Latin

Eddie Palmieri, the Grammy-winning Nuyorican pianist, bandleader and composer who helped innovate Afro-Caribbean music in the States and transform the New York salsa scene, died on Wednesday. He was 88.

According to a post on his official Instagram, Palmieri passed away in his Hackensack, N.J., home. The New York Times confirmed via his youngest daughter, Gabriela Palmieri, that his death came after “an extended illness.”

Multiple celebrities chimed in to pay their respects, including Spike Lee, Ramon Rodriguez and representatives from Fania Records, the pioneering New York salsa label, also released a statement.

“[On Wednesday], Fania Records mourns the loss of the legendary Eddie Palmieri, one of the most innovative and unique artists in music history,” the statement said. Palmieri briefly recorded music with the label but also released music under Tico, Alegre, Concord Picante, RMM and Coco Records.

Others took to social media to mourn the loss, including David Sanchez, a Grammy-winning jazz tenor saxophonist from Puerto Rico, who uploaded a slideshow of photographs of the two. Sanchez recounted the time when his soprano saxophone was stolen — and Palmieri helped him pay for a new one. “Your being and your music will continue to live on in the hearts of many,” Sanchez wrote in the Instagram caption.

Palmieri’s contemporary Chuchito Valdes, a Grammy-winning Cuban pianist and bandleader, also chimed in with an Instagram post lamenting the loss: “A sad day for music. One of the greatest of all time is gone, an innovator. The man who revolutionized salsa and Latin jazz. My great friend.”

Born on Dec. 15, 1936, in East Harlem to Puerto Rican parents from Ponce, Palmieri was the younger brother of Charlie Palmieri, the late piano legend known as the “Giant of the Keyboards.”

The family later moved to the South Bronx, where they opened up a luncheonette called “Mambo”: a name chosen by young Eddie, who was enthralled by the Cuban dance hall rhythms. He often controlled the jukebox with blissful Latin jazz tunes by Tito Puente, Tito Rodriguez and Machito.

Palmieri was deeply influenced and inspired by his older brother, who was nine years his senior and introduced him to prominent big-band acts of the 1940s, like Tommy Dorsey, Glenn Miller and Woody Herman, all of whom seemed to dissolve by the end of World War II. Though Palmieri had an itch to lean into the timbales like Tito Puente, he would eventually follow in his brother’s footsteps and take piano lessons from Margaret Bonds, one of the most prominent African American concert pianists at the time.

Although he briefly joined his uncle’s orchestra, Chino y sus Almas Tropicales, as a timbal player, Palmieri rose to fame as a pianist, playing with various bands including the Eddie Forrester Orchestra, Johnny Segui and His Orchestra, and eventually Tito Rodriguez and His Orchestra, which was a main act at the Palladium Ballroom between 1958 to 1960.

“In the audience, you could have maybe a Marlon Brando, Kim Novak, all the Hollywood starlets because it was the height of the mambo,” said Palmieri in a 2013 interview with Jo Reed. “On Saturday, you had the blue-collar, mostly Puerto Rican. And then Sunday was black, Afro-American. It was intermingled or different nationalities that had nothing to do whether you were green, purple, white, we came to dance.”

But in 1961, Palmieri went on to start his own band, La Perfecta, an ironic title given its not-so-perfect setup. It formed as an eight-piece Cuban conjunto, which ditched the traditional jazzy saxophone. There were timbales, congas, bongos, bass, piano and vocals — but with a twist of its own kind: the inclusion of two trombones, played by Barry Rogers and Jose Rodriguez, instead of the costly four-set trumpets. Palmieri also added a whistling flute, played by George Castro, for a charanga edge (in the place of a traditional violin).

“La Perfecta changed everything in the history of our genre, in my opinion. Certainly in New York,” said Palmieri. “And then influenced the world, because after that all the pawn shops got rid of their trombones.”

His group helped usher in the iconic salsa genre with their first album, “Eddie Palmieri and His Conjunto ‘La Perfecta,’” dubbing him the nickname “Madman of salsa.” However, he was not too fond of the emerging term, which seemed to cram different styles like mambo, charanga, rumba, guaracha and danzón into one single category.

“Afro-Cuban is where we get the music,” explained Palmieri in a 2012 interview with the Smithsonian Oral History Project. “The influence of the Puerto Rican is the one [that] upheld the rhythmical patterns and the genre of Cuba. So then that becomes Afro-Caribbean.”

La Perfecta went on to release its most famed album, “Azúcar Pa’ Ti” in 1965. It included the song “Azúcar,” an eight-minute track that was later added to the National Recording Registry in 2009.

In 1976, Palmieri became the first to win a Grammy for the inaugural category of best Latin recording, for his album “Sun of Latin Music.” He holds a total of eight Grammy awards. In 2013, the National Endowment for the Arts honored him as a Jazz Master and the Latin Grammys granted him a Lifetime Achievement Award.

But Eddie Palmieri’s impact spanned beyond his own accomplishments. He was a mentor, a teacher and an advocate for Latin music and culture, which includes advocating twice for the inclusion of the Latin jazz album category in the Grammys — first in 1995, then again in 2012 after its removal.

Palmieri was predeceased by his wife of 58 years, Iraida Palmieri, who passed away in 2014 — and who he often referred to as “Mi Luz Mayor.” He is survived by his four daughters, Renee, Eydie, Ileana and Gabriela; his son, Edward Palmieri II; and four grandchildren.

July 29 (UPI) — Panama, Mexico and Costa Rica have emerged as leading destinations for U.S. retirees this year, offering a more affordable, safer and more comfortable lifestyle overseas, according to the 2025 Global Retirement Index prepared by International Living magazine.

The rising global population over age 65 — projected to reach 16% by 2050, according to Statista — is driving a wave of retiree migration focused on mild climates, access to quality healthcare and an active lifestyle with lower financial strain.

Data from the Social Security Administration show that more than 730,000 U.S. retirees receive their benefits while living abroad, with Latin America accounting for a growing share.

Panama tops the global retirement rankings for its accessible pensioner visa, political stability and retiree perks, including 25% discounts on electricity and restaurant bills, and up to 50% off cultural activities.

The cost of living there for a couple starts at about$2,400 per month. The country also offers 18-month temporary residency through a remote work visa.

Mexico ranks fourth, driven by its low cost of living, cultural diversity and affordable healthcare. According to the report, a retiree can live comfortably on about $1,500 a month. In tourist areas such as the Riviera Maya, monthly rent averages around $500.

