Indonesia

Medan, Indonesia – After graduating from university with a law degree two years ago, Andreas Hutapea assumed he would not have much difficulty finding a stable career.

In reality, Hutapea found himself facing one rejection after another.

Hutapea first failed to make it through Indonesia’s notoriously difficult civil service exams, which lead to a job for only about 3 percent of applicants, and was similarly unsuccessful in his bid to become a trainee prosecutor.

Before law school, Hutapea had dreamed of joining the army, but he could not meet the height requirement.

Eventually, with his money running out, Hutapea left the student accommodation he was renting to move back in with his parents, who run a simple shop selling oil, eggs, rice and other groceries.

Hutapea has been working at his parents’ shop, in a town on the outskirts of Medan, the capital of North Sumatra, ever since.

“I open the shop for them in the morning, sit there throughout the day serving customers and then help close at night,” Hutapea, who graduated from high school in 2020, told Al Jazeera.

“My parents don’t pay me a wage for my work, but I can’t blame them for that. They are giving me free food and lodging.”

Hutapea is far from alone in his struggles to find stable, well-paying work.

Indonesia has one of the highest rates of youth unemployment in Asia.

About 16 percent of the more than 44 million Indonesians aged 15-24 are out of work, according to government statistics – more than double the youth unemployment rate of neighbouring Thailand and Vietnam.

In a survey published by the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore in January, young Indonesians expressed far more pessimistic attitudes about the economy and the government than their peers in Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, and Vietnam.

Only about 58 percent of Indonesian youth said they were optimistic about the government’s economic plans, according to the survey, compared with an average of 75 percent across the six countries.

In February, some of this angst spilled onto the streets when university students formed the Indonesia Gelap, or Dark Indonesia, movement to protest government plans to trim spending on public services.

Economists point to a range of factors for the high rate of jobless youth in Southeast Asia’s largest economy, from rigid labour laws that make hiring difficult to poor wages that fail to attract capable workers.

“Many people choose to be outside the labour market rather than having to work for a salary below expectations,” Adinova Fauri, an economist at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Indonesia, in Jakarta, told Al Jazeera.

“Good jobs are also not widely available, so people turn to the informal sector, which has lower productivity and protection.”

Indonesia, which is home to more than 280 million people, has long struggled with chronic youth unemployment.

While still high compared with the rest of the region, governments have, through the years, made some progress in getting more young people into work – as recently as a decade ago, one-quarter of young Indonesians were estimated to be without a job.

Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto, a retired army general who oversaw crackdowns on the 1998 student protests that precipitated the fall of former President Soeharto, has acknowledged the need to create more jobs, establishing task forces to tackle unemployment and negotiate on trade with United States President Donald Trump.

On Wednesday, Prabowo hailed the beginning of “a new era of mutual benefit” for Indonesia and the US, after Trump announced a deal to lower tariffs on Indonesian goods from 32 to 19 percent.

Though older adults are less at risk of being unemployed – Indonesia’s overall jobless rate is about 5 percent – much of the work that is available is unstable and poorly compensated.

About 56 percent of the Indonesian workforce is employed in the informal sector, according to 2024 figures from the Bureau of Statistics, leaving millions in vulnerable conditions and without social security protections.

“The decline in the open unemployment rate does not necessarily reflect good performance in the labour market,” Deniey Adi Purwanto, a lecturer at the Department of Economics at IPB University in Bogor, told Al Jazeera.

“The quality of jobs and informal employment are still major problems.”

But for young people, the mismatch between the number of job seekers and jobs is particularly severe.

“Firstly, graduates of secondary and tertiary education do not always match the needs of the labour market, and there is also a high proportion of informality,” Purwanto said.

“Indonesia has a very large number of young people, so the pressure on the labour market is much higher.

“We also have rapidly increasing levels of secondary and higher education,” he added.

“Many young college graduates avoid informal or low-paid jobs, so they choose to wait for suitable jobs, which leads to unemployment.”

Purwanto said there was also a lack of effective vocational training and apprenticeship programmes in Indonesia, compared with neighbours such as Vietnam or Malaysia.

“In Malaysia, for example, there are more industry-university linkage schemes and graduate employability programmes,” he said.

Stark regional disparities in Indonesia, which is made up of some 17,000 islands, compound the problem, with young people in remote and rural areas finding it especially difficult to access good jobs.

This is particularly true in areas outside the island of Java, which is home to the capital Jakarta and more than half of Indonesia’s population.

Hutapea experienced this firsthand when he moved back with his parents, who live about two hours out of Medan.

Despite having a law degree, Hutapea, who is desperate to no longer work in his parents’ shop, has found job opportunities thin on the ground.

Hutapea, who also has a side gig setting up sound systems for weddings and parties, recently attended an interview for a job replenishing banknotes in ATMs.

But even though he thought the interview went well, he never heard back from the recruiter.

For Hutapea, who completed some of his law school modules during the summer holidays so he could graduate a year early, it is hard not to feel like his efforts have not been in vain.

“I didn’t want to be a burden to my parents, who were paying all my university fees,” Hutapea said.

“But look at me now.”

Police say the suspects have sent more than a dozen babies to Singapore for adoption.

Police in Indonesia have arrested 12 people after uncovering a human trafficking ring that has sent more than a dozen babies to Singapore for adoption.

The West Java police told reporters on Tuesday that the case was discovered after a parent reported an alleged baby kidnapping, which led them to a suspect who admitted to trading 24 infants.

Surawan, the police’s director of general criminal investigation, who goes by one name, said the perpetrators took most of the infants from their biological parents in West Java province.

They are accused of moving the babies to Pontianak city on Borneo island and then sending more than a dozen of them onwards to Singapore.

“Based on documents, 14 [babies] were sent to Singapore,” he said.

“The age range is clearly under one year old, with some three months old, five months old, and six months old.”

Authorities managed to rescue five babies in Pontianak and one in Tangerang, a city near the Indonesian capital, Jakarta. They also arrested a dozen suspects across Jakarta, Pontianak and the Javan city of Bandung.

“They are a syndicate, a baby trafficking syndicate. They each have their own roles,” said Surawan.

Some of the suspects were allegedly tasked with finding the babies, he said, while others cared for them, sheltered them or prepared civil registration documents, such as family cards and passports.

The police officer added that the infants were to be sold for 11 million Indonesian Rupiah ($676) to 16 million Indonesian Rupiah ($983) to buyers for adoption in Singapore.

The syndicate had been in operation since 2023, he said, based on suspect statements.

Police said they sought out “parents or mothers who refuse to care for their children” in return for money.

Surawan said the parent who reported a kidnapping “actually had an agreement” with the smugglers before their child’s birth, but reported them when they did not receive payment afterwards.

He added that police in Indonesia intend to coordinate with Interpol to “locate possible trafficked infants in Singapore”.

Human trafficking is also a domestic problem across Southeast Asia’s biggest economy, a sprawling nation of more than 17,000 islands.

In one of the worst cases in recent years, at least 57 people were found caged on a palm oil plantation in North Sumatra in 2022.

The new deal comes as the Southeast Asian country plans to buy 50 Boeing jets, according to US President Donald Trump.

The United States has struck a trade deal with Indonesia resulting in significant purchase commitments from the Southeast Asian country, following negotiations to avoid steeper US tariffs.

US President Donald Trump announced the new deal on Tuesday.

The agreement imposes a 19 percent tariff on Indonesian goods entering the US, Trump said in a post on his Truth Social platform.

Under the deal, which was finalised after Trump spoke with Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto, goods that have been transshipped to avoid higher duties will face steeper levies.

“As part of the Agreement, Indonesia has committed to purchasing $15 Billion Dollars in US Energy, $4.5 Billion Dollars in American Agricultural Products, and 50 Boeing Jets, many of them 777’s,” Trump wrote.

In a separate post earlier on Tuesday, Trump touted the finalised pact as a “great deal, for everybody”.

Boeing stock remained relatively flat on the announcement.

Last week, Trump renewed his threat of a 32 percent levy on Indonesian goods, saying in a letter to the country’s leadership that this level would take effect August 1.

It remains unclear when the lower tariff level announced Tuesday will take effect for Indonesia. The period over which its various purchases will take place was also not specified.

Lagging on trade agreements

The Trump administration has been under pressure to wrap up trade pacts after promising a flurry of deals recently, as countries sought talks with Washington, DC to avoid Trump’s tariff plans.

