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Oct. 28, 2026 11:15 AM PT

JUNEAU, Alaska — The Democratic campaign for Alaska’s U.S. Senate seat was involved in efforts to place on the ballot a candidate with the same name as Republican incumbent Dan Sullivan in a bid to confuse voters in a race that could determine which party controls the chamber, the New York Times reported Wednesday.

The newspaper obtained text messages between members of Democrat Mary Peltola’s campaign discussing recruiting other people with the same name as the two-term Republican their candidate was running against. They eventually landed on a retired schoolteacher in the small fishing community of Petersburg named Dan J. Sullivan. He made it through the state’s August open primary and is one of four candidates on the ranked vote ballot for Tuesday’s general election.

Dan J. Sullivan has long denied he was running at Democrats’ behest and said he had no contact with Peltola’s campaign: “Zero, none, zilch,” he said in June after announcing his run.

He did not immediately respond to a message seeking comment from the Associated Press.

A top state elections official ruled Dan J. Sullivan ineligible for the ballot after he declared his candidacy, claiming it was “filed with a purpose to confuse or mislead and to thereby compromise the ballot’s fairness or neutrality.”

The case went to the Alaska Supreme Court, which ruled he was qualified to run. The U.S. Constitution sets out only age, citizenship and residency requirements to run for the Senate.

“Alaskans deserve the truth,” said Nate Adams, a spokesperson for Sen. Sullivan’s campaign. “Mary Peltola, her campaign and her senior advisers colluded with the DSCC, national Democrat lawyers and Alaska Democrat operatives to recruit candidates to deliberately confuse and deceive voters.”

The campaign for Peltola, a former congresswoman, did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Democrats, including the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, repeatedly have denied they were involved in any campaign trick.

“The DSCC is not involved with Dan J. Sullivan,” the organization said in a statement Wednesday. The Times report said DSCC staffers were on texts with the Peltola campaign discussing the second Sullivan.

Legal experts said the report about Democrats appearing to recruit Dan J. Sullivan as a way to potentially confuse voters will have no impact on a lawsuit filed recently by the U.S. Department of Justice. President Trump directed the department to file a lawsuit seeking to halt certification of a possible Peltola win, citing the presence of the second Dan Sullivan on the ballot.

“It’s a dirty campaign trick, and it’s good reason the Alaska Supreme Court should have permitted the candidate to have been removed from the ballot,” said Derek Muller, a Notre Dame law professor. “But now it’s in the hands of the voters, not litigation.”

It’s not the first time a candidate’s appearance on the Alaska ballot has been questioned. In 2024, the state Democratic Party sued to keep off the U.S. House ballot a man with no apparent ties to the state who is serving time in a federal prison in New York. A divided state Supreme Court allowed him to remain on the ballot. The man is running again, also in the House race, and is on the Nov. 3 ranked vote general election ballot.

The Times story about the recruitment of Dan J. Sullivan is based partly on interviews with Peltola’s former campaign manager, Elisa Rios, who was fired in August amid a campaign shake-up. The newspaper said she tried to retract her comments last week.

As of Monday, 46,204 ballots had been cast in Alaska, according to AP data. Sen. Sullivan is marked on the ballot as the Republican incumbent. The other Sullivan is listed as Daniel J. Sullivan Jr., with no party affiliation.

Bohrher and Riccardi write for the Associated Press. Riccardi reported from Denver.

Citizen Lab investigation says dozens of Al Jazeera devices were infected by malware planted through advertisements.

Israeli advertising technology company Discover-Tech helped place spyware on dozens of devices used by Al Jazeera and other companies, a Citizen Lab investigation prompted by Al Jazeera’s own initial internal probe has confirmed.

Al Jazeera Media Network on Thursday said it “condemns the targeting of devices belonging to several of its employees with spyware”.

“The network voluntarily collaborated with the researchers, and this cooperation, according to the report, contributed to verifying these attacks and publicly documenting them.”

Al Jazeera will continue to “protect its employees and systems”.

The network said targeting journalists is an “assault on press freedom and the public’s right to knowledge” and called for those responsible to be held accountable.