Puerto Vallarta, San Miguel de Allende and Chapala remain among the most popular destinations for U.S. retirees.

Costa Rica, ranked third in the index, attracts retirees with its biodiversity, peaceful environment and high-quality medical care. Residency is available with a minimum monthly income of $1,000, and housing can be found starting at $550 a month.

The Central Valley is especially popular for its mild climate and proximity to top-tier healthcare services.

Rosmery Hernández, a professor at the National University of Costa Rica, said the country “has spent decades building a quality-of-life environment based on public policy, education and civic participation, which today makes it attractive to retirees from the United States and Europe.”

She also noted that Costa Rica offers a strong healthcare system, easy access to international flights and infrastructure that makes travel within the country easy.

However, Hernández warned that the growth of the international retiree market has accelerated gentrification in areas like Guanacaste, raising the cost of services and land for local residents.

“The challenge is finding a balance that allows local communities to coexist with new international residents, creating mutual benefits without triggering displacement,” she said.

While European countries like Portugal, Spain and France also rank among the top international retirement destinations, Latin America offers advantages such as geographic proximity to the United States, more flexible immigration policies and a cultural environment that feels more familiar to many Americans, according to the retirement index.

All three Latin American countries have strengthened their immigration frameworks and services to attract this demographic, as more U.S. citizens view retiring abroad as both a financially viable and socially enriching option.

This year promises to be one of the most exciting editions of the Latin Grammys.

As the Latin Recording Academy prepares to unveil the nominations for the award’s 26th edition on Sept. 17, the eligibility period — from June 1, 2024 to May 31, 2025 — includes a number of high-profile albums that not only contributed to the ongoing Latin music boom on a global level, but also pushed the movement forward with their radical choices and genre-defying sounds.

Now a vital part of the Latin pop DNA, the urbano genre continues to redefine and challenge itself, while the rootsy strains of música Mexicana have deservedly gained a privileged seat on the table like never before. The fields of folk, rock, electronica and tropical are still expanding, and artists such as Bad Bunny, Rauw Alejandro, Becky G, Fuerza Regida and Natalia Lafourcade are vying for awards with some of the most ambitious albums of their careers.

De Los assistant editor Suzy Exposito and contributing writer Ernesto Lechner discuss their predictions on the songs and albums that are most likely to be nominated. The following conversation has been edited for length.

Ernesto Lechner: This seems to be an easy year in terms of the two obvious candidates for Latin Gammy history. Bad Bunny’s “Debí Tirar Más Fotos” is the kind of album that defines not only the year it came out — 2025 — but also the entire decade. And Natalia Lafourcade’s mystically tinged “Cancionera” finds the perennial Grammy favorite at the apex of her craft. Going back to Benito’s masterpiece, its conceptual gravitas is almost grander than the songs themselves.

Suzy Exposito: I’m really gunning for Album of the Year for this one. The amount of thought and intention that he placed on this record. The cultural significance of the songs, not just in terms of the history of Puerto Rico, but the way in which he directly engages with the Caribbean diaspora at large through salsa.

E.L.: I love how lovingly he delves beyond salsa to also include plena. He goes back to Rafael Cortijo — the roots, the very essence of boricua culture. And the album has this Beatles-like quality where it’s incredibly commercial — a No. 1 record, the album that everybody is listening to — but there’s no compromise on the artistic front. It’s an ambitious, fully realized statement.

S.E.: Is any album by Benito just another Bad Bunny album? I don’t think he dabbles in filler the way other artists do.

E.L.: The photo of the plastic chairs on the cover could have been taken in the suburbs of Lima, or San Salvador, or Medellín. Benito makes such an inclusive, pan-Latin statement. Which brings me to nominate the title track, “Debí Tirar Mas Fotos,” as a perfect contender for Song of the Year.

S.E.: When I first heard it, I started to cry. It’s a very sentimental song. I was recently in Puerto Rico and went to a plena jam session. It was happening in the street, and you could see people of all ages playing together, singing traditional songs, drinks in hand. There was something really beautiful and timeless about that communal experience.

E.L.: A similar passion for music permeates Lafourcade’s “Cancionera.” Recorded live on analog tape, it has a pristine, wooden-floor kind of warmth. She embodies this mystical character, the cancionera, and it’s a very mature album. I love “Cocos en la Playa” — a frisky, beautiful tropical song that’s so lovely and authentic. For my money, it’s going to be a battle between those two albums in all the major categories.

S.E.: I feel that Natalia Lafourcade is the conservative choice at the Latin Gammys, and it feels bizarre to say it. This is a woman who was making pop-rock in the 2000s. She is a virtuosa, and a master of her craft, but her nomination is predictable because now she represents the gold standard for the Latin Academy.

E.L.: She’s definitely the safest choice between the two. Besides Benito and Natalia, there are a few albums that could very well appear in the major categories, and one of them is Cazzu’s “Latinaje.”

S.E.: That album is such a statement piece. I loved seeing Cazzu break away from the Latin trap sound that she defined and blending it with other things. She’s a great songwriter, and her transformation is fascinating. I think this is the year when many young people are going back to their roots, and then making something new out of it.

E.L.: I had a conversation with Cazzu a few months ago and told her that “Latinaje” made me feel vindicated. As a fellow Argentine, I’ve always felt that we’re an integral part of Latin America. She proved it with this beautiful love letter to so many essential genres. There’s salsa, merengue, South American folk, and “Dolce,” a gorgeous corrido tumbado about that infamous red dress that went viral. And she did it all so genuinely.

S.E.: It may be hard for her, because she came up as an MC. I wonder if the Latin Academy will know in what categories to place her, since this is such a multi-genre album. I mean, she’s an international girl.

E.L.: And of course, Rubén Blades has a new album out, and it’s beautiful as always. “Fotografías” is another sumptuous, big band salsa session. It combines new compositions with songs that Rubén had given to fellow Fania artists in the ‘70s, and now recorded them himself.

S.E.: That’s a great move on his part. “Hey, remember those songs? Yeah — I wrote them!” It sounds ridiculous to say that Rubén is another safe choice, but I can see him in all the big categories. Which brings me to another artist who made a salsa-influenced album: Rauw Alejandro and “Cosa Nuestra.”