When Trump first postponed tariffs on April 2, the White House said it would have 90 deals in 90 days. But the US president has so far only unveiled other deals with Britain and Vietnam, alongside an agreement to temporarily lower tit-for-tat levies with China.

He separately told reporters that other deals are in the works including with India, while talks with the European Union are continuing.

Indonesia’s former Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs Dino Patti Djalal told a Foreign Policy magazine event on Tuesday that government insiders had indicated they were happy with the new deal.

Trump in April imposed a 10 percent tariff on almost all trading partners, while announcing plans to eventually hike this level for dozens of economies, including the EU and Indonesia.

Last week, days before the steeper duties were due to take effect, he pushed the deadline back from July 9 to August 1. This marked his second postponement of the elevated levies.

Instead, since early last week, Trump has been sending letters to partners, setting out the tariff levels they would face come August.

So far, he has sent more than 20 such letters, including to the EU, Japan, South Korea and Malaysia. Canada and Mexico, both countries that were not originally targeted in Trump’s “reciprocal” tariff push in April, also received similar documents outlining updated tariffs for their products.

Rescue effort under way after boat carrying 18 people capsizes in bad weather off the Mentawai Islands.

Rescuers in Indonesia are searching for 11 people who went missing after a boat capsized in bad weather off the Mentawai Islands in West Sumatra province, according to a local search and rescue agency.

Dozens of rescuers and two boats were at the site of the disaster on Tuesday, and seven of the 18 people on board the boat have been rescued, the agency said in a statement.

The vessel capsized at about 11am on Monday (04:00 GMT) as it sailed around the Mentawai Islands.

It had departed Sikakap, a small town in the Mentawai Islands, and was heading to another small town, Tuapejat. Of 18 people on board, 10 were local government officials.

“Our focus is on combing the area around the estimated accident site to find all victims,” said Rudi, the head of the Mentawai search and rescue agency.

He did not give a cause for the boat capsizing, but marine accidents are a regular occurrence in the Southeast Asian archipelago of approximately 17,000 islands, in part due to lax safety standards or bad weather.

On July 3, a ferry carrying 65 people sank off the popular resort island of Bali, killing at least 18 people.

In March, a boat carrying 16 people capsized in rough waters off Bali, killing an Australian woman and injuring at least one other person.

In 2018, more than 150 people drowned when a ferry sank in one of the world’s deepest volcanic lakes on Sumatra island.

China has agreed to sign a Southeast Asian treaty banning nuclear weapons, Malaysia’s and China’s foreign ministers confirmed, in a move that seeks to shield the area from rising global security tensions amid the threat of imminent United States tariffs.

The pledge from Beijing was welcomed as diplomats gathered for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) foreign ministers’ meeting, where US Secretary of State Marco Rubio is also due to meet regional counterparts and Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov.

Malaysia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Mohamad Hasan told reporters on Thursday that China had confirmed its willingness to sign the Southeast Asian Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone (SEANWFZ) treaty – an agreement in force since 1997 that restricts nuclear activity in the region to peaceful purposes such as energy generation.

“China made a commitment to ensure that they will sign the treaty without reservation,” Hasan said, adding that the formal signing will take place once all relevant documentation is completed.

ASEAN has long pushed for the world’s five recognised nuclear powers – China, the United States, Russia, France and the United Kingdom – to sign the pact and respect the region’s non-nuclear status, including within its exclusive economic zones and continental shelves.

Last week, Beijing signalled its readiness to support the treaty and lead by example among nuclear-armed states.

Rubio, who is on his first visit to Asia as secretary of state, arrived in Kuala Lumpur on Thursday amid a cloud of uncertainty caused by President Donald Trump’s aggressive tariff strategy, which includes new levies on six ASEAN nations as well as key traditional allies Japan and South Korea.

The tariffs, set to take effect on August 1, include a 25 percent duty on Malaysia, 32 percent on Indonesia, 36 percent on Cambodia and Thailand, and 40 percent on Laos and Myanmar.

Japan and South Korea have each been hit with 25 percent tariffs, while Australia – another significant Asia Pacific ally – has reacted angrily to threats of a 200 percent duty on pharmaceutical exports to the US.

Vietnam, an ASEAN nation, along with the UK, are the only two countries to have signed separate trade deals with the US, whose administration had boasted they would have 90 deals in 90 days.

The US will place a lower-than-promised 20 percent tariff on many Vietnamese exports, Trump has said, cooling tensions with its 10th-biggest trading partner days before he could raise levies on most imports. Any transshipments from third countries through Vietnam will face a 40 percent levy, Trump said, announcing the trade deal on Wednesday. Vietnam would accept US products with a zero percent tariff, he added.

Reporting from Kuala Lumpur, Al Jazeera’s Rob McBride says Southeast Asian nations are finding themselves at the centre of intensifying diplomatic competition, as global powers look to strengthen their influence in the region.

“The ASEAN countries are facing some of the highest tariffs from the Trump administration,” McBride said. “They were also among the first to receive new letters announcing yet another delay in the imposition of these tariffs, now pushed to 1 August.”

The uncertainty has pushed ASEAN states to seek alternative trade partners, most notably China. “These tariffs have provided an impetus for all of these ASEAN nations to seek out closer trade links with other parts of the world,” McBride added.

China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi has been in Kuala Lumpur for meetings with ASEAN counterparts, underscoring Beijing’s growing engagement.

Meanwhile, Russia’s top diplomat, Sergey Lavrov, has also been holding talks in Malaysia, advancing Moscow’s vision of a “multipolar world order” – a concept backed by China that challenges what they see as a Western-led global system dominated by the US.

“Lavrov might be shunned in other parts of the world,” McBride noted, “but he is here in Malaysia, meeting with ASEAN members and promoting this alternative global structure.”

At the same time, Rubio is aiming to counter that narrative and ease tensions. “Many ASEAN members are traditional allies of the United States,” McBride said. “But they are somewhat nervous about the tariffs and recent US foreign policy moves. Rubio is here to reassure them that all is well in trans-Pacific relations.”

As geopolitical rivalry intensifies, ASEAN finds itself courted from all directions, with the power to influence the future shape of international alliances.

US seeks to rebuild confidence in ASEAN

Rubio’s presence in Kuala Lumpur signals Washington, DC’s intention to revive its Asia Pacific focus following years of prioritising conflicts in Europe and the Middle East.

The last meeting between Rubio and Russia’s top diplomats took place in Saudi Arabia in February as part of the Trump administration’s effort to re-establish bilateral relations and help negotiate an end to the war in Ukraine.

Analysts say Rubio faces a difficult task of rebuilding confidence with Southeast Asian countries unnerved by the US’s trade policies. Despite the economic fallout, he is expected to try and promote the US as a more dependable alternative to China in terms of both security and long-term investment.

According to a draft communique obtained by Reuters, ASEAN foreign ministers will express “concern over rising global trade tensions and growing uncertainties in the international economic landscape, particularly the unilateral actions relating to tariffs”.

Separately, a meeting involving top diplomats from Southeast Asia, China, Russia and the United States will condemn violence against civilians in war-torn Myanmar, according to a draft statement seen Thursday by AFP.

ASEAN has led diplomatic efforts to end Myanmar’s many-sided civil war sparked by a military coup in 2021.

BREAKINGBREAKING,

National Search and Rescue Agency says rescuers searching for 43 people after vessel sank off resort island.

Rescuers are searching for 43 people missing in rough seas overnight after a ferry carrying 65 people sank near Indonesia’s resort island of Bali.

The KMP Tunu Pratama Jaya sank almost half an hour after leaving East Java’s Ketapang port late Wednesday, the National Search and Rescue Agency said in a statement.

It was bound for Bali’s Gilimanuk port, a 50-kilometre (30-mile) trip.

The ferry carried 53 passengers, 12 crew members and 22 vehicles, including 14 trucks, it said.

Two bodies have been recovered and 20 were rescued, many of them unconscious after drifting in choppy waters for hours, said Banyuwangi police chief, Rama Samtama Putra.

Nine boats, including two tug boats and two inflatable boats, have been searching for the missing people since Wednesday night, battling waves up to two metres (6.5ft) high in the overnight darkness.

Ferry tragedies are common in Indonesia, an archipelago of more than 17,000 islands, where ferries are often used as transport and safety regulations can lapse.

More to follow…

Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto said that the relationship between the two countries was ‘getting stronger again’.

Russian President Vladimir Putin met his Indonesian counterpart Prabowo Subianto as Moscow bids to strengthen ties in the Global South amid Western efforts to isolate the country following its war on Ukraine.

