residents of Bauni village, where the strike happened, said they have seen no sign that any terrorist was hit. 

We interviewed a number of  Bauni locals, who had travelled from the village to a safer place in Tangaza to share their accounts. In separate interviews, they all echoed one thing: the terrorists had long left the site of the attack before the missile was launched.

The strike raised curiosity in the communities, as villagers insisted they would know if any terrorist was killed or if any of them were injured. 

Kasimu Hassan, a Bauni villager, told HumAngle that the Lakurawa terrorists had absolute control over them, and the airstrike hadn’t ended their reign. In Bauni, he said, no villager was allowed to welcome visitors or accept strangers without notifying the Lakurawa terrorists. He stated that anyone caught doing that could be traced, tried, and executed.

“This has been the situation we are in. Not even a single Lakurawa was killed or injured by the US explosion in Tangaza LGA. Some of them come to our mosques to pray, visit our markets to buy commodities, and stop over at our houses to exchange pleasantries in forceful smiles,” Kasimu said, adding that “the Lakurawa terrorists are still in our villages hanging around the bush even after the explosion.”

At least four other Bauni villagers confirmed Hassan’s claims. One said fires burned in the surrounding bush for days after the strike. Despite official claims that a Battle Damage Assessment (BDA) was underway, locals said they had not seen security operatives surveilling the area for such an assessment. 

During our on-the-ground reporting, HumAngle spotted a police anti-bomb squad along the road to Tangaza, but locals insisted that officers have refused to come near the site for any post-strike surveillance. Sanusi Abubakar, the spokesperson for Sokoto State Police Command, has not responded to HumAngle’s inquiry into why the anti-bomb squad has refused to visit the communities for the assessment.

“It was Ardo Kyaure, a terrorist leader, who came to tell us that there is a lot of debris on the Bauni Mountains and another undetonated bomb deposited there,” Kasimu added.

Terrorists taking cover in civilian villages 

After the strikes, villagers said the Lakurawa terrorists increasingly sought refuge inside civilian settlements, avoiding the Bauni Mountains, where they usually live. Magaji Abdullahi, the village head of Bauni, confirmed this to HumAngle, noting that the airstrike only resulted in moving terrorists into civilian settlements. 

“The mountains used to be our hunting point in the last 15 to 20 years,” said Magaji. “It is not accessible even to our local hunters anymore, except recently, when the Lakurawa terrorists mixed up with us. The Nigerian government abandoned us for years; the only military base available to us was in the far-off town of Gwangwano. They tried a lot in securing only the centre of Gwangwano effectively, but there is no peace in other areas.”

He also stressed that villagers are left with no choice but to cohabit with the terrorists due to the absence of government in the area. The Lakurawa terror group now controls much of Gwangwano District, which encompasses villages such as Bauni, Garin Mano, Mugunho, Kaidaji, and Kandam.

Muazu Magaji, another witness of the strike, had left the Kaidaji village to settle down in the Tangaza town, waiting for the coast to clear. He was there when the missile lightning illuminated the community. Despite the reverberating sounds that came with the airstrike, Magaji said, terrorists were watching from afar, with Ardo Kyaure calling others who might still be around the Bauni forest “to leave”.

“I was walking from Kaidaji to Bauni when the bomb exploded that night,” he recalled. “We already figured out something was about to happen because of the way we saw how the Lawkurawas were moving out of the forest zone to our settlements on the day of the attack.”

After the airstrike, on Saturday, Dec. 26, witness accounts revealed that terrorists came to sniff around to know what might come next. Sanusi Dubudari, one of the fleeing residents from Kaidaji, said: “We saw 11 Lakurawa terrorists in Kaidaji village asking residents whether they found their ₦7 million cash while they were running on Friday.”

Based on several local accounts, the Lakurawa terrorists have blended in really well with the villagers in Tangaza, making it difficult for security to hunt them down over fear of collateral damage. Although the terrorists moved into Sokoto from countries like Mali, the Niger Republic, and Burkina Faso, they have formed a strong alliance with locally-rooted terrorists, who made it easy for them to navigate the terrain seamlessly, sometimes hiding under the shield of locals during military raids. They used the same tactics during the US airstrike targeting ISIS elements in the state.

Apart from Ardo Kyaure, Charambe Damba is another indigenous terrorist working in cahoots with the Lakurawa group. He resided in Illela, a town bordering the Niger Republic, but recently relocated to Bauni to set up a terrorist camp on the mountain and in the forest of the locality. One of the known foreign-linked Lakurawa terrorists is called Asasanta, who is from the Republic of Mali. Other local accomplices were identified as Jammare from the Alela village and Buba Holo from the Gwangwano community in the Tangaza LGA.

Near-surface aerial bombing 

HumAngle matched witness accounts with satellite intelligence and geospatial analysis to assess the effectiveness of the so-called precision airstrike. For weeks, we reconstructed the events leading up to the airstrike and what happened later, merging open-source intelligence with on-the-ground reporting. At the time of this investigation, no government or military official (including bomb disposal units) and no journalists had accessed the actual blast site. There were also no photos or after-action reports, which are typically shared on the Nigerian military’s social media channels after air raids.

We first used Google Earth imagery as a base map to scan for fire activity that matched the date and timeframe of the strike. With no confirmed coordinates from official or ground sources, we overlaid NASA FIRMS (VIIRS), a US National Aeronautics and Space Administration-run detection tool providing real-time satellite data on active fire hotspots globally. Multiple fire detections appeared about three kilometres south of Nukuru, in the rocky mountainous terrain of the Bauni area. These terrain features matched the location described by our sources and are more than 11 km west of the Bauni Forest Reserve. There were no fire detections deep inside the forest during the relevant period. 

From satellite images, the Gwangwano district, including the Bauni village, looks empty. Here, villages don’t spread out; they sit in small clusters, and there’s a lot of space before the next one. Farmland, open savannah, hills, and stretches of land also seem unused. But once you zoom in and start following the details, it becomes clear that the place is just not organised the way a typical rural town would be.

Through extensive geospatial analyses, HumAngle identified recent motorcycle tracks within the Bauni locality – thin lines, sometimes barely visible, cutting through farmland, climbing hills, disappearing into forested areas, and reappearing elsewhere. The tracks were nearly everywhere at the time of this satellite intelligence analysis. One route splits into three, then those split again. Some lead straight into villages, others run around the edges, into the hills, or toward areas where there are no visible settlements at all. This matches what witnesses told us about the Lakurawa terrorists moving on motorcycles in large numbers, and leaving the hill.

Up in the hills and mountain areas, especially around the forest reserve and the expanse of land next to it, there are no villages — just small clearings and faint shapes that don’t look like farmland or houses, with tracks leading in and out. People familiar with this area say these are temporary shelters, where terrorists survive seamlessly, hunting small animals, foraging, and riding into town to buy supplies, and then returning. Here, locals said, terrorists don’t need to live deep inside the forest reserve; the hills and forest-adjacent land outside it are enough. They’re close to communities but not inside them – close enough to reach markets or villages, far enough to stay out of sight. 

When we overlaid the NASA fire data from the days after Dec. 25, 2025, the locations lined up with this pattern. The fires were not inside a village, nor deep in the forest reserve. They appeared in terrain that fits how people actually use this landscape — hilly, open, connected by tracks, and close enough to settlements to be seen and felt, but not inside them. However, we found a dense network of informal routes that makes movement easy and law enforcement’s control almost impossible.

Using Google Earth Pro, we reviewed 2023 imagery of the hills and mountain range south of Nukuru village and the Bauni Mountain and marked points of interest (POIs) across the landscape. The only visible human features in this sparse environment are isolated huts, farmhouses, small clearings under trees, and faint impressions that could be temporary living units. We presented the satellite review to some of the enlightened locals; they believe that if a munition struck a fixed structure there, even a light one, there would be some visible trace. 

When we obtained the latest 2025 Planet imagery, we overlaid the same POIs onto the new images and checked them individually. Most structures were still present; some appeared less distinct, likely due to resolution, seasonal change, or abandonment, but none showed clear signs of blast damage, scorched ground, or collapsed structures. In a few cases, huts visible in 2023 were no longer visible in 2025, yet the sandy compound remained intact, without burn marks or disturbed vegetation. This clearly shows that no permanent or semi-permanent structure in the area was directly hit – at least within the limits of our assessments.

The satellite imagery analyses and eyewitness accounts point away from a classic ground-impact strike. There is no visible crater, no destroyed structure, or abrupt disruption of living units. The evidence fits more closely with a high-energy detonation that occurred at or above ground level, producing intense light, a strong pressure wave felt several kilometres away, and secondary fires in surrounding vegetation. 

Our findings corroborate locals’ accounts of sighting the flash and feeling the vibration despite being several kilometres from the fire detections. A near-surface detonation transfers more energy into the air, creating light and shock without leaving deep or lasting ground damage.

HumAngle’s satellite investigation shows no clear impact point. The cumulative evidence from witness statements, NASA fire detection, and high-resolution satellite imagery indicates that the US missile strike may not have hit the prime targets. 

A recent New York Times story on the incident quoted two anonymous US government officials, who said the strike was “a one-time event” intended to scare terrorists while appeasing the Nigerian Christians that the US has their back, and that the warship responsible for launching the strike has since been withdrawn from the Gulf of Guinea.

Some local conflict and terrorism experts said the US airstrike largely failed to achieve its publicly stated mission. James Barnett, a research fellow at the Hudson Institute, who has researched African conflicts for years, believes that the strike “was performative”. “It was not a success,” he noted. “It may not have even killed any militants. And it certainly did not make Christians there safer (possibly the opposite).”