E.L.: I love the Afro-Caribbean vibe on “Cosa Nuestra” and the silky duet with bachata star Romeo Santos on “Khé?” I feel this one has been overshadowed a little by Benito’s “Debí Tirar Más Fotos.” My favorite Rauw Alejandro album remains 2021’s “Vice Versa” with the awesome, ‘80s influenced mega-hit “Todo De Ti.”

S.E.: My favorite song on “Cosa Nuestra” is “Se Fue,” the duet with Laura Pausini, which is also like a moody ‘80s song. Raúl has made it a point to polish up his nostalgia for old forms of music. Michael Jackson is one of his most influential artists.

By the way, we should mention Fuerza Regida and their ninth studio album, “111XPANTIA.” They have never been nominated for a Latin Grammy, so I’m rooting for them because they have experimented in a really bold way. Their lead singer, Jesús Ortiz Paz, has shown a lot of intention behind his creative decisions beyond making the same corridos or mining from the same old ‘90s rappers. Their music is cheeky; sonically, it pushes boundaries.

E.L.: You’re never gonna have a bad time with this new wave of música Mexicana stars, considering the staggering melodic richness of their songs and the immediacy of the lyrics.

S.E.: On that note, I think it’s time for Ivan Cornejo to get a Latin Grammy nod for “Mirada” — the production has this ethereal quality that sounds so mature and progressive for the genre. I also want to applaud DannyLux for his ambitious “Leyenda,” which is a psychedelic take on sierreño music, à la George Harrison.

E.L.: What about Becky G? Last year I was asked to write about “Encuentros,” and I just had to surrender to the elegance of this pristine música Mexicana session. Her voice sounds huge on this record.

S.E.: I really hope they don’t silo her in the música Mexicana categories, because this is a very mature album for her. She grew up singing mariachi music with her family, so it’s a beautiful full circle moment for her.

E.L.: “Encuentros” would be a perfect Album of the Year candidate because it celebrates the music of her grandparents but at the same time transcends it. I love that Becky said she’s never looking back after recording her two traditional albums of rancheras and lush Mexican pop.

This brings me to a more general observation: I believe we’re experiencing an era of absolute splendor, and the Latin Grammys nominations are bound to reflect that. It’s like every single Latin American country has blossomed, wearing its most elegant clothes and throwing some amazing parties. The richness and breadth of the music being recorded throughout the continent is off the charts.

S.E.: I agree. Creatively, the last couple of years have been the most exciting for Latin music in a really long time. I think we’re going to remember the 2020s for the bold decade that it is.

July 28 (UPI) — With more than $14.7 billion invested in Latin America and the Caribbean in 2024 and at least $9 billion in new credit lines announced this year, China is solidifying its role as one of the region’s leading economic players.

The growth of Chinese investment in Latin America has not only transformed infrastructure, trade and technological presence in the region. but It is also quietly reshaping the foundations of Latin American economic integration, experts and former leaders warned at the “Latin America in the New Global Geopolitics” forum, organized by the Latin American Presidential Mission in Costa Rica.

Evan Ellis, a U.S. research professor of Latin American studies at the U.S. Army War College Strategic Studies Institute, said China’s presence has created a form of functional but highly fragmented integration.

“China connects the dots that matter to its interests, not the ones our countries need to develop or integrate with one another,” he said.

Projects like transoceanic corridors, logistics routes and large-scale port construction are often framed as efforts to boost regional connectivity. In practice, however, many are designed to move raw materials to Asia rather than build a cohesive Latin American market.

“It’s integration with a Chinese purpose, not a Latin American one,” Ellis said.

While China has retrenched from mega-infrastructure projects of the last decade, it has surged in backing diversified, tech-related investments, such as electric vehicles, lithium mining and cloud infrastructure.

Beijing’s strategy has been clear: engage through low-institutional forums such as CELAC, where countries do not act as a unified bloc. That weakens efforts to negotiate common standards and gives China a stronger hand in bilateral agreements.

“It’s not just about infrastructure. It’s about how Latin America’s ability to think strategically as a region is being undermined,” Ellis said.

Former Costa Rican President Laura Chinchilla echoed that concern. She said China’s expanding footprint, rather than fostering cohesion, has exacerbated historic divisions between the region’s subgroups.

“The north tends to align with the United States, the south with China. And in the middle, we’ve failed to build a shared vision for development,” Chinchilla said.

One of the most sensitive issues in this realignment is the geopolitical pressure China exerts to isolate Taiwan. Only 12 countries in the world currently maintain diplomatic ties with the island — seven of them in Latin America and the Caribbean, including Paraguay.

Former Paraguayan Vice President Luis Alberto Castiglioni firmly defended his country’s decision to maintain relations with Taipei.

“Our alliance with Taiwan is not based on conditions, but on transparent cooperation and shared democratic values. China demands that we break that relationship as a condition to access its market, and that is unacceptable.”

Ellis reinforced that view, noting that Beijing’s diplomatic and commercial pressure also has consequences for national sovereignty.

“The region should ask whether opening up to Chinese investment justifies giving up decision-making authority, regulatory standards or strategic alliances that have historically been beneficial,” he said.

Costa Rica, which cut diplomatic ties with Taiwan in 2007, has been cited as an example of institutional resistance to conditions imposed by Chinese companies. Several infrastructure projects were halted due to local legal and technical oversight.

Still, the trade balance is revealing: Costa Rica’s exports to China are now nearly 10 times smaller than those to the United States.

In light of that, former presidents at the forum agreed on the urgent need for Latin America to regain control over its own integration agenda. “This isn’t about saying no to China,” Chinchilla said, “but about setting our own rules of the game, as a region, with vision and leadership.”

July 18 (UPI) — Latin America’s major currencies gained an average of 6% against the U.S. dollar in the first half of the year. Countries that include Brazil, Mexico, Colombia and Peru saw their currencies strengthen amid global economic and political tensions.

The Brazilian real rose more than 11% this year. The Mexican peso followed with a gain of nearly 9%, while currencies such as the Peruvian sol and Chilean peso also posted increases, according to JPMorgan Private Bank.

Analysts say this is not just about a weakening dollar. “The strengthening of some Latin American currencies also reflects that several countries have managed to appear more reliable to international investors,” Paraguayan economist Víctor Pavón said.

But this strengthening is double-edged. According to Daniel Correa, chief economist at DCR Economic and Financial Consulting, a stronger currency can become a problem if not managed carefully.