On Thursday, Putin and Prabowo met in the Russian city of St Petersburg and signed a declaration on strategic partnership.

Danatara, Indonesia’s sovereign wealth fund, and the Russian Direct Investment Fund, whose CEOs were also in Saint Petersburg, signed an agreement to create an investment fund worth 2 billion euros ($2.29bn).

In a statement after the talks, Prabowo said that the relationship between the two countries was “getting stronger again”.

“My meeting with President Putin today was intense, warm and productive. In all fields of economics, technical cooperation, trade, investment, agriculture – they all have experienced significant improvements,” he said.

Moreover, during the meeting at the Konstantin Palace, Putin acknowledged Indonesia’s entry into the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) grouping of emerging economies as a full member.

“Our relations with Indonesia are developing steadily. Trade turnover is growing. We have good prospects in a number of promising and very interesting areas of cooperation,” Putin said, according to Russian state news outlet TASS.

“This includes agriculture, space, and energy, as well as military-technical cooperation. Our interaction is very great, and it is growing,” he added.

As Southeast Asia’s largest economy relies primarily on coal as a source of power, despite its massive potential for renewable energy sources such as hydro, solar, and geothermal, Indonesia is seeking to boost power generation while capping its carbon emissions, considering nuclear power as a solution.

With Jakarta maintaining a neutral foreign policy, it has walked a delicate balance between regional competitors, China and the United States.

But Prabowo, who came to power last year, has looked to diversify the country’s alliances instead of relying heavily on Western partners.

His decision to skip the G7 summit in Canada this week in favour of talks with Putin raised fears of a tilt towards Moscow, analysts have said, after the two countries held their first joint naval drills last year.

Meanwhile, the Russian leader said that on Friday, he and Prabowo will take part in the plenary session of the St Petersburg International Economic Forum.

Air India, Air New Zealand, Jetstar, Juneyao Airlines, Singapore Airlines, and Virgin Australia have cancelled flights to Indonesia after Mount Lewotobi Laki-Laki erupted

Large parts of the biggest island nation in the world have been placed on the UK Foreign Office’s no-travel list.

On Tuesday, dozens of flights to and from the Indonesian resort island of Bali were cancelled or delayed after one of the country’s most active volcanoes erupted. Mount Lewotobi Laki-Laki, on the island of Flores, belched an ash tower more than 11 km (6.8 miles) into the sky.

Authorities have raised the highest alert level and told residents to avoid activities within a 7 km radius around the crater. Air India, Air New Zealand, Jetstar, Juneyao Airlines, Singapore Airlines, and Virgin Australia were among the airlines that cancelled flights to and from Bali, located west of Flores.

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Now the UK’s Foreign Office has updated its travel advice for Brits heading to or in Indonesia. It advises against all travel to a number of volcanoes in Indonesia. They are:

• Mount Lewotobi Laki-Laki, on Flores Island, East Nusa Tenggara Province: to within 7 km of the crater
• Mount Sinabung, Karo Regency, North Sumatra: to within 5 km of the crater
• Mount Marapi, West Sumatra: to within 3 km of the crater
• Mount Semeru, Lumajang Regency, East Java: to within 5 km of the crater
• In the southeast of Mount Semeru: to within 500 m from any riverbank of the Besuk Kobokan river for 13 km from the crater
• Mount Ruang, Northern Sulawesi: to within 7 km of the crater
• Mount Ibu, North Maluku Province: to within 7 km of the crater

As well as potentially putting yourself in harm’s way, not following Foreign Office travel advice can invalidate your travel insurance.

The tiny paradise island of Bali, celebrated for its unspoilt beaches and vibrant nightlife, has experienced a surge in visitors lately despite serious cautions from travel advisers. The destination made headlines last year as it attracted an impressive 6.3 million international travellers, outstripping the numbers seen before COVID struck. In total, Indonesia welcomed in 13.9 million tourists last year, according to news.cn.

Mainly Australians flock to the tourism magnet, drawn by their neighbouring status. Nevertheless, just last month, on May 30, Australian officials updated their guidance on visiting Indonesia due to a spate of unsettling incidents, including drowning and methanol poisoning.

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The Australian government now advises its compatriots to “exercise a high degree of caution” in the archipelago, warning: “Be alert to the potential risks around drink spiking and methanol poisoning through consuming alcoholic drinks. Cases of methanol poisoning in drinks have previously been reported in Indonesia, including in Bali and Lombok.”

The UK’s Foreign Office has similar advice: “Do not leave [your drinks] unattended. Do not accept drinks from strangers at clubs or parties. Tourists have been assaulted or robbed after taking visitors to their hotel rooms, and in some cases have found that their drinks were spiked.”

To lower the risks of drinking methanol, the Foreign Office advises purchasing alcohol only from reputable licensed shops or bars, ensuring bottle seals are unbroken. Look out for shoddy labels or misspellings on bottles and steer clear of home-brewed spirits.

June 18 (UPI) — Indonesia’s Lewotobi active Laki Lai volcano spewed searing miles-high ash column into the skies over Flores island, 440 miles east of Bali, grounding flights serving the popular tourist island all across the region

The Geology Agency said the 5,197-foot volcano erupted at 5.35 p.m. local time, sending a cloud of hot ash and gases 6.8 miles above the island that is famous for its Komodo dragons and marine life and is a popular dive location.

Tourists were urged not to travel to Flores after the central government in Jakarta placed the country on its highest alert level, with residents of two villages inside a 5-mile exclusion zone around the crater of the twin volcano evacuated from their homes.

The island’s Fransiskus Xaverius Seda Airport was closed until Thursday at the earliest.

Flights remained on the ground at Bali’s Denpasar International Airport, including for domestic and regional routes as well as internationally, as far afield as India and China and Australia and New Zealand.

Budget carriers Jetstar and Scoot cancelled flights to Bali scheduled to depart Singapore’s Changi Airport while AirAsia canceled at least one of its three daily flights to Jakarta.

Bali’s Come2Indonesia travel operator told CNN the cancellations would impact more than 1,000 of its customers booked on trips to Bali and Komodo National Park, where Flores is located.

Laki Laki, the male of the two peaks, which is highly active — and deadly — had been showing signs that an eruption was imminent in recent days with many as 25 rumblings an hour, compared with an average of 8 to 10 a day normally.

A series of eruptions in November killed nine people after molten rock bombs landed on villages with more than 10,000 people forced to leave the area and caused serious travel disruption.

Despite witnessing a record-breaking number of international tourists last year, one picture postcard island has witnessed a surge in incidents relating to methanol poisoning

A tiny island famed for its pristine beaches and lively nightlife has seen its tourism boom in recent years – despite stark travel warnings.

Whether you’re after a chilled beach club, silent yoga retreat, or TikTok-inspired spiritual awakening, Bali’s mass appeal is undeniable. It has some pretty stunning temples, sugar-like beaches, lush rice paddies, and an unbeatable cuisine. Last year, the hotspot, located in Indonesia, welcomed a staggering 6.3 million international tourists, surpassing its pre-pandemic peak.

Unsurprisingly, Australia accounted for the majority of tourists, due to its close proximity. But, last month (May 30) the country’s government reviewed its advice for Indonesia following a series of recent incidents involving drownings and methanol poisoning. Urging Aussies to ‘exercise a high degree of caution’ when travelling to the country – the body said: “Be alert to the potential risks around drink spiking and methanol poisoning through consuming alcoholic drinks. Cases of methanol poisoning in drinks have previously been reported in Indonesia, including in Bali and Lombok.”

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The Mirror contacted the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) – which advises Brits on which countries are safe to travel to – asking whether it was also updating its warning page for Indonesia to reflect the recent surge. A spokesperson did not explicitly comment on Australia’s updated advice, and instead sent over the organisation’s guide for Indonesia – which hasn’t been updated since April 8, 2025.

The FCDO currently advises against all travel to a number of volcanoes in Indonesia, including Mount Lewotobi Laki-Laki, Mount Sinabung, Mount Marapi, Mount Semeru, and Mount Ruang. However, it does not have a current warning against Bali for either essential or non-essential travel.

Still, under its ‘Safety and Security’ section, the FCDO has issued a blunt five-word warning for travellers: “Watch your drinks being prepared.” It adds: “There have been reports of drink spiking linked to sexual assault in Bali, Lombok and the Gili Islands.

“Do not leave [your drinks] unattended. Do not accept drinks from strangers at clubs or parties. Tourists have been assaulted or robbed after taking visitors to their hotel rooms, and in some cases have found that their drinks were spiked.”