Seeds of doubt and misinformation

Meanwhile, in Jabo, a civilian community in Sokoto’s Tambuwal LGA, kilometres away from Tangaza, where the airstrike also landed, seeds of doubt and misinformation are growing among residents, who believe that the US is targeting Muslim settlements. 

The locals gave accounts of rays of light from flying fireballs and vibrations similar to those of the Tangaza villagers, except that they insisted that the Jabo area does not host terror groups and has not witnessed any terrorist attacks in the past decade. They wondered why such a tactical bombing would be aimed at their peaceful community. 

After HumAngle’s report of the residents’ accounts, the Nigerian government provided a counternarrative, saying what locals saw was debris from the air assaults on terrorists in faraway Tangaza. Residents of Offa, Kwara State, also experienced what the Nigerian Information Minister described as “debris from expended munitions”.

Military authorities have urged civilian residents in Sokoto and Kwara to stop keeping the unexploded ordnance found at the sites of the raid. This came after videos appeared online showing locals scavenging exploded and unexploded debris at strike sites in Sokoto, raising concerns about potential deadly blasts.

“We do not expect civilians to pick up or keep such materials,” Major General Michael Onoja, Director of Defence Media Operations, said. “We can only appeal to them to return all materials that may prove harmful to them.”

Media misreporting

Isa Salihu, the chairperson of the Tangaza local council, confirmed that the US-led aerial assault actually hit a known terrorist hub in the area, but stressed that details of the operation were still sketchy. “We cannot yet confirm if targets were killed,” he said. “We are awaiting detailed security reports to determine the impact and to verify if there were any civilian casualties.”

However, some local media organisations in Nigeria erroneously reported the local leader affirming that the “precision strike” hit the targeted terrorists. 

A day after the strike, the Sokoto State government, through Abubakar Bawa, the state’s spokesperson, had issued a statement titled: “Nigeria-US Aistrike Hits Terrorist Targets in Tangaza”. But the content of the statement betrayed its title, as it merely reiterated what the local council chairperson said. “The impact could not be immediately determined, as they await assessment of the Joint Operations,” the statement read.

Bawa and the local chairman did not respond to HumAngle’s calls and messages for further clarification on their statements. 

Jimmy John had been battling a severe toothache for days. The pain made eating and sleeping almost impossible. Early in the morning on Monday, July 7, 2025, he walked into New Boshang Hospital in Jimeta-Yola, northeastern Nigeria, hoping for relief. He queued, was registered, and eventually called in to see a clinician.

After an examination and scans, he was told that he needed a root canal, a dental procedure that removes infected or inflamed pulp from inside a tooth. Jimmy didn’t bother about the cost; the procedure is covered by his insurance under Adamawa State’s health insurance scheme. 

However, he was asked to wait. 

The hospital needed to confirm his insurance details. A desk officer explained that an authorisation code would be sent from his Health Maintenance Organisation (HMO). It would not take long, he was told. Two days at most.

Jimmy left the facility with painkillers and a promise, but the aches kept getting worse. 

“It was a terrible toothache,” he said. 

Two days passed. Then a week. “It took about three weeks,” Jimmy told HumAngle. “I had to be constantly calling and asking if it had been sent.” Each time, the answer was the same: they were still waiting for the code.

By the third week of waiting, Jimmy made a decision he had hoped to avoid. “I ended up paying ₦35,000 for something my insurance should have covered,” he said. “The money I planned to use for food was what I used for treatment.”

Growing coverage, inconsistent access 

Launched in 2020, Adamawa State’s contributory health insurance scheme has expanded in recent years. The Adamawa State Contributory Health Management Agency (ASCHMA) now covers the formal sector, informal sector, equity, retirees’, and tertiary students’ health plans. Official figures show that more than 170,000 people are enrolled across the state, a significant increase from its early years. 

Yet, Jimmy’s experience showed that being insured does not always mean being able to access care when it is needed.

Under ASCHMA’s design, access to healthcare operates at two levels. At the primary care level, enrollees are entitled to services such as malaria treatment, antenatal care, immunisation, and basic diagnostics by simply presenting their insurance ID card at their chosen facility.

According to ASCHMA’s Executive Secretary, Ujulu Amos, this process does not require involvement from HMOs. “Verification at that point only requires an ID card,” he explained. “Once the hospital cross-checks the enrollee’s number with the list sent to them, the person is entitled to access all primary care. The HMO is not involved.”

The process changes once a patient needs secondary or specialised care, such as surgery or a root canal procedure. At that stage, hospitals must request an authorisation code from the patient’s HMO before treatment can proceed. The code allows the hospital to later claim payment for the service.

Ujulu emphasised that this authorisation step is meant to be fast and tightly regulated.

“In our operational guideline, requesting a code should not take more than one hour,” he said. “Three hours is the maximum. If it takes three days, that is a problem.”

In Jimmy’s case, that process stretched into three weeks.

Where the system breaks down

At the heart of these delays is a lack of interoperable digital health infrastructure. While hospitals can confirm that a patient is enrolled, they cannot proceed with secondary care without explicit approval from the HMO, even when coverage is obvious. 

This multi-step process, often reliant on emails, phone calls, and individual responsiveness, leaves patients stuck in the middle.

Ujulu said patients are not powerless in such situations. According to him, ASCHMA operates a 24-hour toll-free call centre that enrollees can contact if authorisation delays exceed the allowed timeframe. In such cases, the agency can intervene, issue the authorisation, and later deduct the cost from the HMO. HumAngle attempted to reach the agency through the toll-free line, and the line was active at the time of reporting.

Beyond awareness gaps, however, fundamental system weaknesses are a factor. Many health facilities still rely on manual processes, and digital literacy among healthcare workers remains low, slowing down requests.

“We discovered low digital literacy among healthcare workers as one of the bottlenecks,” Ujulu admitted. “A good number of them either are not willing or don’t know how to log into the platform to request the code.”

In practice, this means insurance verification is hardly real-time or reliable. 

At New Boshang Hospital, staff say such delays are common once care goes beyond the primary level. Godiya James, a technician at the dental unit, explained that authorisation requests often stall.

“We send the diagnosis and treatment plan for authorisation,” she said. Sometimes it takes a day or two for us to get a response. Sometimes it takes longer. Sometimes there won’t be a response until we resend it.” 

Some patients, she added, can’t wait longer. 

For patients like Jimmy, long wait periods mean prolonged pain. 

What’s the issue?

Health insurance schemes like ASCHMA are designed to reduce out-of-pocket spending, which dominates healthcare expenditure in Nigeria, yet the systems that support them are not well-connected. Many facilities and HMOs rely on emails, phone calls, paper records or ad-hoc networks to verify coverage. 

Without digital interoperability, the ability for different software and data systems to talk to one another, each verification becomes a manual transaction, dependent on network stability, personal responsiveness, or manual cross-checking.

Farida Abalis Paul, Chief Operating Officer of A&M Healthcare, one of the HMOs working with ASCHMA, said verification depends largely on monthly enrolment lists. 

“Once a facility requests verification, we check the list. If the person’s name is there, they can go ahead with treatment,” she explained. However, the process is delayed when a patient’s name is missing from the list, even if they hold a valid insurance card. 

This can result from delayed updates, data entry errors, or changes in facility selection.

“You may have an ID card, but when we check the list, your name is not there,” she said. “Today you’re on the list, tomorrow you’re not. Along the line, something happened.”

When this happens, HMOs cannot approve care until ASCHMA corrects the records. 

For patients, the consequences are immediate. 

Aishatu Haliru, a lecturer at Adamawa State Polytechnic, Yola, was turned away from the Specialist Hospital despite presenting her insurance card.

“They told me my name was not on the list,” she said. “I couldn’t understand how that happens when nothing has changed.”

She was referred to ASCHMA, where an official confirmed that her record had been omitted during a routine database update. Although the issue was corrected the same day, Aishatu missed the clinic schedule and had to wait several more days for care.

“But the question is, why did it disappear in the first place?” she asked.

Ujulu, ASCHMA’s Executive Secretary, argued that such disappearances could result from platform migration, noting that data loss also slows down authorisation processes for patients like Jimmy.

These gaps highlight a broader challenge within Nigeria’s evolving digital health system. 

Nigeria’s push toward efficient digital healthcare systems

At the national level, Nigeria has begun laying policy foundations for digital transformation in healthcare, although implementation remains uneven. 

One of the key efforts is the Nigeria Digital in Health Initiative (NDHI), which aims to build a national digital health architecture that supports interoperable electronic medical records and efficient data exchange between healthcare facilities, insurers, and government systems. In practical terms, such a system would allow clinics to instantly confirm a patient’s insurance coverage, treatment entitlements, and provider claims eligibility, eliminating the kind of long delays Jimmy experienced.

Alongside this, the National Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) Framework and the emerging Nigerian Data Exchange standards, coordinated by the National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA), seek to promote shared digital rails for public services. These include interoperability, data security, and service integration. 

Applied to healthcare, these principles mean that insurance verification, patient identity, and claims processing should function as shared public infrastructure: secure, privacy-preserving, and accessible across institutions. In practice, a hospital should be able to instantly confirm a patient’s coverage without manual escalation.

NITDA’s ongoing strategic roadmap also emphasises inclusive access to digital infrastructure across the country and equitable digital literacy, both of which are foundational to reliable nationwide digital service delivery. 