“The appreciation could dampen future growth prospects, particularly in a context of stalled trade, inflationary pressures and broader economic uncertainty,” Correa said.

Correa also warned that “strong growth needs could be undermined by scenarios in which local economies become relatively more expensive.”

“It’s difficult to expect this to continue for long, given the impact on export growth In a scenario of rising commodity prices and ongoing supply chain disruptions. The supply of foreign currency is likely to decline, increasing the risk of depreciation in the medium term,” Correa added.

Economist Federico Sosa shared that concern.

“This can reduce export profitability, especially in sectors like agriculture, livestock and manufacturing, where contracts are set in dollars,” he said.

Sosa also noted that a stronger currency can encourage imports, putting pressure on local producers. Still, he said, there are positive effects: It helps lower inflation and improves the country’s ability to repay foreign debt.

In Brazil, Mexico and Peru, central banks have moved quickly to contain external shocks and maintain a degree of internal stability. According to JPMorgan, that timely response could help sustain currency stability in the coming months, though it may not be enough to keep the upward trend going.

Global dynamics also play a role. Pavón noted that the U.S. dollar, which for decades dominated international trade, has gradually lost ground.

“The dollar once accounted for nearly 90% of global trade; today, it’s below 70%. It’s still high, but it shows the dollar has lost some of its exclusivity,” he said.

Economist Víctor Raúl Benítez said he sees the dollar’s decline as part of a deliberate strategy.

“The Trump administration is willing to tolerate a weaker dollar — and even a mild recession — to regain global competitiveness against China. This is part of an economic realpolitik strategy aimed at preserving the dollar’s role as the world’s reserve currency,” he said.

July 17 (UPI) — Foreign direct investment in Latin America and the Caribbean rose 7.1% in 2024, reaching nearly $189 billion, the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean reported Thursday.

The increase came despite global economic uncertainty and an overall decline in investment flows worldwide.

Brazil and Mexico accounted for 61% of the total, helping offset declines in Colombia, Chile and Argentina. Investment also rose in Central America and the Caribbean, particularly in the manufacturing and communications sectors.

“Much of the increase is due to reinvested earnings from companies already operating in the region rather than new capital inflows,” said José Manuel Salazar-Xirinachs, a Costa Rican economist and public policy expert.

Equity contributions — the component that reflects new investments — are at their second-lowest level since 2010.

Globally, foreign direct investment dropped 11% in 2024 when excluding transactions in European financial centers, a decline attributed to rising geopolitical tensions, trade disputes and the restructuring of global value chains.

“Higher levels of conflict and heightened uncertainty are holding back investment decisions worldwide or at least are a deterrent,” said Salazar-Xirinachs, who is executive secretary of the U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean.

Despite the global slowdown, announced foreign direct investment projects in the region surged 40% to a record $168 billion, driven by major hydrocarbon developments in Argentina, Mexico and Guyana. These included liquefied natural gas and oil megaprojects.

Unlike global trends, which prioritize renewable energy and semiconductors, Latin America’s investment announcements were dominated by fossil fuels. Renewable energy projects ranked second, but their value declined 13% from the previous year.

Marco Llinás Vargas of the economic commission noted concern over the region’s heavy reliance on extractive industries. He said the drop in technology-intensive investment is troubling and emphasized the need for more diverse and advanced forms of investment that can contribute to long-term productive development.

The report identified critical minerals — such as lithium, copper and rare earth elements — as a strategic opportunity for the region. Chile alone holds more than 30% of the world’s lithium reserves, but production and value-added exports remain limited.

“Reserves don’t automatically translate into production or economic benefit,” said Martín Abeles, head of the commission’s Natural Resources Division. There is a lack of technical, regulatory and institutional capacity to turn potential into performance.

From 2005 to 2024, just 21% of global mining foreign direct investment targeted Latin America. While lithium investments have increased — particularly in Argentina — other minerals have not seen similar momentum.

The United States strengthened its position as the leading investor in the region, accounting for 38% of the investment in 2024. The EU’s share — excluding Luxembourg and the Netherlands — fell to 15% of the regional total, its lowest level since 2012.

Investment from Latin America and the Caribbean made up 12% of foreign direct investment inflows, making it the third-largest source. Chinese investment accounted for just 2% of total inflows in 2024.

Abeles called for stronger policy alignment, citing countries like Australia and Canada that tie investment to local supplier development, technology transfer and environmental governance.

Digital transformation was also highlighted as a crucial development path. While foreign investment in telecommunications and data centers has grown, the region attracts only 7% of global digital investment.

Foreign direct investment can be a catalyst for digital transformation, Salazar-Xirinachs said, but only if matched by absorptive capacity and infrastructure.

Brazil and Mexico led the region in digital investment, followed by Argentina, Chile and Colombia. The commission recommended improving institutional coordination and investing in digital workforce development.

Despite progress, the report noted that Latin America and the Caribbean continue to face persistent challenges in attracting new investors.

The commission urged governments to treat foreign direct investment as part of broader productive development strategies. The report outlines 10 policy guidelines aimed at strengthening technical, operational, political and strategic capacities to attract and retain high-impact investment.

Attracting foreign investment must go hand-in-hand with broader development policies, Salazar-Xirinachs said. It’s not just about the amount of investment, but its quality and impact.

BBC

‘Google the Latin names’

The Latin names of cosmetic ingredients

Rachel Williams

Giuseppe Palermo has been wanted under an Interpol red notice, which has called for his arrest in 196 countries.

Colombian authorities have captured an alleged leader of the Italian ‘Ndrangheta mafia in Latin America who is accused of overseeing cocaine shipments and running illegal trafficking routes to Europe.

Police on Friday identified the suspect as Giuseppe Palermo, also known as “Peppe”, an Italian national who was wanted under an Interpol red notice, which called for his arrest in 196 countries.

He was nabbed on the street in Colombia’s capital Bogota during a coordinated operation between Colombian, Italian and British authorities, as well as Europol, the European Union’s law enforcement agency, according to an official report.

Palermo is believed to be part of “one of the most tightly knit cells” of the ‘Ndrangheta mafia, said Carlos Fernando Triana, head of the Colombian police.

The ‘Ndrangheta, one of Italy’s most powerful, ruthless and clandestine criminal organisations, has increasingly wielded its influence overseas and is widely accused of importing cocaine into Europe.