The FCDO clearly states that many people, including British nationals, have died or suffered serious illness in Indonesia after drinking spirits that contain methanol due to inadequate distillation. Affected drinks have included:

• local spirits, including arak/arrack (a local rice or palm liquor)
• spirit-based mixed drinks, such as cocktails
• counterfeit brand-name bottled alcohol in shops or behind the bar

To protect yourself from methanol poisoning, it is recommended to only buy alcohol from licensed liquor stores or bars, and make sure the bottle seals are intact. It’s also worth checking for poor print quality or incorrect spelling on your beverages, as well as avoiding homemade alcoholic drinks.

The FCDO also warns tourists to be ‘alert’ when out at night and avoid poorly-lit areas due to a high number of reported rapes and sexual assaults. “If you call a taxi, use only registered companies, such as Bluebird, Silverbird or Express, and check the driver’s identity,” it states.

“If you book with a mobile app, check the driver is the same as the person on the app, and share your journey with a friend using the app. Be wary of drivers claiming to be registered with app companies and trying to pick up passengers on the street.”

Other safety warnings include credit card fraud, bag-snatching, and pickpocketing. “Conceal your bag as much as possible to reduce the risk. Carry only essential items and take care of your passport and bank cards,” the FCDO advises.

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Muslims around the globe are celebrating Eid al-Adha, one of the biggest holidays in the Islamic calendar that commemorates sacrifice and submission to God.

The festival, running from June 6-9, honours the Prophet Ibrahim’s willingness to obey God’s command that he sacrifice his only son Ismail, ignoring the devil’s attempts to dissuade him from the act.

The devil appeared before Ibrahim three times, but the prophet responded by throwing stones, driving him away. As he was about to kill his son, God stayed his hand and spared his son, giving him a lamb to sacrifice instead.

The “Feast of Sacrifice” is traditionally marked by the slaughter of an animal, typically a goat, sheep, cow, bull or camel, with the meat shared among neighbours, family members and the poor.

The start of the event coincides with the final rites of the annual Hajj, the once-in-a-lifetime pilgrimage to the holy city of Mecca, Saudi Arabia, observed by adult Muslims.

In remembrance of Ibrahim’s resistance to Satan, pilgrims at Hajj participate in a symbolic “stoning of the devil” at the Jamarat complex in Mina, near Mecca.

The stoning ritual takes place at the three spots where it is said the devil tried to dissuade Ibrahim from obeying God, represented by three concrete walls.

Pilgrims collected their pebbles overnight on Thursday from Muzdalifah, an area located a few kilometres away from Arafat, a hill outside the city of Mecca with great spiritual significance.

On Friday, an estimated 1.6 million-plus pilgrims stoned the devil, throwing their pebbles at the concrete walls in Mina.

For some, the ritual marks a solemn moment – a complete submission to God. For others, it represents a victory over evil.

Indonesia shut out China 1-0 in their Asian Football Confederation Group C qualifier for the 2026 FIFA World Cup.

Indonesia have kept alive their hopes of qualifying for the FIFA World Cup for only the second time in their history with a nervy 1-0 win that has ended opponents China’s hopes of qualifying.

Oli Romeny scored the only goal of Thursday’s game from the penalty spot in the first half of the Asian Football Confederation qualifier in Jarkarta.

The spot kick was awarded after Yang Zexiang brought down Ricky Kambuaya on the stroke of half-time. It dealt a blow to the Chinese, whose defence was mounting pressure on the hosts, given the expectations on them.

In the first kickoff of the day in the group, Australia took a giant stride towards sealing another qualification spot by beating already qualified Japan 1-0.

Aziz Behich scored the winner with a curling effort from the edge of the box in the 90th minute.

Saudi Arabia hosted Bahrain in the final kickoff of the day in Group C. Anything other than a win for the home side would guarantee Australia’s progress while Bahrain needed a win themselves to retain a chance of climbing above Indonesia into the final playoff spot.

Kambuaya had Indonesia’s first sighter, but the effort from range flew wide of the right-hand upright.

Wang Yudong, making his international debut at 18, was the brightest spark in China’s start and steered an effort wide after a counter off the back of mounting pressure from the hosts.

Han Pengfei had China’s best chance, though, when he flashed his header over the bar from Serginho’s corner.

Romeny had twice had near misses himself, one just wide and the other too close to the keeper, before slotting home the crucial kick from the spot.

Indonesia travel to Japan for their final group game on Tuesday.

In April 2025, a familiar tension resurfaced on the global trade stage. The United States, through its 2025 National Trade Estimate (NTE) report, criticized Indonesia’s national QR payment system, QRIS (Quick Response Code Indonesian Standard), and its domestic payment network GPN for allegedly restricting access to foreign firms like Visa and Mastercard. This came at a politically sensitive moment: just as the U.S. announced a 32% reciprocal tariff on Indonesian goods—a move temporarily suspended by the Trump administration for 90 days starting April 9, 2025 (Office of the United States Trade Representative, 2025).

At the center of this trade dispute is a quiet yet transformative success story: Indonesia’s regulator-led push to unify, simplify, and democratize digital payments. While the U.S. frames QRIS as protectionist, many in the Global South see it differently. They see it as sovereignty in code form—a model where innovation doesn’t only emerge from Silicon Valley, but from sovereign policy designed with inclusion, affordability, and national interoperability at its core.

QRIS, launched in 2019 by Bank Indonesia, now boasts over 50 million users and 32 million merchants—92% of whom are MSMEs. Its impact is visible not only in transaction volumes but in the radical reshaping of Indonesia’s informal economy. Through a single interoperable QR standard, QRIS reduced barriers for small vendors, brought millions into the financial system, and enabled digital literacy at scale (Bank Indonesia, 2025; QRIS Interactive, 2025). Features like QRIS TUNTAS and QRIS Antarnegara extend its utility to ATM-like services and cross-border payments with neighboring ASEAN countries (“Riset Sukses QRIS Indonesia”, 2025).

Today, QRIS is accepted not only across Indonesia but also in partner countries including Malaysia, Thailand, Singapore, the Philippines, Vietnam, Laos, Brunei Darussalam, Japan, and South Korea. These regional agreements strengthen QRIS as a payment bridge across Asia, facilitating tourism, trade, and local currency settlements.

In contrast to the U.S. critique, QRIS represents a strategic choice to design for dignity rather than dependence. The lesson here is not anti-global—it is about asserting a model of digital governance where financial infrastructure, when governed wisely, can serve local resilience while remaining open to fair, mutually beneficial cooperation.

In fact, the Indonesian government has consistently expressed openness to global firms—including Visa and Mastercard—being part of the QRIS ecosystem. This reflects a collaborative model that embraces interoperability and innovation, as long as it aligns with the public interest and meets the nation’s inclusive development goals. The QRIS story shows that sovereignty and openness can coexist, and that digital payment systems can be built on principles of both equity and cooperation.

For the Global South, Indonesia’s QRIS success offers five strategic lessons:

1. Lead with Policy, Not Platforms: Innovation doesn’t have to be outsourced. Sovereign institutions can shape markets when they prioritize public interest over private monopolies.
2. Standardize Early to Scale Fast: Mandating one interoperable code simplified adoption, removed friction, and prevented early-stage fragmentation.
3. Subsidize the Small: By waiving merchant fees for low-value transactions, QRIS made itself indispensable to micro-enterprises.
4. Adaptation Is Innovation: QRIS kept evolving, integrating ATM functions, enabling cross-border payments, and responding to real-world behaviors.
5. Sovereignty Is Not Isolation: Building domestic rails doesn’t mean closing doors. It means entering global trade with stronger footing.
6. Data Inclusion Enables Policy Precision: By digitizing informal transactions, QRIS generates more accurate data flows across sectors. This improves transparency, tracks real-time economic activity—especially in the informal sector—and strengthens the foundation for evidence-based policymaking.

This trajectory stands in marked contrast to two other Global South giants: India and China.

In India, the Unified Payments Interface (UPI), launched by the National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI), created a real-time payment system that integrates bank accounts across providers. Its success stems from similar government-led standardization, free or minimal transaction fees, and integration into flagship digital initiatives. UPI has become central to India’s financial inclusion drive, particularly among underbanked rural populations (IJFMR, 2025; NPCI, 2025).