The goal of such policies is straightforward: when systems can talk to each other securely and immediately, services like insurance verification become almost instant, reducing delays and unnecessary costs.

“Interoperability sounds like a technical word, but in reality, it’s about time, trust, and dignity,” said Muhammed Bello Buhari, a Nigerian-based digital rights activist. 

In a state like Adamawa, where insecurity and economic pressure already shape access to care, the ability of systems to speak to one another determines whether insurance works in practice or remains theoretical, leaving people insured on paper but uninsured in practice. 

Muhammed argues that without shared, real-time systems, patients are pushed into delays and out-of-pocket payments not because they lack coverage, but because institutions cannot confirm what they already know. 

“Interoperability is less about cutting-edge innovation and more about treating health information as essential public infrastructure that respects patients’ vulnerability and ensures care moves quickly, reliably, and with dignity,” he added. “When a patient arrives sick or in pain, insurance must work immediately, or it loses its value.”

This report is produced under the DPI Africa Journalism Fellowship Programme of the Media Foundation for West Africa and Co-Develop.

Malam Fatori, Nigeria — It’s been more than 10 years since Isa Aji Mohammed lost four of his children in one night when Boko Haram fighters attacked their home in northeast Nigeria’s Borno State.

Maryam, who was 15 at the time, was killed alongside her brothers Mohammed, 22, and Zubairu, who was only 10. Yadoma, 25 and married with children, who had returned home to her parents’ house for a visit, also died in the attack.

“We ran with nothing,” said 65-year-old Isa, standing on the parched soil of his farm in the Lake Chad village of Malam Fatori, to which he recently returned. “For more than 10 years, we slept in relatives’ homes. I felt like a stranger in my own country.”

Before the deadly attack, Isa, a farmer, produced hundreds of bags of rice, maize and beans annually, enough to feed his family and sell in markets in neighbouring Niger.

After that night, he fled and spent the next decade in displacement camps across the border.

But last year, he joined thousands of other former residents who have relocated back to Malam Fatori and other towns as part of a resettlement programme initiated by the government.

The village sits on the edge of Nigeria’s northeastern frontier, close to the border with Niger, where the vast, flat landscape stretches into open farmland and seasonal wetlands.

A decade ago, homes there were intact and full, their courtyards echoing with children’s voices and the steady rhythm of daily life. Farms extended well beyond the town’s outskirts, producing grains and vegetables that sustained families and supported local trade.

Irrigation canals flowed regularly, and the surrounding area was known for its productivity, especially during the dry season. Markets were active, and movement between Malam Fatori and neighbouring communities was normal, not restricted by fear.

Today, the town carries the visible scars of conflict and neglect, with much of it lying in ruin.

Rows of mud-brick houses stand roofless or partially collapsed, their walls cracked by years of abandonment. Some homes have been hastily repaired with scrap wood and sheets of metal, signs of families slowly returning and rebuilding with whatever materials they can find.

The farms surrounding Malam Fatori are beginning to show faint signs of life again. Small plots of millet and sorghum are being cleared by hand, while irrigation channels – once choked with sand and weeds – are gradually being reopened.

Many fields, however, remain empty, overtaken by thorny bushes and dry grass after years without cultivation. Farmers move cautiously, working close to the town, wary of venturing too far into land that was once fertile but has long been unsafe.

For returnees like Isa, walking through these spaces means navigating both the present reality and memories of what once was. Each broken wall and abandoned field tells a story of loss, while every newly planted seed signals a quiet determination to restore a town that violence nearly erased.

Between ‘two pressures’: Boko Haram and the army

For the Borno State administration, the returns are a success. “There are 5,000 households of returnees in Malam Fatori, while the town’s total population now exceeds 20,000 people,” Usman Tar, Borno State commissioner for information and internal security, told Al Jazeera last year.

As we toured the town, the security presence was visible. Armed patrols, checkpoints and observation posts were stationed along major routes and near public spaces, reflecting ongoing efforts to deter attacks and reassure residents.

Families interviewed said they were subjected to frequent security checks and strict movement controls, measures they understand as necessary but which also disrupt daily routines and limit access to farms, markets and neighbouring communities.

Residents and local officials say the threat remains close. Fighters from Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), another armed group active in the area, are believed to be operating from swampy areas approximately two kilometres from the town, using the difficult terrain as cover.

Although the town itself is under heavy military protection, surrounding areas continue to experience attacks, kidnappings and harassment, particularly along farming routes and access roads.

These persistent security incidents reinforce a climate of fear and uncertainty among returnees. While many families have chosen to remain and rebuild despite the risks, they say the proximity of armed groups and the ongoing violence in nearby communities make long-term recovery fragile.

“Here in Malam Fatori, we live under two pressures,” said resident Babagana Yarima. “Boko Haram dictates our safety, and the military dictates our movement. Both limit how we live every day.”

Farmers wait up to eight hours at military checkpoints when transporting produce. Curfews prevent evening farm work. Access to agricultural land beyond the town requires military permits or armed escorts.

“Insecurity and military restrictions limit access to farmlands, forcing farmers to cultivate smaller areas than before,” said Bashir Yunus, an agrarian expert at the University of Maiduguri who also farms in the region.

Fishing, previously a major food source and income generator from Lake Chad, has become dangerous and requires permits to leave the town boundaries.

“Movement beyond the town’s boundaries now requires military permits. Militant attacks in isolated areas continue,” said Issoufou.

The United Nations has raised concerns about the government’s resettlement programme, citing potential protection violations. Mohamed Malick, UN resident and humanitarian coordinator in Nigeria, said during an interview with journalists in Maiduguri that “any returns or relocations must be informed, voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable”.

Malick added that the return of refugees to Malam Fatori and other insecure areas must be carefully evaluated against established safety and humanitarian standards, and must only take place if conditions allow for basic services and sustainable livelihoods.

‘A man without land is a man without life’

Settled back on his land, Isa wakes before dawn each day, leaving his home in the quiet hours before the town stirs.

He walks to the fields that once yielded fertile harvests, now choked with weeds and debris. The land that once fed his family and supported their livelihood now demands relentless effort just to coax a small crop from the exhausted soil.

‎With each turn of the hoe and careful planting of seeds, he is determined to reclaim a fragment of the life that was disrupted by conflict.

‎He also participates in community farming initiatives, joining neighbours in collective efforts to restore agricultural production for the returning population and aid the town’s slow recovery.

‎However, the area he personally cultivates is far smaller than what he once managed, constrained by limited access to tools, seeds and water, as well as by the lingering insecurity in the region.

‎”A man without land is a man without life,” he said.

‎‎Most families in Malam Fatori now eat only twice a day, a sharp contrast to life before the conflict. ‎Their meals typically consist of rice or millet, often eaten with little or no vegetables due to cost and limited availability. ‎

Food prices have risen dramatically, placing further strain on households already struggling to recover. ‎A kilogramme of rice now sells for about 1,200 naira (approximately $0.83), nearly double its previous price, making even basic staples increasingly unaffordable for many families.

‎Fish, once plentiful and affordable thanks to proximity to Lake Chad, have become scarce and expensive. Insecurity, restricted access to fishing areas, and disrupted supply chains have severely reduced local catches.

‎At the local market and at aid distribution points, women queue before dawn, hoping to secure small quantities of dried fish, groundnut oil or maize flour when supplies arrive.

‎Deliveries are irregular and unpredictable, often selling out within hours. Many women say they return home empty-handed after waiting for hours, compounding daily stress and uncertainty about how to feed their families.

‎Local health workers warn that malnutrition remains a serious concern, particularly among children under the age of five.

Basic services remain inadequate across town. Roads are poor, and schools and health clinics operate with minimal resources.

“Security risks and inaccessible routes through surrounding bushland continue to restrict humanitarian access, preventing aid agencies from reaching several communities. Basic services such as clean water, healthcare and quality education remain inadequate,” Kaka Ali, deputy director of local government primary healthcare, told Al Jazeera.

Despite ongoing challenges, residents of Malam Fatori are steadily working to rebuild their community and restore livelihoods disrupted by years of conflict.

‎Across the town, women have organised themselves into small cooperatives, producing handmade mats and processing groundnut oil for household use and local sale.

‎Fishermen, once central to the local economy, now operate cautiously in small groups in line with security regulations. Along riverbanks and storage areas, they repair damaged canoes and carefully mend fishing nets that were abandoned or destroyed during the conflict.

‎At the same time, teams of bricklayers are reconstructing homes destroyed during the violence, using locally sourced materials and shared labour to rebuild shelters for returning families.

The town’s clinic, staffed by six nurses, is overstretched. Vaccinations, malaria treatment and maternal health services are rationed. Power outages and equipment shortages compound the challenges. But it is a lifeline.

At Malam Fatori Central Primary School, children from the town and surrounding communities are being taught with the few resources available.

There are only 10 functional classrooms for hundreds of pupils, so some learn outdoors, under trees or in open spaces. There is a shortage of teachers, so some educators brave the conditions and travel long distances from the southern parts of Borno State.

In another, more unusual arrangement, soldiers stationed in the town occasionally step in to teach basic civic education and history lessons.

While not a replacement for trained teachers, community leaders say their involvement provides pupils with some continuity in education. The presence of soldiers in classrooms, they say, also reassures parents about security and underscores a shared effort to stabilise the town and rebuild essential services.

‘This land contains our future’

‎Amid all of the returning and rebuilding, security remains a dominant feature of daily life in Malam Fatori.

‎Soldiers remain stationed throughout the town, at markets and other public spaces to deter attacks.