The suspect “not only led the purchase of large shipments of cocaine in Colombia, Peru, and Ecuador, but also controlled the maritime and land routes used to transport the drugs to European markets”, Triana added.

Illegal cocaine production reached 3,708 tonnes in 2023, an increase of nearly 34% from the previous year, driven mainly by the expansion of coca leaf cultivation in Colombia, according to the United Nations.

The global illicit drug trade, including cocaine, is estimated to be worth more than $500bn annually.

July 10 (UPI) — A far greater percentage of voters over 60 have turned out to vote than younger voters, often by margins of 10 to 25 percentage points, in recent elections across Latin America, including Argentina, Mexico, Chile and Brazil, an analysis shows.

This persistent gap is a clear sign of a crisis of representation that especially affects younger generations and fuels abstention as a form of political disengagement across the region.

Voter abstention has been a growing trend since 2010 in national and regional elections. The reasons behind this disengagement vary, but a crisis of representation and rising distrust in political elites — especially among young people — stand out.

“The representative system is in crisis. Society is increasingly distrustful of elites, especially politics as a profession,” Argentine political scientist Adrián Rocha said. He warned that voters between the ages of 18 and 30 are showing growing indifference toward traditional democratic values.

Even in countries where voting is mandatory — such as Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Peru and Uruguay — low turnout remains common in regional and internal party elections.

In Argentina, for example, only 53.2% of voters participated in Buenos Aires City’s legislative elections in May 2024. In the 2023 primaries, just 43% of voters between the ages of 18 and 29 cast ballots, compared to 71% of those over 60.

In Chile, only 9.16% of registered voters took part in the left-wing presidential primaries this past June. Just 35% of voters aged 18 to 24 turned out for the 2020 constitutional plebiscite, when voting was voluntary.

Similar patterns have emerged in other countries. In the Dominican Republic, abstention in the 2024 presidential election topped 46% — a steady rise compared to previous cycles.

Dominican attorney Allen Peña said the high abstention rate in his country is due “in large part to the lack of quality proposals from candidates — a perception that’s especially widespread among young voters.”

In Guatemala, turnout dropped from to 54% in 2023 from 61% in 2019, with the lowest participation among voters aged 18 to 29.

In Mexico, the judicial election held in June 2025 — the first of its kind in the country — set a record for low turnout: only 10% of eligible voters cast a ballot. While there are no official age breakdowns, analysts and international observers estimate that abstention among young voters exceeded 85%.

In Brazil, despite compulsory voting, more than 30% of voters aged 18 to 24 did not go to the polls in the 2022 presidential election.

Jorge Cruz, vice president of the Esquipulas Foundation, said “electoral abstention in Latin America is a growing phenomenon closely tied to the crisis of democracy. New generations show deep apathy toward politics, which they see as distant, bureaucratic and ineffective at solving their everyday problems.”

He added that many voters no longer see their ballot as a path to tangible change.

The 2024 Latinobarómetro confirms the trend. Although support for democracy rose from 48% to 52% across the region, one in four Latin Americans say they are indifferent to the type of political system.

The generational gap is also striking — only 45% of those under 25 support democracy, compared to 56% of those over 60. Preference for authoritarianism nearly doubles among younger respondents, rising from 13% among those over 60 to 21% among those under 25.

July 7 (UPI) — A new regional report highlights sharp disparities in student achievement across Latin America, driven by socioeconomic status and gender. Brazil and Peru top the list for inequality, while Chile and Uruguay show higher levels of equity.

Education inequality remains one of the primary challenges in Latin America, according to a report by the School of Education at Universidad Austral, a private university in Argentina. The study is based on the 2022 PISA results — the latest test administered by the OECD — across seven countries in the region: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru and Uruguay.

The report evaluates how many 15-year-olds reach basic proficiency in math and reading, comparing outcomes by socioeconomic background and gender. Researchers assessed the performance gap between the bottom 20% and the top 20% of students in each country.

The inequality indicator shows that, in reading comprehension, the countries with the highest disparities are Peru, Colombia and Argentina. For every three students from high-income backgrounds who understand what they read, only one from a low-income background does. Chile showed the lowest disparity, while Uruguay, Brazil and Mexico fell in the middle.

Across all countries, girls outperformed boys in reading comprehension, though the socioeconomic gap remained significant.

In math, Brazil had the highest inequality in the region. For every five high-income students who met minimum standards, only one low-income student did. Peru and Argentina followed closely. Chile and Uruguay showed smaller, though still notable, gaps.

Among low-income students, boys consistently outperformed girls in math in all seven countries. However, among wealthier students, girls scored higher than boys in most countries — except Mexico and Peru.

The report also found that girls from low-income backgrounds face a “double disadvantage” in math, performing worse than both low-income boys and high-income girls.

The report’s authors, economists Eugenia Orlicki and Cecilia Adrogué, recommend targeted policies to address these disparities. Their proposals include literacy programs, stronger early childhood education, focused math interventions and integrating a gender perspective in the classroom.

Despite broader access to education, inequality in the region has deepened, the report notes. Inclusion, the authors conclude, only matters if all students are truly learning.

National Public Radio journalist Felix Contreras, best known for chronicling Latino music in his podcast “Alt.Latino,” will be honored this year at the 38th annual Hispanic Heritage Awards.

The Hispanic Heritage Foundation named Contreras as a recipient of the 2025 Hispanic Heritage Award for journalism on Thursday, one of several honors bestowed on notable public figures for their accomplishments and cultural contributions to the Latino communities.

Past awardees at the Hispanic Heritage Awards include Bad Bunny, America Ferrera, Becky G, J Balvin and others; Contreras is one of the few journalists to receive the esteemed honor, one he says is hard for him to accept.

“We learn early on that [journalists] are not supposed to be the story,” explains Contreras in a phone call with The Times. “That’s the largest stumbling block as to why I’m having a difficult time accepting this accolade.”

Known among friends and colleagues as “Tío Felix,” a familial term of endearment, Contreras has been a dedicated reporter for close to 50 years. Born and raised in Sacramento, he began his journalistic career as a TV news photographer for the NBC affiliate station in Fresno until 1998, later transitioning to NBC News in Miami.

“My point has always been to tell our Latino stories through the news, good or bad,” he says.