Meanwhile in China, QR payment adoption exploded via a different route: commercial super-apps. Alipay and WeChat Pay dominated over 93% of the market by 2019, offering frictionless experiences integrated into social media and e-commerce platforms. However, their dominance led to walled gardens, until government intervention in 2017 required all non-bank QR transactions to be cleared through a centralized clearinghouse known as Wanglian (REI Journal, 2025; Toucanus Blog, 2025).

This comparison reveals not just different models, but different philosophies:

• Indonesia and India: regulator-first, interoperability by design, competition fostered between diverse providers.
• China: market-first, innovation by dominance, regulation applied retroactively to rein in systemic risk.

As financial digitalization accelerates worldwide, the choice is no longer between Silicon Valley or state control. The new frontier lies in hybrid governance models rooted in public interest, where local needs shape global partnerships. QRIS is not perfect, but it proves a crucial point: the Global South can chart its own fintech path—inclusive, interoperable, and sovereign—while still welcoming collaboration.

The key is to ensure that such collaborations are not extractive, but mutual. Interoperability with foreign systems can and should be pursued, as long as it doesn’t compromise local resilience or digital sovereignty. Rather than rejecting international cooperation, Indonesia’s QRIS shows how it can be done on equal terms—answering local priorities first.

For many nations in the Global South, digital public infrastructure like QRIS offers not just a financial tool, but a social mission. It is directly aligned with ESG and SDG narratives—advancing financial inclusion, reducing poverty, and promoting economic equity at the last mile. As such, future cooperation—whether with international firms or multilateral agencies—must serve this broader vision: technology as a lever for dignity, not dependency.

And sometimes, that path starts with a simple square of black-and-white code.

Rescuers have already pulled a dozen injured people from the debris during a gruelling search effort at the site.

At least 10 people have been killed after a stone quarry collapsed in Indonesia’s West Java province, with the country’s disaster agency saying search efforts are ongoing to find missing people buried beneath the rubble.

The collapse took place early on Friday at Gunung Kuda mining site in Cirebon, West Java. Footage from the scene of the accident shows excavators moving large rocks and emergency workers placing victims in body bags in an ambulance.

Footage circulating online showed rescuers struggling to retrieve a body from the devastated area. Another showed people scrambling for safety as thick dust rose from a pile of rocks and soil that had collapsed.

Indonesia’s National Agency for Disaster Countermeasure (BNPB) said at least 10 people had been killed, but gave no estimate on the number of people missing. It said heavy machinery – including three excavators – were buried and rescue operations would continue throughout Saturday.

Rescue teams have already pulled a dozen injured people from the debris during a gruelling search effort, according to Cirebon district police chief, Sumarni, who uses a single name.

Sumarni said authorities are investigating the cause of the collapse, adding that the owner and quarry workers have been summoned for questioning. He said police, emergency personnel, soldiers and volunteers – supported by five excavators – are trying to locate any further trapped workers. Rescue efforts are being hampered by unstable soil, risking further slides, he added.

On his Instagram account, West Java governor Dedi Mulyadi said the site was “very dangerous” and did not “meet safety standards for workers”. The governor added that the mine was opened before he was elected and he “didn’t have any capacity to stop it”.

Mulyadi said he has taken action to close the Gunung Kuda mine and four others in West Java considered to be endangering lives and the environment.

Illegal mining operations are commonplace across Indonesia, providing a tenuous livelihood to low-wage workers while coming with a high risk of injury or death due to landslides, flooding and tunnel collapses. Much of the processing of sand, rock or gold ore also involves workers using highly toxic materials like mercury and cyanide with little or no protection.

In May, torrential rain triggered a landslide and floods near a small mine run by local residents in the Arfak Mountains in Indonesia’s West Papua province, killing at least six people.

Last year, a landslide also triggered by torrential rain struck an unauthorised gold mining operation on Indonesia’s Sumatra island, killing at least 15 people.

Southeast Asian leaders are set to hold their first ever summit with China and the six-member Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), as they seek to insulate their trade-dependent economies from the effect of steep tariffs from the United States.

The meeting, in the Malaysian capital, Kuala Lumpur, is taking place on Tuesday, on the second day of the annual summit of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

It follows separate talks between leaders of the ASEAN and the GCC, which comprises of Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.

Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, opening the ASEAN-GCC summit, said stronger ties between the two blocs would be key to enhancing interregional collaboration, building resilience and securing sustainable prosperity.

“I believe the ASEAN-GCC partnership has never been more important than it is today, as we navigate an increasingly complex global landscape marked by economic uncertainty and geopolitical challenges,” Anwar said.

Malaysia is the current chair of ASEAN, which also includes Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.

In written remarks before the meetings, Anwar said “a transition in the geopolitical order is underway” and that “the global trading system is under further strain, with the recent imposition of US unilateral tariffs.”

With protectionism surging, the world is also bearing witness to “multilateralism breaking apart at the seams”, he added.

China calls for stronger ties

China’s Premier Li Qiang, who arrived in Kuala Lumpur on Monday, will join ASEAN and the GCC in their first such meeting on Tuesday. He met with Anwar on Monday and called for expanded trade and investment ties between Beijing, ASEAN and the GCC.

“At a time when unilateralism and protectionism are on the rise and world economic growth is sluggish,” Li said, China, ASEAN and GCC countries “should strengthen coordination and cooperation and jointly uphold open regionalism and true multilateralism”.

China is willing to work with Malaysia to “promote closer economic cooperation among the three parties” and respond to global challenges, Li told Anwar.

ASEAN has maintained a policy of neutrality, engaging both Beijing and Washington, but US President Donald Trump’s threats of sweeping tariffs came as a blow.

Six of the bloc’s members were among the worst hit, with tariffs between 32 percent and 49 percent.

Trump announced a 90-day pause on tariffs in April for most of the world, and this month struck a similar deal with key rival China, easing trade war tensions.

Al Jazeera’s Rob McBride, reporting from Kuala Lumpur, said ASEAN members are “very much looking at building ties with other parts of the world, in particular China, but also the Middle East” to strengthen their economic resilience.

“A measure of the importance that the GCC is also placing on this meeting is the delegation that has been sent here and the seniority of its members,” he added. “The Emir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, is here, and we have crown princes from Kuwait and also Bahrain. We also have a deputy prime minister from Oman.”

Anwar said Monday he had also written to Trump to request an ASEAN-US summit this year, showing “we observe seriously the spirit of centrality.” However, his Foreign Minister Mohamad Hasan said Washington had not yet responded.

‘Timely, calculated’

ASEAN has traditionally served as “a middleman of sorts” between developed economies like the US and China, said Chong Ja Ian from the National University of Singapore (NUS).

“Given the uncertainty and unpredictability associated with economic relations with the United States, ASEAN member states are looking to diversify,” he told the AFP news agency.

“Facilitating exchanges between the Gulf and People’s Republic of China is one aspect of this diversification.”

Malaysia, which opened the bloc’s 46th summit on Monday, is the main force behind the initiative, he said.

China, which has suffered the brunt of Trump’s tariffs, is also looking to shore up its other markets.

Premier Li’s participation is “both timely and calculated”, Khoo Ying Hooi from the University of Malaya told AFP.

“China sees an opportunity here to reinforce its image as a reliable economic partner, especially in the face of Western decoupling efforts.”

Beijing and Washington engaged in an escalating flurry of tit-for-tat levies until a meeting in Switzerland saw an agreement to slash them for 90 days.

Chinese goods still face higher tariffs than most, though.

Waste has been a critical problem in Indonesia. Reportedly, 40.16% of the 33.7 million tons of waste generated in 2024 was unmanaged. This statistic has forced the country to renew its 100% waste management target from 2025 to 2029. Besides, 48% of Indonesian households burn their waste despite the legal prohibition of such activity, causing air pollution and respiratory diseases. Amidst the shortcomings in Indonesia’s waste management system, the contribution of its informal waste pickers is inevitable.

The informal sector collects around 1 million tons of plastic waste, which mostly ends up at recycling facilities. In Jakarta alone, informal waste pickers have estimatedly reduced the waste volume by 30%, not only reducing the recycling costs for municipalities but also helping to extend the lifespan of dumps and sanitary landfills. As waste accounts for roughly 10% of Indonesia’s greenhouse gas emissions in 2021, the informal waste pickers’ work in diverting recyclables also contributes to combating climate change.

The Overlooked Workforce

Despite their central role in waste management, the well-being of informal waste pickers is far from ideal. Its precarious nature remains a major issue. Waste pickers in Bekasi and Depok earn only about one-third of the government’s minimum wage in both locations. In the Bantar Gebang landfill in Bekasi, the income per person not only fell below the legal minimum wage but was also lower than that of occupations in both the formal and informal sectors.