Meanwhile, former Boko Haram members who have enrolled in a government-led deradicalisation and repentance programme also assist in protecting farmers working on the outskirts of the town, helping to rebuild trust between civilians and security structures.

Abu Fatima is a former Boko Haram fighter who joined the repentance programme. ‎“Troop patrols are constant, curfews dictate daily life,” he said about the security arrangements in Malam Fatori.

Although residents welcome the security provided by the soldiers’ presence in the town, “many say they feel trapped – unable to fully rebuild the lives they had before Boko Haram, yet unwilling to abandon a homeland that defines them”, he said, echoing the tension felt by many returnees.

‎Bulama Shettima has also lived through the personal cost of the fighting that has devastated northeast Nigeria. Two of the 60-year-old’s sons joined ISWAP, a tragedy that left the family with deep emotional scars. After years of uncertainty and fear, one of his sons was later deradicalised through a government rehabilitation programme. This has allowed his family to heal and reconcile. Coming back to Malam Fatori is also part of that.

“Returning wasn’t about safety,” he said. “It was about belonging. This land contains our history. This land contains our grief. This land contains our future.”

‎Today, Bulama is focused on rebuilding his life and securing a different future for his children.

‎He works as a farmer, cultivating small plots of land under difficult conditions, while also running a modest business to supplement his income. ‎

‎Despite his losses, Bulama places strong emphasis on educating his other children, saying that their schooling is a form of resistance against the cycle of violence that once tore his family apart. It will also allow them to grow up with choices, he says.

As many displaced families remain in Niger or live in limbo in Maiduguri, fearing a return to towns where armed men operate not far away, those now in Malam Fatori consider it a move worth making.

For Isa, the decision to return represents a calculated risk.

“We are caught between fear and order,” he said. “But still, we must live. Still, we must plant. Still, we must hope.”

This piece was published in collaboration with Egab.

Nigeria will face Algeria or DR Congo in the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations quarterfinal after a 4-0 win against Mozambique.

Victor Osimhen scored twice as Nigeria made short work of Mozambique at the Africa Cup of Nations, cruising into the quarterfinals with a comprehensive 4-0 victory in their last-16 tie.

Ademola Lookman, a former winner of the African footballer of the year award, like Osimhen, opened the scoring after 20 minutes in Fes on Monday and helped set up the other three goals on the night.

Osimhen had started the game without wearing his trademark mask, but restored the face covering before netting Nigeria’s second goal on 25 minutes. He then scored again just after half-time before Akor Adams sealed the win.

It is the biggest winning margin in an AFCON knockout tie since Egypt hammered Algeria 4-0 in the semifinals at the 2010 tournament in Angola.

Determined to make up for their failure to qualify for the World Cup, the Super Eagles march on to a last-eight tie on Saturday in Marrakesh against either Algeria or the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

The teams clash in the last 16 on Tuesday, and a victory in the game for the DRC would offer Nigeria a chance to avenge their defeat on penalties against the Leopards in a World Cup qualifying playoff in November.

Mozambique appeared in the knockout phase of an AFCON for the first time after advancing as one of the best third-placed sides in the group stage.

They were no match for a Nigerian team that was much-changed from their final group game, when coach Eric Chelle offered a chance to several fringe players for a 3-1 victory against Uganda.

Atalanta forward Lookman, who scored in the 3-2 win over Tunisia in the second group match, was among those brought back into the lineup, and Africa’s best player in 2024 gave his team the lead as the midway point in the first half approached.

Alex Iwobi’s through ball released Adams on the left side of the box, and his cutback was converted first-time by Lookman.

The 28-year-old then turned provider, with his cross from the left in the 25th minute being helped on by Adams, for Osimhen to poke the ball in from close range.

The Galatasaray striker emerged unscathed soon after that, despite going into a challenge with Witi, which saw the Mozambique player knee Osimhen in the stomach.

Lookman’s low ball across the face of goal from the left was finished off by Osimhen to make it 3-0 in the 47th minute and end any prospect of a Mozambique comeback.

The 2023 African player of the year had gone seven AFCON matches without scoring before netting against Tunisia in the group stage. He now has three to his name at the tournament in Morocco.

Lookman was not finished for the night as he supplied Adams inside the box with a quarter of an hour remaining, and the Sevilla forward rifled a shot high into the net.

Earlier in the day, Egypt needed extra time to overcome Benin 3-1 to book their place in the next round, where either Ivory Coast or Burkina Faso await.

Who: Nigeria vs Mozambique
What: CAF Africa Cup of Nations
Where: Fez Stadium in Fez, Morocco
When: Monday at 8pm (19:00 GMT)
How to follow: We’ll have all the build-up on Al Jazeera Sport from 16:00 GMT in advance of our text commentary stream.

Fun, flair and fragility sum up Nigeria’s ongoing campaign at AFCON 2025.

As the tournament’s leading attacking force, Nigeria have laid down an early marker as title contenders but while the West Africans boast impressive squad depth, they still need to shore up a leaky defence.

The Super Eagles have moved on swiftly from the heartbreak of missing out on the FIFA World Cup and have been flying high in Morocco on the back of a talented squad featuring Ademola Lookman, Raphael Onyedika, Victor Osimhen and Alex Iwobi.

As one of only two teams to maintain a perfect group-stage record, the former champions now face Mozambique, who for the first time advanced past the group stage, for a place in the quarterfinals.

Ranked 102nd in the world, Mozambique are up for a historic knockout appearance, facing the daunting task of taking on a side ranked 74 places above them.

Here’s everything you need to know about Nigeria vs Mozambique:

How did Nigeria reach the round of 16?

The African powerhouse soared into the knockouts as the table toppers of Group C, registering victories over Tunisia, Uganda and Tanzania. Nigeria were the first team to reach the last 16 with a 100 percent record.

How did Mozambique reach the round of 16?

Mozambique advanced as one of the four best third-placed sides. The Mambas lost two Group F games and won one, against Gabon, which ended their 40-year wait for a victory at the continental tournament. They are making their first appearance in AFCON’s knockout stages.

Who will the winner face in the next round?

The winner of the Nigeria and Mozambique match will travel to Marrakesh to face the winner of the Algeria and Democratic Republic of the Congo match in the quarterfinal on January 10.

Who are Nigeria’s best players?

With two goals and two assists, forward Lookman has been one of Nigeria’s standout players at the tournament. The 28-year-old was the architect of the team’s victories in their opening two games, equally influential as both a playmaker and a finisher.

Rested for the final group match, Lookman is expected to come out all guns blazing against their East African opponents.

Midfielder Onyedika, who scored twice in the last match, is another key contributor while Iwobi has been pulling the strings in the midfield, and striker Osimhen remains one of the most feared attackers in the competition.

Who are Mozambique’s best players?

Winger Geny Catamo has scored two of Mozambique’s four goals at the tournament and has been central to their historic qualification. Forward Faisal Bangal and right back Diogo Calila have also found the net.

Nigeria and Mozambique form guides

Nigeria: W-W-W-L-L

Mozambique: L-W-L-L-D

• Nigeria finished the group stage with eight goals, the highest tally in the competition, while also recording the highest average possession rate (66 percent).
• Nigeria have won all three of their group games for the first time since 2021.
• Mozambique’s victory over Gabon is their only win in 18 AFCON matches (D4 L13).
• Mozambique are yet to keep a clean sheet at AFCON, conceding in all 18 games.

Head-to-head

Nigeria and Mozambique have met in five previous encounters across competitive and friendly games.

Nigeria dominate the head-to-head record with four wins and a draw.

When did Nigeria and Mozambique last meet?

The teams last met in a friendly in Albufeira, Portugal, in October 2023 when Nigeria won 3-2.

Nigeria vs Mozambique – stat attack

Monday’s game will be their second meeting at AFCON. Their previous AFCON encounter came in the final group game of the 2010 edition when Nigeria ran out 3-0 winners.

This is Nigeria’s 16th successive appearance in the knockout rounds, having last failed to progress beyond the group stage in 1982.

Have Nigeria ever won an AFCON title?

Nigeria are three-time AFCON champions, having lifted the trophy in 1980, 1994 and 2013.

They also finished as runners-up five times. This is their 21st appearance at the continental championship.

Have Mozambique ever won an AFCON title?

No. This is their sixth appearance at the tournament, and the 2025 edition already marks their best finish.

Nigeria team news

Cyriel Dessers, who is yet to feature, and Ryan Alebiosu, who made his debut in the previous game, are both ruled out through injury. Their absence is unlikely to have a major impact because neither is a regular starter.

Coach Eric Chelle could retain Onyedika in midfield after his brace in the last game, which earned him the player of the match award.

Nigeria’s predicted lineup

Stanley Nwabili (goalkeeper); Bright Osayi-Samuel, Semi Ajayi, Calvin Bassey, Bruno Onyemaechi; Samuel Chukwueze, Wilfred Ndidi, Onyedika, Iwobi; Osimhen, Lookman

Mozambique team news

Mozambique will be without Calila, who was taken off in the last game after only 15 minutes due to an injury. Nene, who scored an own goal against Cameroon, is also injured.

Mozambique’s predicted lineup

Ivane Urrubal (goalkeeper); Infren Nani, Mexer, Reinildo Mandava, Bruno Langa; Guima, Manuel Kambala; Catamo, Elias Pelembe, Witi; Bangal

Africa is burning, not metaphorically, but in measurable realities of conflict, collapse, and abandonment. Old wars refuse to end, new crises are born faster than diplomacy can name them, and the continent has become the gravitational centre of global disorder. This is not accidental. It is the consequence of a world order that has lost both its moral authority and its will to act reasonably. 