Contreras began working for NPR in 2001 as a producer and reporter for the news arts desk. In 2010, he co-created the innovative “Alt.Latino” radio program and podcast alongside NPR’s current immigration correspondent Jasmine Garsd. It was a way to fill the dearth of coverage of alternative Latino music — Spanish-language stations gave little airtime to alternative rock groups such as Los Fabulosos Cadillacs or Café Tacvba, says Contreras. Their first guest on the show was a young, then-burgeoning artist from Colombia named Juanes, who appeared just after releasing his debut album, “Fíjate Bien.”

At first, it was an uphill battle to get artists to recognize the podcast’s cultural significance. “ We had to beg people to send us their CDs,” Contreras admits.

Now in its 15th year, “Alt.Latino” has become a go-to hub for Latin music enthusiasts looking to learn more on the rise of musica mexicana, the rumblings of Latin jazz, the transformation of Latin rock and more.

“Independent artists, alternative artists, even some pop artists now consider ‘Alt.Latino’ and NPR as a viable source to get their artist seen or heard,” Contreras says.

To this day, Contreras continues in his role as co-host of “Alt.Latino,” now alongside Tiny Desk producer Anamaria Sayre, who says she cried when she heard Contreras was being recognized.

“ Felix created space for us in the music media landscape in where there wasn’t previously,” says Sayre, who has been working with Contreras since 2023. “He did it with no one telling him that what he was doing was valuable.”

The 38th annual Hispanic Heritage Awards will take place on Sept. 4 at the Warner Theatre in Washington, D.C.

June 27 (UPI) — Latin America and the Caribbean rank among the regions with the highest rates of criminal activity worldwide, marked by a strong presence of illicit markets and limited institutional capacity to combat them.

Organized crime has become one of the biggest obstacles to economic development in the region, according to a World Bank report. The report points to four main drivers: territorial control, criminal governance, institutional capture and systemic violence.

In addition to producing and consuming large quantities of cocaine, Latin American criminal groups play a central role in trafficking the drug to the United States and the European Union. These networks are tightly linked to criminal organizations around the world and have a significant impact on the region’s economy, according to the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, or GI-TOC.

Although the region makes up just 9% of the world’s population, it accounts for about one-third of global homicides, with rates up to eight times higher than the global average. Twelve Latin American countries are among the 50 most affected by organized crime, according to GI-TOC.

A study by the Inter-American Development Bank, led by Argentine researcher Santiago Pérez-Vicent, estimates that criminal organizations cause economic losses equal to 3.5% of the region’s gross domestic product. That figure represents 78% of the regional education budget, twice the amount spent on social assistance and 12 times the investment in research and development.

Colombia, Peru and Bolivia dominate global cocaine production, while Mexico, Brazil and several Central American countries serve as key transit and distribution routes to major consumer markets in North America and Europe.

Cocaine’s impact in Latin America goes beyond the global illicit economy, fueling violent clashes among rival cartels across the region.

In Mexico, about 30,000 teenagers are involved in organized crime, according to the Legal Research Institute at the National Autonomous University of Mexico. They engage in 22 types of criminal activity, including drug trafficking and kidnapping, with many recruited as hitmen due to their age and vulnerability.

Alongside major cartels in Colombia and Mexico, new groups have emerged, including Venezuela’s Tren de Aragua and Brazil’s Primeiro Comando da Capital, or PCC. These organizations have developed new strategies to traffic drugs — including substances beyond cocaine — into the United States and the European Union.

Experts and international organizations say organized crime in the region has evolved significantly. Fragmented and diversified networks are expanding through alliances with foreign groups, including Albanian and Italian mafias.

While most governments in the region focus on combating drug trafficking, cocaine production is only one part of a broader criminal economy. According to The Evolution of Organized Crime in Latin America, a report by researchers Lucía Dammert and Carolina Sampó, organized crime also drives illegal mining, migrant smuggling and human trafficking — activities that severely impact communities and threaten regional and global security.

Illicit activities have expanded into markets with direct human impact, including logging, livestock operations, the cultivation of prohibited plant species and large-scale illegal and unregulated fishing, according to the report.

“Human and arms trafficking, prostitution, the spread of synthetic drugs, counterfeit pharmaceuticals, contract killings and illegal mining — which in countries like Peru and Colombia generate as much or more revenue than drug trafficking — are among the criminal enterprises that have taken hold,” said Pablo Zeballos, a former intelligence officer and international organized crime consultant, in an interview with the BBC.

In recent years, several Latin American countries that were once relatively free of gang-led violence have experienced growing insecurity, violence and lawlessness.

Organized crime has shaped life in places like Mexico, Colombia and Brazil for decades, said Jeremy McDermott, co-director of InSight Crime, in a podcast for Americas Quarterly. “Now, historically more peaceful countries such as Chile, Costa Rica and Uruguay are starting to experience rising levels of violence,” he added.

The expansion of organized crime in Latin America has been driven by a lack of effective coordination among regional governments, limiting joint responses to transnational threats such as drug trafficking, arms smuggling and human trafficking, according to reports from GI-TOC and InSight Crime.

This structural weakness is compounded by the steady erosion of institutions in several countries, marked by high levels of corruption, impunity and limited operational capacity within law enforcement.

Together, these conditions have created power vacuums that criminal groups exploit to establish sophisticated networks of territorial control, infiltrate legal economies and overwhelm national response systems.

SANTIAGO, Chile, June 20 (UPI) — Growing demand for technology in Latin America has made the region a major importer of electronic devices, but it still lacks clear regulations for managing the resulting waste — a problem with serious environmental, public health and economic implications.

“The absence of clear regulations, combined with low public awareness and the lack of efficient recycling infrastructure, is fueling an environmental and health crisis that threatens future generations,” said Carmen Gloria Ide, president of the Association of Companies and Professionals for the Environment and an international sustainability consultant.

Planned obsolescence and the shrinking lifespan of electronic devices are fueling a steady flow of e-waste, much of which ends up in informal landfills or is poorly managed, releasing toxic substances like lead, mercury and cadmium into the soil, water and air.

“We’re facing a major regional challenge,” Ide said. “The European Union offers a model worth replicating, built on collaboration among countries, that could help us address the issue regionally.”

Electronic waste generation in Latin America rose 49% between 2010 and 2019, increasing from 10.4 pounds per person to 14.8 pounds, according to the United Nations’ Global E-waste Monitor 2022 and the Latin America and Caribbean E-waste Platform.

While the figure continues to rise, it remains below the global average and well behind high-consumption regions such as Europe and North America, where levels exceed 39 pounds per person.