The informal waste pickers also work in horrible conditions. They often directly make contact with medical waste and other sharp waste. Leachate that contaminated the groundwater was also one of the most dangerous environmental problems at the site. Furthermore, many informal waste pickers do not have access to free health services, forcing them to rely on paid services or ignore their health problems.

To add insult to injury, the work of informal waste collection remains highly stigmatized due to its association with waste. Informal waste pickers in Surabaya cope with their low social status by changing clothes before they go home and emphasizing that waste-picking is at least a halal job, unlike stealing or other immoral occupations. Consequently, the combination of their precarious working conditions, low income, and social stigma often heightens their risk of psychological health issues, including depression.

Despite their roles in creating more livable cities, the regulation that includes informal waste pickers is nearly nonexistent. From the first law regulating waste management (Law No. 18/2008) to Presidential Regulation on National Waste Management Policy and Strategy (No. 83/2018) and Ministerial Regulation on Waste Reduction Roadmap by Producers (No. 75/2019), none of them explicitly recognize informal waste pickers. The regulations leave them outside of the system.

The poor condition of Indonesian informal waste pickers also stems from the intergenerational poverty cycle. These workers are trapped in debt and poverty due to the lack of access to employment, education, sanitation, water, healthcare, welfare schemes, and housing. Their low income as waste pickers and the lack of government protection prevent them from breaking the cycle.

The lack of institutional support, like cooperatives and unions, also hinders Indonesian informal waste pickers from leveraging their well-being. Albeit organizations like Pemulung Berdaya Cooperative and Indonesian Scavengers Association exist, they have not yet represented the majority of Indonesian informal waste pickers, especially in urban cities outside of Jakarta and its satellite areas.

Making the Invisible, Indispensable

Indonesia’s informal waste pickers might be invisible in policy, but they are surely indispensable in practice. Thus, the government needs to recognize these “invisible heroes” by acknowledging them as essential workers. Consider how Brazil’s national waste policy puts informal waste pickers as valuable actors in the waste management system. The law mandates the catadores (Brazilian informal waste pickers) to share responsibility in reducing the volume of solid waste.

Take the case of Belo Horizonte, a large city in Brazil, which developed an integrated system of solid waste management, including the catadores, into a formalized relationship with the wider recycling ecosystem. This might be one of the reasons why informal waste pickers in Belo Horizonte have a higher perceived social status compared to those in Surabaya, according to a study by Colombijn and Morbidini.

Integrating the informal waste pickers into the system may increase recycling rates while reducing child labor and providing benefits such as healthcare, education, and social recognition. The city of Accra, Ghana, formalized partnerships with informal waste pickers by providing them with access to finance, equipment, health insurance, and motorcycle licenses.

Just as crucial is creating and supporting cooperatives to give economic agency to informal waste pickers. Learning from the Solid Waste Collection and Handling (SWaCH) Cooperative in India, the presence of institutional support not only provides gloves, masks, footwear, jackets, carts, and implements for its members. Beyond this, cooperatives act as intermediaries and leverage the bargaining power of informal waste pickers. In Pune, every registered waste picker has the right to health insurance, thanks to the advocacy work of the cooperative.

The same inclusive principle must also extend to Indonesia’s Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) system. Despite the formal regulation through the Ministerial Regulation (No. 75/2019), informal waste pickers are once again overlooked. Excluding informal waste pickers from the EPR system is neither practical nor just, according to the Consumer Goods Forum’s Coalition of Action on Plastic Waste. Instead, EPR financing may target waste pickers’ cooperatives or other inclusive initiatives. The Producer Responsibility Organization can provide technical support to improve informal waste pickers’ rights and working conditions. Most importantly, the informal waste pickers themselves must be included in the discussion of EPR policy formulation.

The stakes are clear: promoting a better waste management system is not merely about the technology and infrastructure, but also justice and inclusion. Considering the environmental and economic benefits they have contributed to society at large, informal waste pickers should not remain the “invisible heroes.” They have kept our cities clean; they too have the right to a better living standard and recognition.

The Netherlands’ relationship with the Islamic world has developed over the centuries, starting from the era of colonialism when the Dutch controlled the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia), where the majority of the population is Muslim. This colonial legacy not only left a historical trace but also influenced the political and economic dynamics of the Netherlands in relation to Islamic countries. In addition, after World War II, the Netherlands received waves of migration from Muslim countries such as Turkey and Morocco, as well as from its former colonies, including Indonesia and Suriname. This led to a significant growth of the Muslim community in the Netherlands, which in turn created complex domestic social and political dynamics.

As a country that upholds the principles of liberal democracy and human rights, the Netherlands actively promotes these values in its foreign policy. This attitude often creates tensions in relations with Islamic countries, especially in issues related to religious freedom, women’s rights, and freedom of expression. For example, the debate over the ban on the burqa and criticism of sharia law in some Islamic countries show a clash between the principles of Dutch liberal democracy and the social norms of Islamic countries. However, on the other hand, the Netherlands also has great economic interests with Islamic countries, particularly in the field of trade and energy investment. Many Islamic countries, especially in the Middle East, are the Netherlands’ main trading partners, both in exports of agricultural products and in energy imports such as oil and gas.

The dilemma arose when the Netherlands had to balance between liberal democratic idealism and economic pragmatism. Criticism of human rights abuses in Islamic countries can risk disrupting trade and investment relations. For example, the diplomatic crisis with Turkey in 2017, in which the Netherlands banned Turkish ministers from campaigning in Rotterdam, reflected the tension between liberal democratic principles and political and economic interests. In addition, the Netherlands’ relations with countries such as Saudi Arabia and Iran are often colored by contradictions, where on the one hand the Netherlands denounces their authoritarian policies, but on the other hand maintains close economic cooperation.

This research becomes relevant in understanding how the Netherlands navigates its foreign relations with Islamic countries in the midst of the dilemma between liberal democratic values and economic interests. This study not only contributes to the study of international relations but also provides insight for policymakers in formulating a balanced strategy between the promotion of democratic values and national interests in the context of relations with the Islamic world. Thus, this study aims to examine the dynamics of Dutch foreign policy towards the Islamic world, identify the factors that influence its political decisions, and analyze the impact of the approach used by the Netherlands in maintaining a balance between liberal democracy and economic interests.

The relationship between the Netherlands and the Islamic world has a long history that has been shaped through various political, economic, and social dynamics. Since the 17th century, when the Netherlands became one of the largest maritime and colonial powers, interaction with the Islamic world has occurred, especially through trade and colonial activities in Muslim regions, such as Indonesia. In the 16th century, the Netherlands (which at that time was still part of the Spanish Empire) began to engage in the spice trade with the Islamic world, mainly by sea. Dutch traders explored trade routes controlled by Muslim traders and began to establish relationships with various kingdoms and sultanates in Southeast Asia, such as Aceh, Banten, and Makassar. There were conflicts and rivalries between the Dutch and the Muslim powers, despite favorable trade relations. One example is the Aceh War, which lasted ten years, in which the Dutch sought to control the Muslim sultanate of Aceh, which was very powerful in Sumatra. The history of relations between the Netherlands and the Islamic world is very complicated and full of conflicts. This relationship shows how two different societies interact with each other and shape each other. In addition to conflicts and difficulties, there is cooperation and mutual understanding. To build a better and more peaceful relationship in the future, it is important to understand our history.

The history of relations between the Netherlands and the Islamic world, particularly in Indonesia, reflects complex dynamics involving political, social, and cultural interactions. This relationship began with the arrival of the Dutch at the end of the 16th century and continued until the colonial period, which lasted more than three centuries. The arrival of the Dutch in Indonesia in 1596 was marked by the main goal of controlling the spice trade. Over time, they began to realize the growing power of Islam in the archipelago, especially through the influence of clerics and a strong social network among the Muslim community. The Dutch’s fear of potential resistance from Muslims, especially those connected to the Ottoman Caliphate, prompted them to develop a more strategic policy in dealing with Islam (Amalsyah, 2013).