Spyware from Candiru, a firm blacklisted by the United States government in 2021 for its malicious cyber activities, was planted on these devices, using what Citizen Lab described as the first-known instance of “zero-click” targeted advertising.

The Citizen Lab, an interdisciplinary research unit at the University of Toronto, concluded in its report that Discover-Tech purchased the advertisements that had the spyware built in. It then directed devices to Candiru’s malware through these advertisements. The millions of devices that were pointed to the malware include several that belonged to Al Jazeera’s journalists – including several who reported on sensitive subjects.

Al Jazeera’s internal technology team first discovered unusual patterns on devices used by some journalists in 2024. The pattern continued into 2025. Al Jazeera reached out to Citizen Lab for a more detailed investigation into its suspicions that spyware was responsible.

“Analysis of network logs provided to the Citizen Lab by Al Jazeera collected during the attack period provides a clear temporal signature of how the attack was executed,” the University of Toronto-based team said ints report published Thursday.

The “zero-clock” nature of installing this spyware means that once an infected advertisement appears on a device, that device, too, is infected — spying on, and feeding, all the data and information available on that platform to those stealing it.

Meanwhile, New York-based security firm Confiant said in a separate report that some of Discover-Tech’s advertisements also appeared in critical networks used by the Pentagon, the International Atomic Energy Agency and the International Criminal Court.

Candiru’s spyware has previously been used to carry out surveillance on at least 100 journalists, dissidents and others in several countries.

In the early hours of 2 June 1953, guests at the Pen-Y-Gwryd hotel in the heart of Eryri (Snowdonia) were woken from their sleep by the sound of footsteps running down the corridor outside their rooms. The commotion was followed by gleeful shouting and the sound of champagne corks popping. A late-night telephone call to the hotel’s owner had moments earlier confirmed that Edmund Hillary and Tenzing Norgay had successfully summited Mount Everest. It had taken two days for the news to travel from the Himalayas to London. Serendipitously, news of the historic achievement coincided with the coronation of Queen Elizabeth II later that day.

In the days and weeks that followed, the two mountaineers were feted across the front pages of newspapers around the world. Posing awkwardly for the cameras, their beaming smiles shone out of frost-burnt faces. In the decades that followed, Tenzing Norgay’s role in the expedition was increasingly marginalised – he was a Sherpa, indigenous to the area, and the load-carrying guide, while Hillary firmly planted his ice axe in the history books.

A new film, set for release this week on Apple TV, aims to set that record straight. Tenzing, starring Genden Phuntsok and Tom Hiddleston, tracks Tenzing Norgay’s life from a young boy growing up in the Khumbu Valley to his rise as one of the most accomplished climbers within the Sherpa community, and his eventual recruitment to the 1953 British expedition to Mount Everest (known locally as Chomolungma) led by Colonel John Hunt.

The film opened the Zurich film festival last month, where its director, Australian film-maker Jennifer Peedom, told audiences: “It’s often reduced to a familiar shorthand: Hillary conquered Everest, assisted by a Sherpa. But Tenzing had more experience on Everest than anyone else on that 1953 expedition. He wasn’t just helping another man achieve his dream. He had his own dream.”

In the spring of 1952, a full year before the British expedition, Tenzing, alongside Swiss climber Raymond Lambert, came agonisingly close to reaching the summit – less than 250 metres stood between them and glory. After a storm-lashed night on the south-east ridge, and with little oxygen, they were forced to retreat, albeit having set a new altitude record.

Meanwhile, back in the UK, Hunt, having been assigned by the Joint Himalayan Committee to assemble a team of climbers, set up base camp at the Pen-Y-Gwryd hotel at the foot of the Llanberis Pass. It was here they would practise their technical climbing skills and test the state-of-the-art equipment that had been designed specifically for this adventure, in particular the closed-circuit oxygen tanks that would be critical in keeping them alive in the “death zone” above 8,000m. The teams spent weeks on Yr Wyddfa’s (Snowdon) notorious Crib Goch ridge and on Yr Lliwedd mountain, testing the revolutionary new high-altitude boots that would replace the old leather and hobnail ones, which offered little to no protection from the freezing temperatures of Everest.