Across Africa, unresolved conflicts metastasise into permanent emergencies. From the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, where rebellion has become cyclical rather than exceptional, to Nigeria, where life has become short and brutal, even for schoolchildren, to the broader Sahel, where state authority continues to retreat.

West Africa alone has recorded more military coups and counter-coups in recent years than any other region in the world, a stark signal of democratic erosion and widespread disillusionment with governance models that no longer deliver security or dignity.

At the same time, global terrorist organisations once concentrated in the Middle East, such as Al-Qaeda and the so-called Islamic State, have strategically relocated their operational centres to Africa. This shift is not because Africa is inherently prone to extremism, but because prolonged neglect, weak international engagement, and fragmented security cooperation have created fertile ground. Terrorism has followed power vacuums, not cultures.

Climate change compounds these failures. Shrinking water sources, desertification, and unpredictable weather patterns are intensifying violent competition over land and livelihoods in countries like Nigeria. Farmer–herder conflicts, insurgent recruitment, and forced displacement are increasingly linked to environmental stress. Africa, which has contributed the least to global carbon emissions, is paying one of the highest prices for climate inaction.

Meanwhile, the continent’s once-vibrant wildlife and ecological heritage are being depleted at alarming rates, seen as collateral damage of conflict, illegal exploitation, and weak global enforcement. The loss is a planetary failure dressed up as a regional problem.

Yet the world’s response is disturbingly muted.

The traditional self-appointed guardians of international order – the global ombudsmen who once spoke the language of human rights, rule of law, and humanitarian responsibility – are increasingly selective, inconsistent, or complicit in many wars. While African conflicts smoulder with minimal global outrage, these same powers are actively involved in or defending genocide in Gaza. International law, once presented as universal, is now applied with geopolitical discretion.

More troubling still is the open disregard for sovereignty and legal norms by states that brand themselves as “civilised democracies”. From extraterritorial military actions to extraordinary renditions and unilateral interventions, practices once condemned when carried out by authoritarian regimes are now normalised by democratic ones—often without consequence. 

This double standard carries profound implications for Africa. It weakens already fragile states, delegitimises global institutions, and reinforces the perception that African lives and laws matter less in the global calculus. When rules are enforced selectively, power, not justice, becomes the governing principle.

The world today is not merely facing a crisis of conflict; it is facing a crisis of leadership.

What is missing is rational, principled global leadership that upholds the rule of law not only within national borders but across them; leadership that does not excuse violations when committed by allies; leadership that understands Africa not as a theatre of endless emergencies but as a central pillar of global stability. Africa, long treated as the periphery of global concern, may yet prove to be the mirror in which the world’s moral failure is most clearly reflected.

Former world heavyweight champion Anthony Joshua has flown back to the UK after a fatal car crash that killed two of his close friends in Nigeria.

The 36-year-old was a passenger in a Lexus SUV that collided with a stationary truck on a major expressway near Lagos on Monday.

Joshua’s close friends and team members Sina Ghami and Latif “Latz” Ayodele died in the crash. Their funerals will take place at a London mosque on Sunday.

Joshua was taken to hospital and was discharged on Wednesday.

Driver Adeniyi Mobolaji Kayode, 46, was charged at Sagamu Magistrates’ Court on Friday. Police sources told the BBC the charges included causing death by dangerous driving.

The defendant was granted bail of 5m naira (£2,578) and remanded pending his bail conditions being met. The case has been adjourned until 20 January.

Joshua, who was born in Watford, has family roots in Sagamu – a town in Ogun state, near the crash site.

The 2012 Olympic champion was on his way to visit relatives for New Year celebrations in the town at the time of the collision, a family member told the BBC.

The boxer had been spending time in Nigeria after his recent victory over American YouTuber-turned-boxer Jake Paul on 19 December.

Crash kills two men and injures British boxer Anthony Joshua in Nigeria.

The driver of a car carrying British boxer Anthony Joshua that was involved in a fatal crash in Nigeria has been charged with reckless and dangerous driving, police in southwestern Nigeria’s Ogun State say.

Adeniyi Mobolaji Kayode, 46, was driving the boxer and two of his friends, Latif Ayodele and Sina Ghami, on a busy highway linking Lagos and Ibadan on Monday when the Lexus SUV in which they were travelling rammed into a stationary truck.

“The defendant was granted bail in the sum of 5 million naira ($3,480) with two sureties. He was remanded pending when he meets his bail condition,” police spokesman Oluseyi Babaseyi told the AFP news agency on Friday.

Kayode has been held in police custody since he was discharged from hospital on Thursday.

Nigerian police and state officials said Ayodele and Ghami died at the scene while Joshua and the driver sustained minor injuries.

Preliminary investigations showed that the vehicle was moving at an excessive speed and had burst a tyre before the crash, the Traffic Compliance and Enforcement Agency in Ogun State, where the accident occurred, told AFP earlier in the week.

After leaving the hospital on Wednesday, Joshua and his mother paid their respects at the funeral home where the bodies of his friends were being prepared for repatriation.

A government source suggested to AFP on Thursday that the remains of the victims may have been repatriated to the United Kingdom. Joshua’s whereabouts are unknown.

In an African media landscape often praised from afar but punished up close, the real story of leading an independent newsroom rarely makes the headlines. People romanticise the adrenaline of the newsroom, the thrill of the scoop, the excitement of breaking news. But leadership in accountability journalism—in a country where truth does not trend—is a different story entirely. It is a story of hidden battles, bruised spirits, and a vision stretched thin by a society that prioritises entertainment gossip over existential truths.

This reflection is a continuation of my thoughts from June 3, 2025 – The Unseen Struggle of Leading a Media Platform in a Turbulent Environment.

In Nigeria, where insecurity is the biggest factor shaping daily life, the public’s attention is captured instead by comedy skits, celebrity feuds, gossip threads, political gaffes, and Premier League debates. This is the ecosystem in which independent journalism is expected to survive.

And so, every morning, I walked into the HumAngle building, feeling the weight of a mission at odds with its environment—carrying not just the hopes of nearly 40 staff members, but also the invisible pressure to prove that public-interest journalism can exist in a society that has never been structured to sustain it.

Across Africa, there is no real culture of donations, subscriptions, or even crowdfunding. Journalism is consumed as if it should be free, but demanded as if it should be perfect. Donors are inconsistent, and local philanthropy often fails to acknowledge the media as a public good. Here, running a newsroom is not merely difficult—it is punishing.

Leadership in this terrain? It is an unending battle.

The weight no one talks about

There is no handbook for running a mission-driven newsroom in Africa. No manual for balancing editorial courage with collapsing revenue. No chapter explaining the emotional labour required when staff look to you for stability, even as you drown quietly inside.

Personal and organisational debts blur. Health suffers. Nights become battlegrounds of fear and self-doubt. To the world, you remain the unshakeable face of the mission. Inside, you are a flickering candle refusing to die out.

And then comes the perpetual churn of young talent. Some join the newsroom committed; others see it as a stepping stone to something more glamorous or better-paying. Training becomes constant. Expectations clash with reality. The hunger to build a long-term institution is met with the short-term ambitions of individuals trying to survive.

These are the unseen struggles—never spoken, barely acknowledged. But none of these internal pressures compares to the most suffocating question of all: How do you keep the lights on in a continent that does not invest in the truth?

Here, many media outlets pay little or nothing, causing many workers to moonlight. The public expects reliable news for free. Donor funding becomes increasingly precarious year after year, and local businesses view journalism as little more than an expense.

Yet the expectation is always that we must remain fair, independent, ethical, and unbroken.

It is a war fought alone.

The year the floor gave in

At the start of 2025, HumAngle lost nearly 90 per cent of its income. Years of careful building felt undone in a single moment. By mid-year, we had clawed back a small fraction of that loss, but over 60 per cent of what sustained us in 2023–2024 never returned. The ground under our feet cracked open. 

I drafted a resignation letter twice. But who would I send it to? To the staff who trusted me beyond the title? To the public, would my exit be seen as a surrender? To the displaced communities whose stories depend on our presence? I stayed—not because I felt strong, but because leaving felt weaker.

And yet somehow, we built more

The cruel irony is that even in our most challenging year, we produced some of our most important work. We published roughly 450 written stories and over 70 video reports in the forms of:

• Deep investigations.
• Ground reporting from places others avoid.
• Explainers, data stories, GIS maps.
• Cartoons and motion graphics.
• VR documentaries.
• Stories of insurgency, displacement, bureaucracy, climate vulnerability, abductions, disappearances, corruption, and the human will to survive.

We created an animated series. We mapped conflict. We exposed truths hidden in plain sight. While our budget shrank, our creativity expanded and our resolve sharpened. 

In-between the nonstop cycle of proposals, investor pitches, and fundraising, I managed to write about 20 articles; one ended up HumAngle’s number one most-read story of 2025.

If leadership is measured by scars, 2025 carved its initials into my spirit.

A break in the clouds

Then, in November—when the exhaustion in my bones felt older than the year—I received the news that I had been selected as a 2026 Yale Peace Fellow.

It felt like the universe placing a hand on my back, whispering, “I see your sacrifices. Keep going.”

It was both validation and oxygen. A reminder that the mission is still worthy. For the first time in months, I exhaled.

Gratitude

To the team members who witnessed the storm’s impact on me yet never wavered in their confidence—thank you. Your presence gave me the strength to keep fighting and to ensure the wheels of HumAngle continued to turn.