During the colonial period, the Dutch controlled the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia), where the majority of the population was Muslim. The Dutch colonial policy towards Islam was ambivalent—on the one hand, the colonial government sought to control and limit the influence of Islam in the nationalist movement, but on the other hand, they also worked closely with the local Muslim elite to maintain the stability of the colonial government. This colonial experience still has an impact on Dutch foreign policy towards the Islamic world to this day. In the modern era, the Netherlands’ relations with the Islamic world are growing, especially in economic and diplomatic aspects. The Netherlands has established trade relations with Islamic countries, especially in the energy and infrastructure sectors. Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Turkey are major trading partners, while relations with Iran remain complex due to geopolitical factors and international sanctions. 

In many cases, Dutch foreign policy faces a dilemma between economic interests and liberal democratic values. This is especially true in relations with developing countries such as Indonesia. The interaction between past and modern practices demonstrates this dynamic. The Round Table Conference (KMB) in 1949 was an attempt by the Netherlands to strengthen its economic dominance in Indonesia. It regulates Dutch company ownership in strategic areas such as banking and transportation. However, Indonesia’s nationalization policies in 1958, such as the State Commercial Bank and Garuda Indonesia, made the Dutch reconsider their strategy; they shifted from colonial control to economic diplomacy based on equality. Dutch policies combine development aid and trade promotion. For example, the development assistance budget was reduced from 0.7% of GDP to below the international threshold, and the budget was allocated to subsidize SME exports and military operations. This method has been criticized for undermining principles (Bieckmann, 2013).

The Netherlands implemented various policies to supervise and control the lives of Muslims. One of the first steps was the establishment of institutions such as the Priesterraden in 1882 to supervise the religious activities of Muslims. In 1905, strict regulations were enacted requiring permission from the colonial government to teach Islam. Snouck Hurgronje, a Dutch orientalist, played a key role in formulating this policy. He suggested that the government be neutral on the religious aspects of Islam but wary of its political potential. Snouck classifies Islam into two categories: religious and political, with a focus on controlling political aspects that are considered to have the potential to cause rebellion (Effendi, 2013).

In addition to bilateral relations with Muslim countries, domestic dynamics also play an important role. The Netherlands has a significant Muslim population, mainly of Turkish and Moroccan immigrant descent. The presence of this Muslim community is often a domestic political issue, especially in debates about integration, multiculturalism, and immigration policy. Political parties’ attitudes towards Islam at home often influence Dutch foreign policy towards Islamic countries. Against this historical background and contemporary dynamics, Dutch foreign policy towards the Islamic world continues to develop within the framework of a balance between economic interests, liberal democratic values, and domestic and global political dynamics.

The Netherlands faces a dilemma in carrying out its foreign policy towards Islamic countries, where the values of liberal democracy that are upheld often conflict with economic interests. As a country that actively promotes human rights, freedom of opinion, and democracy, the Netherlands has consistently criticized human rights violations in Islamic countries, especially regarding political freedom, women’s rights, and religious freedom. However, on the other hand, economic relations with Islamic countries, especially in the trade, investment, and energy sectors, remain a top priority. The Netherlands is a liberal democracy that strongly defends values such as democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. However, as a country with an open economy that relies heavily on foreign investment and international trade, liberal democratic values often conflict with economic interests in foreign policy.

This tension is evident in various diplomatic situations. One prime example is the Netherlands’ relationship with Turkey, which has experienced ups and downs due to differences in political views. When the Netherlands criticized President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s authoritarian policies and restricted Turkey’s political campaigns in Europe, bilateral relations between the two countries briefly deteriorated. However, economic cooperation continues due to the great trade interests between the two countries. Another case that reflects this dilemma is the relationship between the Netherlands and Saudi Arabia. The Netherlands has often criticized Saudi Arabia’s human rights record, especially regarding freedom of opinion and its treatment of political opposition. However, because Saudi Arabia is one of the Netherlands’ main trading partners in the energy and infrastructure sectors, the Dutch government maintains close economic ties. Even as the Dutch Parliament passed a resolution condemning Saudi Arabia’s involvement in human rights abuses, the government continued to look for ways to maintain a balance between political criticism and economic interests. 

This dilemma is also seen in the Dutch policy towards Iran. International sanctions against Iran, backed by the Netherlands, often collide with the desire of Dutch businessmen to expand trade with the country. The Netherlands must play a cautious diplomatic role in order to remain compliant with the norms of liberal democracy without harming its economic interests. Overall, Dutch foreign policy towards the Islamic world shows the tension between idealism and pragmatism. Although the Netherlands wants to maintain its image as a democratic country that defends human rights, economic interests remain a dominant factor in foreign policy decisions. Therefore, the Netherlands continues to seek balance in its approach by implementing a flexible diplomacy strategy so as not to lose both political influence and economic advantages in the Islamic world. In its foreign policy, the Netherlands has always faced a dilemma between economic interests and liberal democracy. There are no easy solutions, and the Dutch government must continue to strive to find ways to balance the country’s economic interests and its values. The Netherlands can maintain its economic advantages while supporting democracy, human rights, and sustainable development around the world by using innovative and responsible approaches.

The dilemma between liberal democracy and economic interests in Dutch foreign policy towards the Islamic world has various implications, both in bilateral relations, domestic dynamics, and the Netherlands’ position in the international arena. Dutch foreign policy has major consequences at the regional (European) and global levels. These affected areas include the economy, security, environment, and human rights. It is essential to understand these consequences in order to assess how effective the policies are and to plan a better plan for future use. The Netherlands’ free trade policy abroad has increased Dutch exports and investment around the world. This has boosted Dutch economic growth and created more jobs. However, there are risks associated with these policies, such as dependence on certain markets and the possible exploitation of workers in developing countries.

The Netherlands’ foreign policy, which often criticizes democratic and human rights issues in Islamic countries, has the potential to strain diplomatic relations. The case of tensions with Turkey and Saudi Arabia shows that Dutch criticism of political policies in Islamic countries can trigger a harsh response, such as ambassadorial withdrawals or trade restrictions. However, on the other hand, economic pragmatism encourages the Netherlands to maintain trade relations, especially in the energy and infrastructure sectors. 

The Netherlands’ foreign policy towards the Islamic world is also closely related to domestic political dynamics. The growing Muslim population in the Netherlands, especially of Turkish and Moroccan descent, has sparked debates about integration and national identity. The Netherlands is a NATO member that supports global climate action and is committed to reducing greenhouse gas emissions. The Netherlands also actively participates in NATO military operations and supports the improvement of European defense capabilities. The Netherlands also invests in renewable energy and supports international agreements on climate change. The Netherlands strongly supports human rights. This includes development assistance, diplomacy, and support for civil society institutions that fight for human rights. Political parties with a hardline stance towards Islam often exploit this issue in their political campaigns, which can then influence Dutch foreign policy towards Islamic countries. This attitude also has an effect on immigration policy, where the Netherlands is increasingly selective in accepting immigrants from Islamic countries, especially regarding security issues and social values.

As a member of the European Union, the Netherlands often follows European foreign policy as a whole in dealing with Islamic countries. However, in some cases, the Netherlands has taken a firmer stance than other European countries in criticizing human rights violations. This attitude could strengthen the Netherlands’ position as a country that upholds democratic values but also risks reducing economic access to the markets of Islamic countries. In addition, in international organizations such as the United Nations and the WTO, the Netherlands must maintain a balance between national interests and its commitment to multilateral policies. 

In the future, the Netherlands needs to develop a more flexible foreign policy strategy to manage relations with the Islamic world. Economic diplomacy that maintains democratic principles but with a more pragmatic and dialogical approach can be a solution in avoiding unnecessary diplomatic conflicts. In addition, increased cooperation in the fields of education, culture, and technology can be an alternative way to strengthen relations with Islamic countries without getting too caught up in political conflicts. Taking into account these various aspects, Dutch foreign policy towards the Islamic world will continue to be a challenge that requires a balance between political idealism and economic reality. Economic, security, environmental, and human rights are heavily influenced by Dutch international policies. The Netherlands must adapt its foreign policy to global trends and emerging problems if it wants to meet challenges and seize future opportunities. The Netherlands has the ability to contribute to the development of a safer, more prosperous, and more sustainable world by enhancing partnerships with like-minded countries, increasing investment in diplomacy, supporting international organizations, and protecting human rights.