Artefacts from those pioneering days can be seen at the hotel today. A glass cabinet contains some of the summit team’s original equipment and mementoes: goggles, an ice axe, a ledger of Sherpas’ fingerprints as most could not read or write, a compass and a battered tin mug. Little has changed in the 73 years since Christopher Briggs woke his guests with those glasses of champagne. The Pen-Y-Gwryd is a time capsule; it remains in family hands, now run by Briggs’s grandsons, Nick and Rupert Pullee, who are determined to maintain the hotel’s legacy and the traditions that have made it a beloved destination for those with a penchant for adventure and late-night conversations in front of roaring fires.

“My grandfather was originally from Scarborough,” Nick says. “He was a chemist, but his shop was bombed during the war, so [in 1947] he persuaded a friend to lend him the money to buy a hotel in Wales. The building had been used to home children during the blitz and had fallen into terrible disrepair, but he somehow managed to turn it into a success.”

Briggs also started the Snowdon Club, where guests under the age of 16 who have successfully climbed the mountain take part in a small ceremony in which they are quizzed on their mountain knowledge. Those who answer correctly get to drink (lemonade) from Hillary’s pewter tankard and are awarded a sterling silver ice-axe brooch, with their name added to a book of members – a ritual that still happens today.

The Smoke Room serves as the residents’ bar, a tiny wood-panelled snug whose walls are adorned with photos of the Everest team, with Tenzing featuring prominently. In one, he’s perched in the bar drinking tea with George Band, the youngest climber on the 1953 expedition. In another, he’s on a rocky outcrop of Tryfan, another famous Snowdonia peak, with team leader Hunt.

“I was only a toddler when Tenzing last visited the hotel,” says Nick. “I remember he was incredibly kind and was constantly smiling. He used to give Rupert and myself piggybacks up the stairs. He was great friends with my grandfather, who visited him in Nepal often.”

Built in 1810 on the bedrock that makes up the Glyderau range, the Pen-Y-Gwryd hotel is also the original starting point of the Pyg track, one of the most iconic routes to the summit of Yr Wyddfa, and today guests can walk directly from the hotel’s door to the path that snakes upwards towards Pen y Pass. The timeless interior of the hotel is devoid of TV screens or piped music, and the only concession to the 21st century appears to be the wifi.

This summer’s endless heatwaves saw sun-scorched hillwalkers cool their limbs in the natural outdoor pool in the grounds of the hotel. Fed by mountain streams, it offers unparalleled views of the hills and sweeping valley towards the mountain village of Capel Curig. The addition of an outdoor sauna and the popularity of cold-water swimming mean it’s now a year-round proposition.

The 20 rooms are all named evocatively after local peaks: Pen yr Ole Wen, Elidir Fawr, Crib Goch, Y Garn. Each is as cosy as one would expect from a rain-lashed mountain hotel: softly lit and with comfy mattresses wrapped in vintage Welsh wool blankets. In the labyrinthine corridors upstairs, you’ll discover bathrooms with Victorian roll-top tubs and Heath Robinson-esque showers. The bathroom doors are adorned with illustrations in the style of Aubrey Beardsley, and photos and artworks capturing the surrounding landscape and its mountaineering history adorn virtually every wall.

Dining at the Pen-Y-Gwryd is an event in itself: mealtimes are announced by the banging of a gong, the dining room is an unapologetic whirlwind of Axminster and silverware, and the menu features roast Welsh lamb and Welsh steak and ale pies, sticky toffee puddings or rhubarb crumble – everything you’ll need to replenish after a long mountain trek.

The ceiling of the Everest Room in the public bar has been signed by pretty much every big-name mountaineer of the past 100 years, and each corner of the building appears to have a story and artefact attached. It’s this authenticity that Nick believes gives the hotel its charm.

“I think our greatest attraction may be that things remain unchanged,” says Nick. “We have a lot of regular guests from all over the world, and for many people the opportunity to step back from the world in the wilds of Snowdonia is extremely enticing. It’s something we aim to protect and cherish.”

Rooms at the Pen-Y-Gwryd hotel range from £114 to £172 B&B; three-course dinner £49. Tenzing is on Apple TV from 16 October

For the past eight years, a small group of influential Ventura County Republicans has played a pivotal role in the selection of every new judge in the Superior and Municipal courts.