And to myself, I owe a whisper of recognition:
I stood when it made no sense to stand.
I held the line when hope dimmed to a shadow.
I carried HumAngle through a year that nearly broke me.

Abandoning the communities we serve would have been a more profound betrayal than any financial strain.

This is Ahmad Salkida saying: Thank you—and I see you—to Ahmad Salkida.

Why we must continue

Our reporting led to the release of over 1,000 men who had been arbitrarily detained for years by the military. It also strengthened accountability in the management of IDP camps and contributed to several rescues as well as improved humanitarian response efforts. There is so much more that our reporting and advocacy have achieved.

If we stop, who documents the disappeared? Who tracks the terrorists expanding violently across borders? Who exposes the illicit financial networks funding terrorism? Who tells the stories of those the state has forgotten? Who protects truth in a time when truth is expendable?

Looking toward 2026

I do not know what the coming year holds. But I hope— stubbornly—that it will be kinder. Kinder to those who witness suffering so others may understand. Kinder to organisations like HumAngle that stand between injustice and oblivion. Kinder to the idea that journalism still matters.

The year 2025 almost broke us. It almost broke me. But ‘almost’ is not the same as ‘did’.

HumAngle stands—scarred, stretched, humbled—but standing. And in 2026, we continue, more determined than ever to continue to bear witness.

Elsewhere in Group C, Tanzania scrape through to the knockout stages for the first time after 1-1 draw with Tunisia.

Raphael Onyedika has scored twice, and Paul Onuachu has netted his first international goal in four years as already-qualified Nigeria overcame 10-man Uganda 3-1 to maintain a 100 percent record after the group stage and send the East African side home.

Nigeria ‍finished ⁠top of Group C on Tuesday with nine points, followed by Tunisia in second with four and Tanzania, who reached the round of 16 as one of the four best third-placed ​sides after their 1-1 ‌draw with Tunisia, also on Tuesday.

It was a dominant performance from Nigeria despite resting several regulars, having already been assured of the top spot ‍in the group.

After Onuachu missed a simple chance midway through the first half, ​he found the back of the net after 28 minutes.

Fisayo Dele-Bashiru ‌showed quick feet on the left, and his pass in to Onuachu was perfect for the big forward to finish. The goal was the striker’s first for Nigeria since 2021.

Uganda were reduced to 10 men in the 56th minute ‌when substitute goalkeeper Salim Jamal Magoola used his hands about 9 metres (10 yards) outside his area to stop a Victor Osimhen shot.

Magoola had been ‌a halftime replacement for injured starter Denis Onyango, so Uganda ⁠had to use their third goalkeeper in the game as Nafian Alionzi was brought on for midfielder Baba Alhassan.

Nigeria scored their second goal in the 62nd minute when Onyedika took Samuel Chukwueze’s pass and drilled his shot low through the legs of Alionzi.

Onyedika ‌netted his second five minutes later with a side-footed finish, Chukwueze again the provider with a pass from the right.

Uganda got a consolation goal with 15 minutes left as the Nigerian ‍defence momentarily went to sleep and Rogers Mato had time and space from Allan Okello’s pass to lift the ball over the keeper and into the net.

Nevertheless, Nigeria have impressed in the group stage, having been losing finalists two years ago and following the shock of missing out on 2026 World Cup qualification.

Meanwhile, Tanzania reached the knockout stage of the Africa Cup of Nations for the first time, 45 years after their maiden appearance, by coming from behind to draw 1-1 with fellow qualifiers Tunisia in Rabat.

Feisal Salum’s ‌powerful shot three minutes into the second half was enough to secure ‌the draw after Tunisia had been ‌ahead with a ⁠43rd-minute penalty converted by Ismael Gharbi.

It ‍was only ⁠Tanzania’s second point of the tournament but proved enough for them to advance as one of the four best ​third-placed finishers.

Tanzania have been trying since 1980 to advance beyond the group stage and have still to win a match in four appearances.

It was almost 6 p.m. on the evening of Wednesday, Dec. 24. 

Makinta Bukar had finished attending to a customer when he heard the Islamic call for prayer from a nearby mosque, signalling the closure of business for the day. He performed ablution, picked up the food items he had bought earlier, locked his shop, and headed to the Al-Adum Jummat Mosque in Gamboru Market, Maiduguri, northeastern Nigeria.

It was a routine he had followed for years.

A few shops away, Suleiman Zakariya was also closing up. Alongside a friend known simply as Manager, he walked towards the same mosque. 

The three men met outside the mosque and chatted briefly. Makinta and Suleiman went in through the front door and occupied the front row, while Manager followed through the back door and stayed a few rows behind them. 

Then prayer began. 

Moments later, a sudden loud sound exploded in the middle of the mosque.

“I thought it was an electric spark,” Makinta recalled. “I ran out immediately as I was close to the exit.” After a few steps, he collapsed. “That was when I noticed the blood on my trousers. I tried standing up but felt a sharp pain.”

Suleiman, standing just behind the Imam, could not escape as quickly. 

“The blast threw me forward,” he recalled. “I sustained injuries on my legs and waist. The debris pierced through my two legs. There was dust everywhere. You could not see anything. The sound was so loud that it deafened my right ear. I still cannot hear with it.”

Manager, who was praying close to the centre of the mosque where the explosion occurred, did not survive.

“He was blown apart,” Suleiman said. “It was only his right arm that was identified this morning through his wristwatch.”

A familiar violence returns

The explosion triggered panic across the area and people ran in all directions. 

As the confusion spread and the sound of the blast quietened, residents rushed towards the scene. Some tried to help the wounded; others searched desperately for friends and relatives. Security operatives and ambulances soon arrived.

“They put me and other victims into their vehicle and drove us to the hospital,” Makinta recalled. Some were taken to the Maiduguri Specialist Hospital, others to the University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital.

Police authorities later said five people were killed and at least 35 were injured. But survivors dispute that number.

“None of those praying in the middle survived,” Salisu Tahir, another survivor, who prayed in the last row, said. He had prayed regularly at the mosque for nearly two years. “The mosque can take more than 100 people,” he added. “That day, it was full,” Salisu noted that about 15 worshippers could make up a row. 

Others who were praying outside, on the verandah and in the open air, were also struck by debris. “The blast reached them, too,” Suleiman noted. 

When HumAngle visited the mosque, blood stains still marked the walls. Footwear and caps, left behind in the rush to escape, lay scattered across the floor.

The explosion reopened old wounds in a city still trying to heal.

At press time, no terrorist organisation operating in the region has claimed responsibility, and authorities say investigations are ongoing. However, the pattern resembles previous attacks attributed to the Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati wal-Jihad (JAS) faction of the Boko Haram terror group.

For more than a decade, Maiduguri stood at the centre of Boko Haram’s insurgency. What began in 2009 as an uprising against the state evolved into a brutal campaign targeting civilians, markets, schools, and places of worship. Tens of thousands were killed, and millions displaced across Borno State and neighbouring regions.

At the height of the violence, bombings were frequent. In 2015, coordinated suicide attacks tore through parts of Maiduguri, including markets and busy roads. Two years later, explosions struck the University of Maiduguri, claiming several lives and heightening fear among residents.

The violence devastated livelihoods. Farming collapsed in many areas. Trade slowed as roads became unsafe. Markets emptied, and families who once relied on daily commerce slipped deeper into poverty.

Gradually, the attacks receded. Counterterrorism and community-led efforts, particularly the rise of the Civilian Joint Task Force, helped push terror groups out of the city. Checkpoints became less visible. Shops reopened. Life, cautiously, began to return.

For years, Maiduguri experienced a fragile calm.

Until now.

Lives interrupted

Wednesday’s bombing has put many lives on hold.

Makinta now lies on a hospital bed, his legs wrapped in bandages. A maize flour trader, he earns his living selling goods that belong to his employer. “I make at least ₦7,000 daily,” he said. “I have a wife and two daughters. I provide for them from what I make at the market.”

Now, he worries about survival.

“With this injury, I cannot go out.” Shrapnel tore into both his legs, damaging the bone in his left leg. 

As he spoke, a relative came to visit. Before leaving, she handed him ₦1,000, which he immediately passed on to his wife.

“I had just finished ablution and was preparing to pray when I heard the news,” said Yagana Bukar, Makinta’s wife. “I had already made stew and put water on the fire. I was waiting for him to return with rice so I could cook.” When she learnt about her husband, she rushed to the hospital, leaving her children with her sister.

Unlike Makinta, Suleiman owns his shop, where he sells provisions supplied on credit. “I collect items from wholesalers at Monday Market, sell them, and then return their money,” he explained. “What remains is my profit. I make about ₦20,000 daily. That is my only source of income.”

He also buys food for his household daily. “This incident will affect me badly,” he said. “I cannot go to the market until I recover. I worry about how my family will survive during this time. I am the sole breadwinner.”

At the entrance of the ward, Abatcha Mohammed waited anxiously. His younger brother was among the injured. “My shop is next to his,” he said. “I also pray in that mosque. But that day, I had gone home early because my son was sick. When the explosion happened, I rushed back. My uncle and some friends were also affected.”

The market falls quiet

At Gamboru Market, HumAngle observed a scene far removed from its usual bustle. Many shops, especially those closest to the mosque, were locked. Stalls stood empty. The area was unusually quiet, with security operatives patrolling the streets.