Dutch foreign policy towards the Islamic world is in tension between liberal democracy and economic interests. As a country that upholds human rights and democratic freedoms, the Netherlands often criticizes political policies in Islamic countries, especially regarding freedom of opinion, women’s rights, and the system of government. However, on the other hand, economic relations with Islamic countries, especially in the trade and energy sectors, remain a top priority. This dilemma is reflected in various dynamics of bilateral relations, such as tensions with Turkey and Saudi Arabia due to differences in political views, but the establishment of close economic cooperation. In addition, domestic dynamics, including immigration issues and the integration of the Muslim community in the Netherlands, also play a role in shaping the country’s foreign policy. As part of the European Union, the Netherlands must balance its stance between the broader European foreign policy and its own national interests. In the future, the Netherlands needs to adopt a more flexible approach to establishing relations with Islamic countries, prioritizing economic diplomacy that remains based on democratic values but with a more pragmatic strategy to avoid unnecessary conflicts. With this balance, the Netherlands can maintain its position as a strong democratic country while maintaining the stability of economic relations with the Islamic world.

Indonesia, as the world’s largest archipelagic state, holds a highly strategic geographic position, located between two continents and two oceans. This location makes Indonesia a crucial maritime hub in the Indo-Pacific region. In the era of Prabowo Subianto’s administration that began in 2024, Indonesia’s foreign policy has garnered significant attention, given the increasingly complex and multipolar global dynamics. This article aims to analyze how Indonesia, under Prabowo’s leadership, positions itself between its regional commitment to ASEAN and engagement with new global power alignments such as the Indo-Pacific.

1. Indonesia’s Geopolitical Context in the New Global Era
The current global order is undergoing a significant transformation. Tensions between the United States and China are one of the primary drivers of this shift. Amid global geopolitical polarization, the Indo-Pacific region has received heightened attention from various global actors. Indonesia, as a major democracy in Southeast Asia and a G20 member, holds a unique position.

In this context, Indonesia is expected to play a more active role in maintaining regional stability. The Prabowo administration faces significant challenges in upholding the principles of a free and active foreign policy while also safeguarding national interests closely tied to economic, defense, and domestic stability. Therefore, Indonesia’s geopolitical strategy today is shaped not only by bilateral relations but also by its ability to engage in multilateral frameworks and international forums.

2. Indonesia’s Role in ASEAN during the Prabowo Era
ASEAN remains a central pillar of Indonesia’s foreign policy. As a founding and leading member of ASEAN, Indonesia bears both a moral and political responsibility to maintain the cohesion of this regional organization. In the Prabowo era, Indonesia’s approach to ASEAN appears pragmatic yet still committed to regional collective values.

The Prabowo administration has demonstrated its commitment to ASEAN by participating in high-level meetings and voicing regional concerns, such as the peaceful resolution of the Myanmar crisis and the development of a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea. However, with increasing external pressures from powers like the United States and China influencing ASEAN dynamics, Indonesia must enhance its regional diplomatic capacity to keep ASEAN relevant and unified.

Another challenge within ASEAN is the growing divergence of interests among member states. Prabowo faces the task of maintaining Indonesia’s leadership in ASEAN without appearing dominant. A collective diplomatic approach and strengthened intra-ASEAN cooperation, especially in defense and food security, are key to preserving regional solidarity.

3. Emerging Global Powers and the Challenge of Neutrality
With the growing influence of emerging global powers such as China, Russia, and India, as well as the rise of cooperation blocs like BRICS, Indonesia faces a foreign policy dilemma. On one hand, Indonesia maintains strong economic ties with China, particularly in infrastructure and trade. On the other hand, Indonesia also maintains robust relations with Western countries, including the United States and the European Union, especially on issues of democracy, human rights, and regional security.

Prabowo, with his military background and experience in defense, is expected to balance these global relationships effectively. One of Prabowo’s strengths lies in his ability to establish strategic communication with various international actors. Indonesia’s active neutrality must be manifested through flexible diplomacy that is not merely symbolic but also substantive in safeguarding national interests.

Amid competition among major powers, Indonesia can play the role of a mediator or ‘bridge builder’ that facilitates dialogue and cooperation across blocs. This capability would strengthen Indonesia’s position as a respected middle power on the global stage.

4. Indonesia’s Strategic Opportunities
Indonesia has numerous strategic opportunities to seize in the new global era. As a maritime nation, Indonesia possesses vast potential in maritime security, international trade, and global logistics. The Prabowo administration must strengthen maritime infrastructure, enhance naval military capacity, and develop strategic port areas as part of its foreign policy agenda.

Initiatives such as the “Global Maritime Fulcrum” can be revived with a more pragmatic and realistic approach, focusing on improving regional connectivity and engaging in economic forums like the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP).

Additionally, Indonesia has the opportunity to expand its economic diplomacy. The Prabowo administration can synergize foreign policy with trade policy to attract foreign investment and expand export markets. In the defense sector, Indonesia can also strengthen cooperation with strategic partners for military technology development and increased domestic production capacity.

Conclusion
The Prabowo Subianto administration faces considerable challenges in navigating an increasingly complex global geopolitical map. Amid ongoing shifts in global power dynamics, Indonesia must maintain a balance between its involvement in emerging global power structures and its commitment to ASEAN. Flexible, strategic, and interest-based diplomacy is essential to the success of Indonesia’s foreign policy.

As the largest democracy in Southeast Asia and an emerging economy, Indonesia holds significant potential to play a more prominent role in the global order. Prabowo must ensure that every foreign policy decision aligns with the nation’s long-term interests, preserves regional stability, and enhances Indonesia’s position as a strategic actor in the Indo-Pacific and beyond.

A National Park in Indonesia is famous for its stunning pink beaches, but to best enjoy the area there are a few policies travellers need to be aware of, including where to stay and when to visit

Pink beaches are a bucket list destination for avid travellers given their scarcity and, in some cases, protected status. These special beaches – defined by the distinct pale pink hue of their sands – can be found in various parts of the world, from Greece to Barbados to Sardinia.

The Komodo Islands of Indonesia are one such infamous destination. The UNESCO Heritage Komodo National Park comprises 29 islands, with Komodo Island being just one among many including other well-known destinations like Rinca and Padar.

Komodo itself has become famous for two things, one being the Komodo dragon and the other its iconic pink sands. But its notoriety has led to a few warnings being issued to would-be tourists over the years.

READ MORE: Incredible EU beach with pink sand is so cherished visitors are banned forever

In 2019, for instance, Komodo Island was considering completely closing off to tourists after reports that Komodo dragons were being smuggled from the island. The closure was initially intended to start in 2020 but was later cancelled, though general tourism of the park is still closed.

Now tourists are warned of another precaution when planning to visit the island, a further consequence of the island’s increasing popularity. Due to growing crowds, travellers are urged to avoid arriving during certain periods to limit crowding.

According to the travel marketplace, Seek Sophie, travellers should avoid the rainy season from January to March as boat trips don’t run during this time. That said, the only way to see Komodo National Park is on an island-hopping boat tour. Travellers can choose between a sightseeing boat tour or a diving boat trip. Even one-day speedboat trips can be cancelled though, if weather conditions are poor.

Komodo National Park requires all boat trip passengers pre-register their journey. After you have booked your boat trip, you’ll be required to submit a copy of your passport with your photo, full name, nationality, and passport number to your boat host at least one day before your trip, otherwise you’ll be denied entry to the park.

If you’re aiming to see the Komodo dragons as well as the famous pink beaches, avoid July and August which is mating season. Seek Sophie also advises travellers to avoid arriving during local holidays like Raya as these are generally exceptionally busy times, unless you’re prepared to queue for popular attractions like the Padar lookout.

But don’t let the tourist warnings and policies scare you off, Komodo National Park is a one-of-a-kind destination that is certainly worth experiencing first-hand. In fact, Time Out recently listed the Padar Island viewpoint as one of the most beautiful places in the world.

Once you are in the Park though, there are several pink beaches to explore, though the one near Komodo Island is where most boats stop off. That said, because of its convenience and popularity, the sand has grown increasingly paler as travellers make souvenirs of the sand.

Tourists taking sand became a huge problem on pink sand beaches, particularly the famous Spiaggia Rosa (Pink Beach) of northern Sardinia. Budelli Island – home to one of only two pink sand beaches in Italy – subsequently barred access to all tourists for life.

As on Komodo Island and most pink beaches, the sand gets its distinct colour from the high concentration of red-coloured, shelled microorganisms that are ground by the waves and transported to the beach. After decades of tourists collecting the sand and with no time to recover, beaches like Spiaggia Rosa eventually lose their colour completely.

Those planning a trip to the Komodo National Park are encouraged to be respectful of the ecological sensitivity of the area. It is to protect the region that there are no hotels in the Park. Travellers wishing to prolong their trip can stay in Labuan Bajo town or opt for an overnight boat.