Working out of the public eye, this little-known group of judicial advisers has helped pick almost half the judges now serving in the Ventura County courts–its recommendations almost always accepted by Gov. George Deukmejian.

The most influential of the advisers–according to several sources–is Dist. Atty. Michael D. Bradbury, who has helped secure judicial appointments for nine assistant prosecutors out of the 11 judgeships that have opened up since Deukmejian’s election in 1982.

In addition to Bradbury’s input, three of the county’s top Republican Party stalwarts serve as an informal judicial screening panel for Deukmejian.

They are Paul Leavens of Ventura, former county campaign chairman for Deukmejian; Gwen Tillemans of Oxnard, county Republican chairwoman; and Katherine H. Haley of Ojai, a major Republican fund-raiser.

The four have helped give a conservative and prosecution-oriented shape to the county’s bench for years to come, but whether they will enjoy a similar advisory role in the administration of Republican Gov.-elect Pete Wilson remains to be seen.

Leavens, Tillemans and Haley say that, in the informal structure of the county panel’s makeup, they see themselves as a separate panel of political advisers to the governor that usually checks with Bradbury before making judicial recommendations to Deukmejian.

Leavens is among those who candidly admit that Bradbury is probably the most influential of Deukmejian’s local advisers, an opinion shared by many in the legal community.

“The district attorney in Ventura County, as I recall, is a very influential person,” said Charles Vogel, president of the California Bar Assn. “I think that he’s not shy about expressing his views and I think that he will endeavor to influence the composition of the court, since it’s important to him.”

“It is not sufficient for Kay Haley to say, ‘Gee, I’d like you to make Chuck Campbell a judge now,’ ” said Wendy Lascher, president of the Ventura County Bar Assn., referring to Municipal Judge Charles W. Campbell Jr.

“That’s how the governor gets the ideas for choosing who to nominate, and if it comes down to one or the other it makes a difference,” Lascher added. “I suspect Mike Bradbury has had more influence than the rest of those people put together.”

And Leavens conceded:

“I would never send a recommendation to the governor without checking with Mike. He’s probably the most influential one of all. He’s in and out of the courts. He knows who they are.”

Bradbury downplays his role in picking the county’s judges, insisting that the governor’s office consults the local district attorney on judicial openings in every county in California.

That statement is supported by Terry Flanigan, the governor’s appointment secretary, but disputed by a spokeswoman for Dist. Atty. Ira Reiner in Los Angeles, a Democrat, who said Deukmejian never consults Reiner or any other Democratic head prosecutors around the state.

“I’m treated no differently than any other district attorney in the state . . . the governor’s office seeks our input and we provide it if we have the pertinent information,” Bradbury said. “The governor is clearly his own person when it comes to judge appointments and he does not simply rubber-stamp the recommendations of others.”

Nonetheless, Bradbury said that all 11 judges appointed by Deukmejian in the last eight years were recommended by him during the initial review process, including the nine former prosecutors from Bradbury’s office.

All the judges are white, nine of the 11 are Republicans and all but one are men.

Deukmejian appointed five out of the 15 sitting Superior Court judges, including Robert C. Bradley in 1984 and Barbara A. Lane, Kenneth R. Yegan, Frederick A. Jones and Edwin M. Osborne in 1986. All were elevated from Municipal Court positions. Osborne, a Democrat, is now presiding Superior Court judge.

Deukmejian also installed half of the 12 Ventura County Municipal Court judges, including Democrat Herbert Curtis III in 1984, John R. Smiley in 1986, Barry B. Klopfer in 1987, Charles W. Campbell Jr. and Ken W. Riley in 1988 and Thomas J. Hutchins in 1989.

Lane and Smiley, the only non-prosecutors, were appointed from private practice.

Bradbury’s influence in the judicial selection process, especially the elevation of Municipal Court judges to the Superior Court, brought an expression of concern from one expert on legal ethics, Dean Gerald F. Uelmen of the Santa Clara University School of Law.