Gamboru Market is one of Maiduguri’s busiest commercial centres, drawing traders and buyers from across Borno State and neighbouring countries, including Chad, Cameroon, and Niger. It hosts a wide range of businesses, from fresh produce and clothing to household goods, and supports countless small-scale traders, tailors, and food vendors. Activity often continues into the night, sometimes until 9 p.m., long after the main market closes.

Now, that routine has been broken.

Still, the survivors speak with resolve. 

“I will be careful going forward,” Makinta said. “Nothing happens without the will of Allah.” Suleiman echoed him. “I will return to the mosque,” he said. “Crowded or not, I will pray again. Allah has already written what will happen. I survived this because it was not my time. Those who died, it was their appointed time.”

Dec. 29 (UPI) — Anthony Joshua, a British heavyweight boxing champion, sustained injuries Monday in a car crash that killed two others in Nigeria, local authorities said.

Babaseyi Boluwatife, an Ogun State Police Command spokesperson, told CNN that Joshua incurred “minor bruises” in the crash around 11 a.m. (5 a.m. EST) on the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. The highway connects Ogun State to the city of Lagos.

Nigerian media outlet Punch Newspapers reported the vehicle Joshua was in collided with a truck.

“The vehicle conveying Anthony Joshua, a Lexus SUV, was involved in the accident under circumstances that are currently being investigated,” Oluseyi Babaseyi, a spokesperson for Lagos police, told CBS News.

“He was seated in the rear of the vehicle, sustained minor injuries and (is) receiving medical attention.”

Boluwatife said two other occupants in the same vehicle as Joshua — both foreign nationals — died, including the driver.

Joshua, who was born to Nigerian parents, frequently visits the West African nation.

Joshua is a former two-time heavyweight boxing champion and most recently garnered attention for knocking out YouTube personality Jake Paul in a bout in Miami earlier this month.

When the explosive devices from the US airstrike landed in Birkini, a satellite village in Jabo town, Sokoto, North West Nigeria, on Thursday, Dec. 25, locals said they were alarmed after years of relative calm that allowed them to sleep peacefully at night. More than 18 civilian neighbouring communities were similarly shaken after the blast in Tambuwal Local Government Area (LGA), prompting some residents to pack their belongings and flee. 

The villagers believed they were under direct attack.

Before the news of the incident became widespread, rumours spread in the area that the American government was targeting Muslim-dominated settlements in Nigeria. 

Muhammad Bawa, a commercial driver from Birkini, said the airstrike, which targeted suspected Islamic State terrorists, occurred close to his farm. He said locals read social media posts claiming that “the American government is envious of Nigeria’s long history of peace and has been misled into believing that Nigerian Christians are being persecuted”.

“As a result, the US seemed prepared to target us, especially the Muslims in the North. This is why we are all feeling frightened and anxious about these unusual incidents,” he said. 

HumAngle found these claims to be false and misleading. However, with little media literacy and limited access to reliable information, many residents chose to leave rather than risk being caught in another strike. 

“That night, people from all 18 neighbouring communities gathered to move to Jabo in search of safety, as we were unsure of what might happen next,” Muhammed told HumAngle. 

As dozens of residents attempted to flee, Aminu Aliyu, the Information Officer of Tambuwal LGA, addressed some of them, urging calm and asking them to return to their homes. He assured them that the strikes were not aimed at civilians. 

Although the primary impact site was Birkini, fragments of the explosive device were later found across neighbouring communities, including Sakanau, Tungar Barke, Aske Dodo, Barga Hordu, Gasa Lodi, Yangwal, Lungu, Tungar Doruwa, Tungar Kwatte, Tungar Na’adda, and Darin Guru.

Muhammad recalled sitting on a mat watching a movie when the device flew above, “shaking our roof and sounding like strong wind before it fell”. “I didn’t give a damn and went on watching the movie,” he said. “We suddenly heard a high-sounding explosion strike like thunder. It came with the fire catching dried shrubs and farm straws, swirling like a storm.”

The Nigerian government later claimed the explosive devices found in Jabo and other rural communities in Tambuwal LGA, as well as in Offa, Kwara State, North Central Nigeria, were debris from precision weapons fired at terrorist camps within the Bauni forest axis of Tangaza LGA, Sokoto State, several kilometres from Tambuwal. 

Mohammed Idris, the country’s Minister of Information and National Orientation, said intelligence showed the Bauni forest was “being used as assembly and staging grounds by foreign ISIS elements infiltrating Nigeria from the Sahel region, in collaboration with local affiliates, to plan and execute large-scale terrorist attacks within Nigerian territory”.

He further noted that the strikes were launched from maritime platforms in the Gulf of Guinea after extensive intelligence gathering. Sixteen GPS-guided munitions were deployed using MQ-9 Reaper drones, and the targeted ISIS elements were successfully neutralised. Although specific damage assessments have not been released, Yusuf Tuggar, Nigeria’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, said “those who handled the operational aspects of the episode will return with the details”. 

The origins of fear and terror

The Dec. 25 airstrike in Sokoto was first announced by US President Donald Trump, who said American forces struck ISIS positions in the northwestern region. The Nigerian government later confirmed the operation, noting that it was a joint effort between the Nigerian military and US forces, targeting terrorist camps in the state. 

“No civilian casualties were recorded in Jabo Town or any other affected area,” according to Abubakar Bawa, the spokesperson for the Sokoto State government. He added that recovered objects were under investigation by Nigerian and US military authorities. 

Trump justified the strike using a Christian genocide narrative, claiming that ISIS terrorists in Nigeria were “viciously killing, primarily, innocent Christians at levels not seen for many years, and even centuries”. This echoed earlier US rhetoric that designated Nigeria as a “country of particular concern” for alleged state-backed religious persecution. 

Nigerian officials and conflict researchers have rejected this framing, stressing that terror groups target both Muslims and Christians. Nevertheless, the framing of the narrative heightened fear among Muslim communities in Sokoto’s Birkini, Sakanau, and Kagara, where many interpreted the strike as an attack on them under the guise of protecting Christians.

“I fled my community and will resettle in Jabo town for fear of the unknown,” Sani Yale, a resident of Sakanau, told HumAngle. “Drawing from what I watched in American films exposing the powers of the US in war, I fear that the bomb explosion will come to our villages again. We feel we are not safe at all.” Several other residents share the same fear.

Umar Yusuf, from the Kagara community near Jabo, said he was asleep when his wife woke him screaming that an American attack was underway. They fled to Jabo town, where they encountered others debating what they described as “America’s ill intentions toward Nigeria”. 

“How can the US claim precision targeting at ISIS and throw bombs at us here, where we have never experienced a terrorist attack?” asked Ibrahim Shehu, a retired security officer from Jabo. “They claim intelligence sharing, yet miss the correct locations where terrorists, bandits, and Lakurawa reside and camp. This is just deliberately done to finish us, but God protected us.”

Nigeria’s foreign minister reiterated that the joint operation was intended “to fight against terrorism, to stop the terrorists from killing innocent Nigerians, be (they) Muslim, Christian, atheist, whatever religion.” Over the years, Nigeria has grappled with insecurity driven by a variety of causes, including terrorism, criminality, and ethno-religious violence. 

Security analysts believe the strike targeted Lakurawa, a violent criminal gang active in the northwestern region. The group first arrived in the Gudu and Tangaza areas of Sokoto State around 2018, after some communities invited them to act as protectors against terror attacks.

At the time, security authorities described them as “herders [from the neighbouring Niger Republic] not known to be violent but strongly suspected to be armed”. The group became more lethal last year, frequently assaulting communities while taking refuge in the forests spanning across the region. The Nigerian Defence Headquarters designated Lakurawa a terrorist organisation in Nov. 2024.

A study by the Combating Terrorism Centre suggests Lakurawa may have had links to Jama’a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (the al-Qaeda affiliate in the Sahel) between 2017 and 2018, but is now associated with the Islamic State’s Sahel Province (ISSP). Meanwhile, a Nov. 2025 study by Good Governance Africa notes that “the group currently maintains a nominal or permanent presence in at least 19 local government areas and 82 villages across Kebbi, Sokoto, and Zamfara”.

As authorities and residents continue to make sense of the recent strikes, concerns persist over the careless collection of unexploded fragments scattered across affected areas. Some of the devices have yet to detonate, according to Aminu, the Tambuwal LGA spokesperson. 

“Military personnel were here to see for themselves, but did nothing to stop it. There are strong indications that it will probably explode at any time. People are barred from visiting the area,” he said. 

Victor Osimhen starred as Nigeria became the second qualifiers for the Africa Cup of Nations knockout stage after Egypt by surviving a late Tunisia onslaught to win 3-2 in Fes.

The Super Eagles were cruising to victory on Saturday, leading 3-0 through goals from Osimhen, captain Wilfred Ndidi and Ademola Lookman.

But Tunisia refused to surrender in the top-of-the-table Group C clash, and Montassar Talbi and Ali Abdi scored to set up a tense finish.

Tunisia had two chances to level during seven minutes of added time, but a header from captain Ferjani Sassi and a shot by substitute Ismael Gharbi were just off target.

Nigeria have six points, Tunisia three, and Tanzania and Uganda one each, with the final round of group matches set for Tuesday.

The showdown was the seventh time the Super Eagles and the Carthage Eagles had faced each other at an AFCON.

Nigeria won three times, and Tunisia once. Another two meetings went to penalty shootouts, with each nation winning one.

After performing well below par when edging Tanzania in the opening round, Nigeria were a transformed team against Tunisia, dominating the first 30 minutes in the northern city.

Osimhen was outstanding, particularly in aerial duels, while Tunisia were forced to constantly defend against the three-time champions.