Brazil and Mexico generate about 22 to 24 pounds kilograms of e-waste per person each year. Argentina, Chile, Colombia and Peru report similar levels, averaging between 17.6 and 19.8 pounds, while Nicaragua produces just 5.5 kilograms per person.

Only 3% of e-waste generated in Latin America is properly collected and treated, far below the global average of 17.4%, according to regional monitoring.

The dangers of e-waste extend beyond environmental pollution. Informal metal extraction, often carried out by unprotected workers and children, exposes people to toxic substances that can cause respiratory problems, neurological damage and even cancer.

Improper disposal also results in the loss of valuable materials, such as gold, silver and copper, that could be recovered and reused in manufacturing.

“One ton of e-waste contains gold, silver, copper and other metals that, if properly extracted, hold significant value,” Ide said. “That’s why robust legal frameworks and efficient recycling systems are essential.”

At least 11 countries in the region have adopted some form of Extended Producer Responsibility laws, requiring manufacturers and importers to manage the full life cycle of their products, including disposal.

More responsible e-waste management requires specialized collection centers, dismantling facilities and recycling plants. Public education is also essential to raise awareness of the risks of improper disposal and the importance of proper handling.

Chile and Brazil have enacted some of the region’s most advanced EPR laws, setting clear targets for priority items such as tires, packaging, oil and electronic devices. Colombia,

Mexico and Argentina have sector-specific regulations for managing e-waste, but lack comprehensive national EPR legislation. Peru, Ecuador and Uruguay have made regulatory progress, though implementation remains limited.

Disparities in national laws make it difficult to build coordinated regional recycling networks. Experts say more public and private investment is needed to develop the infrastructure to manage the problem effectively.

June 4 (UPI) — Latin America is facing an escalating education crisis as school dropout rates continue to climb, affecting not only the region’s poorest countries but also those with historically strong public education systems, such as Chile, Costa Rica and Uruguay. In Argentina, despite its educational potential, nearly 40% of the population — about 17.9 million people — lives in poverty, a factor that directly impacts school attendance and completion.

Statistics show that roughly 160 million people in Latin America and the Caribbean are of school age — nearly a quarter of the region’s total population. About half of them do not complete their education, and many are considering leaving their home countries for the United States, Spain or other developed nations in search of better opportunities.

The Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean and other international organizations have warned that the region’s dropout crisis poses a serious threat to its development.

A report by the Inter-American Development Bank found that 27% of students drop out before completing their education. UNESCO estimates that around 23 million children and teenagers in the region are not enrolled in school.

Countries with the lowest dropout rates include Chile (7%), Peru (10%) and Bolivia (16%). The highest rates are in Guatemala (57%), Honduras (53%) and Uruguay (37%). Venezuela’s rate is estimated at 27%, while Paraguay and Ecuador report dropout rates of 32% and 28%, respectively.

In Mexico, more than 4 million children and teenagers are not in school, and another 600,000 are at risk of dropping out, according to a UNICEF report. The problem becomes more pronounced with age: three in 10 teens aged 15 to 17 are no longer attending school.

ECLAC attributes part of the crisis to extended school closures during the COVID-19 pandemic, which lasted more than 70 weeks on average. These interruptions severely disrupted schooling and widened existing inequalities, particularly at the secondary level.

Experts agree that school dropout is a multifaceted issue. While the pandemic worsened the situation, studies show the trend predates COVID-19 and is rooted in deep structural problems.

Contributing factors include poverty, single-parent or broken families and low parental education levels, all of which push many students to leave school to work or care for family members. Teenage pregnancy is another key factor.

Other factors are student disengagement, lack of motivation, disruptive classroom environments and the inability of youth to see education as a path to a better future. Drug use and recruitment by drug trafficking gangs further undermine student retention.

Although less prevalent today, the traditional lack of value placed on technical education in the region has also contributed to the problem. Stronger connections between vocational training and the job market could provide a path forward for many young people.

Early school dropout significantly undermines economic development across Latin America. Young people who leave school early are less likely to find formal, stable or well-paying jobs, leading to a less skilled workforce and lower productivity. This, in turn, slows national economic growth, reduces competitiveness and hampers innovation.

May 27 (UPI) — A sharp drop in crime in El Salvador has made President Nayib Bukele one of Latin America’s most prominent leaders. As violence increases across the region, his security gains are drawing interest from local leaders looking to form a regional political movement, tapping into public frustration over crime and insecurity.

The so-called “Bukelista movement” began to take shape earlier this year during a meeting in Colombia that included participants from Chile and Guatemala. The group established a regional agenda to promote the model across Latin America. Among those attending was Colombian attorney Andrés Guzmán Caballero, who was appointed in 2023 by Bukele as El Salvador’s presidential commissioner for human rights and freedom of expression.

In Colombia, “Bukelismo” became an officially registered political party in April after receiving recognition from the National Electoral Council. “Bukelistas Colombia” is now active in 24 of the country’s 33 departments and plans to field candidates for the Senate and presidency in the next elections, according to Mauricio Morris, a political marketing expert and leader of the movement in Colombia.

Similar Bukelista movements and parties have formed in Chile, Ecuador, Peru, Honduras and Guatemala. The goal is to be active in 12 countries by the end of the year, Morris said.

The Bukelista movement was officially launched in Chile last weekend, with support from a group of local and regional officials. Guzmán Caballero attended the event, despite resigning from his Salvadoran government post just days earlier. At the launch, he presented Bukele’s security strategy and said the “Bukele model” could be replicated in other countries, citing similar crime problems across the region.

Speaking about El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Center, or CECOT — the high-security mega-prison that recently received suspected gang members and other criminal detainees from the Trump administration — Guzmán Caballero said El Salvador’s approach goes beyond incarceration. The model also aims to combat corruption and support wide-reaching social development programs, he said.

During his visit to Chile, Guzmán Caballero also held a private meeting with Evelyn Matthei, the center-right presidential candidate currently leading in national polls.

Bukele’s administration has drawn global attention for both its results and controversies. El Salvador, once one of the most violent countries in the world, now reports one of the lowest homicide rates in Latin America. The shift has occurred under a state of emergency declared in 2022, which has led to the arrest of more than 85,000 people — many without warrants or access to legal counsel. Human rights groups including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have documented reports of torture, enforced disappearances and deaths in police custody.

SANTIAGO, Chile, May 25 (UPI) — Once viewed as peripheral players, Protestant churches have risen over the past two decades to become influential actors in the spiritual and political realms across Latin America.

According to data from the Pew Research Center, Protestants have increased from just 1% of the Latin American population at the start of the 20th century to nearly 20% by 2024. In contrast, the Catholic population has decreased to 69% from 94% over the same period.

The shift is especially pronounced in Honduras and Guatemala, where Protestants now outnumber Catholics, and in Brazil, where they account for 28% of the population.

This demographic growth has been accompanied by the increasing political involvement of religious leaders, many of whom have won public office or directly influenced state policies.

The power of Protestant churches stems from their close ties to local communities and their ability to offer concrete spiritual guidance. They also have shown political ability in shaping debates on conservative issues such as abortion, LGBTQ rights and sex education.

The rise of the far right in Latin America and the growth of Protestant churches are not separate trends, according to Israel Vilchez, director of Christian news outlet Cosmovision.cl.

“They have a close connection that is reshaping political agendas and challenging the traditional Catholic dominance,” Vilchez said.

In Brazil, the Evangelical Parliamentary Front is one of the most powerful blocs in Congress and backed the right-wing government of Jair Bolsonaro under the slogan “family, homeland and God.”

In Guatemala, Protestant actor Jimmy Morales won the presidency in 2016 and aligned his policies with conservative groups.

In Costa Rica, pastor Fabricio Alvarado reached the presidential runoff in 2018.

In Mexico, the protestant Social Encounter Party supported President Andrés Manuel López Obrador in that year’s election.

In Argentina, Presidential Javier Milei received support from the Christian Alliance of Evangelical Churches during his campaign, although some groups later raised concerns over policies they said could weaken social justice.

Protestant support for right-wing political parties is not based solely on ideological alignment, according to Chilean sociologist Felipe Cruz.

“It is primarily a strong opposition to so-called progressive public policies, such as same-sex marriage and gender identity laws,” Cruz said.

In Chile, Protestant churches represent 17% of the population, according to the Center for Public Studies. The Chilean Congress includes a Protestant caucus consisting of members from various right-wing parties and the Christian Social Party.

“Churches will identify more with right-wing parties as long as they support fundamental, non-negotiable values such as opposition to abortion, homosexuality and certain approaches to education,” said Bishop Emiliano Soto, president of the Expanded Board of Evangelical Churches of Chile.

With a growing social base and increasingly visible ties to political power, protestant churches are emerging as key players in Latin America’s future. Their influence is reshaping not only the region’s religious landscape but also its political map in a time of constant change.

SANTIAGO, Chile, May 23 (UPI) — Antofagasta, a city in northern Chile, has become the first in Latin America to meet 100% of its drinking water needs with desalinated seawater.

A $130 million investment expanded an existing desalination plant, originally built in 2003, to supply potable water to the city’s 500,000 residents, Public Works Minister Jessica López has announced.

Situated in one of the driest regions in the world, northern Chile faces growing freshwater scarcity. In response, major mining companies, partnering with the government, have turned to innovative and sustainable solutions to secure water for local communities and mining operations.

“Investment from mining companies in these types of projects is crucial. It ensures a permanent and stable water source for operations and benefits the community by freeing up freshwater for human consumption, farming and livestock. It also eases pressure on aquifers and rivers,” said Jorge Vargas, spokesperson for the non-governmental organization Red Ciudadana.

The North Desalination Plant increased its seawater treatment capacity to 1,436 liters per second this year from 602 liters per second in 2003.

Seventy percent of Chile’s 24 desalination plants serve the mining sector, which uses about 4% of the country’s total water. In Antofagasta, major copper producers like Codelco and BHP have reduced their reliance on continental freshwater sources. The model has been adopted in other mining cities in the region, including Tocopilla and Taltal.

Amid a nationwide water crisis, other regions are launching their own desalination projects. In Coquimbo, the government has opened bidding on a $350 million plant that could serve 600,000 people.

That project attracted interest from 43 companies across 12 countries, including firms from China, Europe, Israel, the United States and Chile.

Chile’s Ministry of Public Works projects that by the end of the decade, most major cities in northern Chile will be partially or fully supplied with desalinated seawater.

BEIJING — China will allow visa-free entry for nationals of five Latin American countries for one year to boost closer connections with the region.

Starting June 1, citizens of Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Peru and Uruguay will be allowed to enter China for up to 30 days without a visa, China’s Foreign Ministry announced Thursday. The trial program will be in effect for one year.

“We welcome more foreign friends to visit China, to experience the colorful and vibrant China,” Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lin Jian said at a daily briefing.

Beijing hosted the China-CELAC, or Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, Forum earlier this week, aiming at strengthening its alliances in the region as a counterweight to U.S. influence.

China has been opening up to dozens of countries including most of the European nations, Japan, South Korea, Singapore and Malaysia to boost the economy after strict pandemic travel measures. China and Uzbekistan will also begin mutual visa-free entry for up to 30 days starting June 1, according to China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

May 13 (UPI) — José “Pepe” Mujica, former president of Uruguay and a symbol of the Latin American left, died Tuesday at the age of 89 in Montevideo after a battle with esophageal cancer.

“With deep sorrow, we announce the passing of Pepe Mujica. President, activist, leader and guide. We will miss you dearly, old friend. Thank you for everything you gave us and for your profound love for your people,” said Uruguay’s current president, Yamandú Orsi, in a statement.

Mujica served as Uruguay’s president from 2010 to 2015.

Before entering politics, he was a member of the Tupamaros National Liberation Movement in the 1960s. His involvement in the guerrilla group led to his imprisonment for 13 years under Uruguay’s military dictatorship.

Released in 1985, he joined the Broad Front coalition, where he held various positions, including senator and minister of livestock, agriculture and fisheries.

In April 2024, Mujica publicly disclosed his diagnosis with esophageal cancer. By January 2025, he announced that the disease had spread and that he would no longer pursue treatment, stating: “The warrior has the right to rest.”

As president, Mujica championed progressive reforms that positioned Uruguay as a regional pioneer. His administration legalized abortion, same-sex marriage and cannabis, drawing international attention.

Beyond politics, Mujica became widely known for his humble lifestyle, often opting to live in his modest rural home and donating most of his presidential salary to charity.

Plans for his funeral and official tributes have not yet been announced.