The Galatasaray striker, wearing his trademark mask, headed just over after nine minutes, and came close again soon after as he rose to meet a corner kick.

Osimhen had the ball in the net after 17 minutes, but was rightly ruled offside. Big-screen replays showed the 2023 African player of the year timing his run too early.

Tunisia midfielder Hannibal Mejbri was lucky to escape a yellow card for dissent after reacting angrily when a Nigerian took a foul throw, flinging the ball into the ground.

Osimhen was wide with another headed goal attempt, then left the pitch temporarily so that the medical staff could apply a spray to his leg.

Tunisia finally broke out of a defensive shell on 32 minutes and forced a corner. The set-piece ended with the ball coming back to Abdi, whose shot flew well over.

Several Tunisian raids reaped no reward, and on 44 minutes, the goalless deadlock was broken, with Osimhen, predictably, the scorer.

The goal involved two former African players of the year, with 2024 winner Lookman crossing the ball and Osimhen rising between Abdi and Talbi to head powerfully into the net.

Just five minutes into the second half, Nigeria stretched their lead to two goals, as they once again exposed the aerial weaknesses of the Tunisian defence.

Atalanta striker Lookman was the architect again, floating a corner into the heart of the goalmouth, where Ndidi soared to beat goalkeeper Aymen Dahmen and score his first international goal.

After creating the first two goals, Lookman scored the third on 67 minutes, after being set up by Osimhen. He had time to control the ball in the box before slamming it into the net off the post.

Tunisia pulled one goal back with 16 minutes remaining. The North Africans finally got the better of an aerial duel, and Talbi nodded a Mejbri free-kick into the net.

The goal had a dramatic effect as Tunisia took control and scored again with three minutes left, when Abdi converted a penalty awarded after a VAR review showed Bright Samuel handled.

Uganda spurn penalty chance to beat Tanzania

Uganda’s Allan Okello missed a late penalty as his side had to settle for a 1-1 draw against East African neighbours Tanzania at the Africa Cup of Nations earlier on Saturday.

Okello’s failure to convert from the spot denied Uganda a precious victory in the Group C clash after Uche Ikpeazu had scored a late equaliser for the Cranes in front of 10,540 fans at Al Medina Stadium in Rabat.

Before that, it looked like Tanzania, winless in 10 previous matches across four AFCON tournaments, might finally break their duck when Simon Msuva put them in front from the penalty spot.

But Ikpeazu, who plays in the Scottish second tier for St Johnstone, headed in a cross by fellow substitute Denis Omedi to level the scores with 10 minutes remaining.

“I have a very bad feeling, because I think we didn’t deserve this draw. I think we had more opportunities,” said Uganda coach Paul Put.

Of the missed penalty, he said, “That is very, very painful, but that is also football.”

The deadlock between the regional rivals, who will co-host the 2027 Cup of Nations with Kenya, does little to help their chances of progressing to the last 16 from Group C.

Both have one point from two matches and trail Nigeria and Tunisia, with the two former champions facing off later on Saturday in Fes.

“It is not in our hands, but we have to believe,” said Put, whose team play Nigeria next.

Uganda, who have just one AFCON win of their own across three tournament appearances since losing the 1978 final, came closest to scoring in the first half.

An Aziz Kayondo cross from the left was met by the head of Rogers Mato, whose effort came back off the underside of the crossbar.

Tanzania were awarded a spot-kick just before the hour mark, when a shot by Alphonce Msanga struck the arm of Uganda’s Baba Alhassan.

The experienced Msuva, who plays club football in Iraq, made no mistake from the spot and has now scored goals at three different AFCON tournaments.

However, a dramatic finish to the game amid a torrential downpour saw Tanzania squander the lead and then breathe a big sigh of relief as Uganda missed the opportunity to claim victory.

Ikpeazu made it 1-1, and Uganda won a penalty when James Bogere went down as his shirt was pulled by Tanzania defender Haji Mnoga of Salford City.

With the game in the 90th minute, Okello stepped up and was perhaps put off by a huge clap of thunder just before he took his kick, which went over the bar.

“I am a little bit disappointed with the result, because we tried to win the game, but we also could have lost it in the last five minutes,” said Tanzania coach Miguel Angel Gamondi.

“We wanted our first win at the Africa Cup of Nations, and I am very sorry for all the Tanzanian people.”

The recent strikes by the United States on alleged ISIL (ISIS) targets in northwest Nigeria have been presented in Washington as a decisive counter-terror response. For the supporters of the administration of US President Donald Trump, the unprecedented operation signalled his country’s renewed resolve in confronting terrorism. It is also making good on Trump’s pledge to take action on what he claims is a “Christian genocide” in Nigeria.

But beneath the spectacle of military action lies a sobering reality: Bombing campaigns of this nature are unlikely to improve Nigeria’s security or help stabilise the conflict-racked country. On the contrary, the strikes risk misrepresenting the conflict and distracting from the deeper structural crisis that is driving violence.

The first problem with the strikes is their lack of strategic logic. The initial strikes were launched in Sokoto in northwest Nigeria, a region that has experienced intense turmoil over the past decade. But this violence is not primarily driven by an ideological insurgency linked to ISIL, and no known ISIL-linked groups are operating in the region. Instead, security concerns in this region are rooted in banditry, the collapse of rural economies, and competition for land. Armed groups here are fragmented and motivated largely by profit.

The Christmas Day strikes appear to have focused on a relatively new ideological armed group called Lakurawa, though its profile and any connection to ISIL are yet to be fully established.

The ideological armed groups with the strongest presence in northern Nigeria are Boko Haram and the ISIL-affiliate in West Africa Province (ISWAP). The centre of these groups’ activity remains hundreds of kilometres from Sokoto, in the northeast of Nigeria – the states of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa – where insurgency has a long history. This begs the question: Why strike the northwest first? The logic is unclear.

Equally concerning is the uncertainty surrounding casualties. So far, we have no authoritative figures. Some social media accounts claim there were no human casualties, suggesting the bombs fell on empty targets. Security analyst Brant Philip posted on his social media platform X: “According to a private source familiar with the US operation against the Islamic State in Nigeria, several strikes were launched, but most of the individuals and groups targeted were missed, and the actual damage inflicted remains mostly unknown.”

Nigerian news platform Arise TV reported on X that locals confirmed the incident caused widespread panic; according to its correspondent, at least one of the attacks happened in a district that had not suffered from violence before. They also noted that the full impact of the attack, including whether there were civilian casualties, is yet to be determined.

Other social media accounts have circulated images alleging civilian casualties, though these claims remain unverified. In a context where information warfare operates alongside armed conflict, speculation often travels faster than facts. The lack of transparent data on casualties from the US government risks deepening mistrust among communities already wary of foreign military involvement.

Symbolism also matters. The attack took place on Christmas Day, a detail that carries emotive and political significance. For many Muslims in northern Nigeria, the timing risks being interpreted as an act of supporting a broader narrative of a Western “crusade” against the Muslim community.

Even more sensitive is the location of the strikes: Sokoto. Historically, it is the spiritual seat of the 19th-century Sokoto Caliphate, a centre of Islamic authority and expansion revered by Nigerian Muslims. Bombing such a symbolic centre risks inflaming anti-US sentiment, deepening religious suspicion, and giving hardline propagandists fertile ground to exploit. Rather than weakening alleged ISIL influence, the strikes could inadvertently energise recruitment and amplify grievance narratives.

If air strikes cannot solve Nigeria’s security crisis, what can?

The answer lies not in foreign military intervention. Nigeria’s conflicts are symptoms of deeper governance failures: Weakened security, corruption, and the absence of the state in rural communities. In the northwest, where banditry thrives, residents often negotiate with armed groups not because they sympathise with them, but because the state is largely absent to provide them with security and basic services. In the northeast, where Boko Haram emerged, years of government neglect, heavy-handed security tactics, and economic exclusion created fertile ground for insurgency.

The most sustainable security response must therefore be multi-layered. It requires investment in community-based policing, dialogue, and pathways for deradicalisation. It demands a state presence that protects rather than punishes. It means prioritising intelligence gathering, strengthening local authorities, and restoring trust between citizens and government institutions.

The US strikes may generate headlines and satisfy a domestic audience, but on the ground in Nigeria, they risk doing little more than empowering hardline messaging and deepening resentment.

Nigerians do not need the US to bomb their country into security and stability. They need autochthonous reform: Localised long-term support to rebuild trust, restore livelihoods, and strengthen state institutions. Anything less is a distraction.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

“More to come”: Those are the words of United States Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth after his country carried out a wave of air strikes against ISIL (ISIS) in northwestern Nigeria.

Hegseth said the aim is to stop the group’s killing of what he called “innocent Christians”.

Back in November, President Donald Trump warned the US would take action against the group if the Nigerian government continued to allow what he claimed was the targeting of Christians.

Many say Trump was pressured by his right-wing Christian base in the US to carry out the recent attacks in Nigeria. But what could be the fallout on the African country with a highly complex religious makeup?

Presenter: Adrian Finighan

Guests:

Malik Samuel – Senior researcher at Good Governance Africa

Ebenezer Obadare – Senior fellow for Africa studies at the Council on Foreign Relations

David Otto – Deputy director of counterterrorism training at the International Academy for the Fight Against Terrorism

Follow our live build-up, with team news coverage, before our text commentary stream of the Africa Cup of Nations tie.

‘Debris was burning’.
Nigerians have described what they witnessed in US strikes on the town of Jabo, which President Donald Trump says were targeting ISIL.