“I wouldn’t go so far as to say it’s a conflict that should preclude him from serving on the committee, but I think it’s a legitimate concern,” Uelmen said. “The danger would be that a judge would be more reluctant to rule against the D.A. on an issue that comes before him, for fear that it would jeopardize his prospects for advancement.”

Bradbury retorted:

“Gerry’s comment is the typical BS that he throws out on this and every other issue where he takes a very pro-defense point of view. I’ve never had any judge try and curry favor with me for any reason.”

Bradbury said he has “a fairly combative relationship” with Ventura County’s judges who dislike the fact that his policy against plea bargaining forces 12% to 15% of cases to trial, compared with 5% to 7% in most other counties.

Bradbury vehemently insisted he is “not on any committee” and added that “my views do not carry the kind of weight people attribute to me.” He said that Deukmejian’s office also consults with Sheriff John V. Gillespie on some appointments. Gillespie was out of town and unavailable for comment.

Each of Deukmejian’s judicial appointees in Ventura County began the selection process by calling or being recommended by someone on the informal three-member review panel, Leavens said.

Panel members never meet to discuss their work, but they often call each other and Bradbury to confer on nominees, said Leavens, whose Ventura-based Leavens Ranches company owns more than 1,000 acres of citrus and avocado orchards in Ventura and Monterey counties.

Each sends a letter of recommendation to Deukmejian’s office only “after conversing with people that know these people and learning who is well-respected, who has a good reputation and who would not embarrass the governor,” Leavens said.

Haley, a third-generation Ventura County resident described by some as “Mrs. Republican” in Ventura County, said she agrees with Leavens’ description of their work.

“The gist of it is that when there were people who had contacted us that were interested in serving as a judge . . . we investigated whether they were qualified people who could do the job. We’d write a letter and send it to the governor,” Haley said. “He wouldn’t always take our suggestion.”

Bradbury said that party loyalties play no role in his recommendations to Deukmejian. As for the fact that nearly all of Ventura County’s judges are Republican, he said:

“I have a hunch it’s because people that go into law enforcement organizations, for example, prosecutors, tend to be Republican. But we’ve got our share of Democrats in the office.”

Although the three review panel members do not automatically reject Democrats, Leavens and Tillemans said they screen the legal records, family background and political views of potential nominees to make sure that they will hew to Republican philosophies.

“Through the years, we’ve had so many judges that were very lenient in so many ways . . . so we look for the good Republican principles,” Tillemans said. Asked to outline the principles that are reflected in nominees’ legal briefs and judicial rulings, she said, “It’s more government by the people than government for the people.”

However, the three said that they do not delve into nominees’ personal lives.

“The kind of people we were talking to were all law-abiding citizens that were well-known in the legal community. Besides, isn’t that against the law anyway?” Haley said. “I never had anybody talk to us that had murdered anybody or threw his wife downstairs.”

And Leavens said they do not concern themselves with the nominees’ drinking habits or marital fidelity. “I think those things you wouldn’t have to ask about. You’d hear about them from other sources. Anybody that wants to go up is essentially pretty clean.”

The process of settling on a recommendation can take four to six months, said Tillemans, who when not working for her party promotes housing developments for the Dolphin Group, a Los Angeles-based lobbying and public relations firm with strong Republican political connections.

“We go over their resumes and we recommend the ones who we think are suitable and then the governor’s appointment secretary looks over them and it goes to Deukmejian,” she said.

But before Deukmejian makes any appointment, each nominee is reviewed by the state Judicial Nominees Evaluation Commission, a panel of 20 lawyers and six lay people, which does extensive background checks.

The so-called Jenny Commission also reviews a seven-page questionnaire in which each nominee lists experience on the bench and at the bar, outlines political affiliations and personal history, and answers the question, “Why do you want to be a judge?”

Once that process ends, the commission rates each nominee as extremely well qualified, well qualified, qualified or “not ready for appointment at this time,” Flanigan said.

After reviewing the commission’s recommendations and letters on the nominees from local bar associations, the governor picks the nominee he feels is best suited for the slot, Flanigan said.

But this process could change in January–after what is sure to be a flurry of appointments by the outgoing Deukmejian–when Sen. Pete Wilson becomes governor, legal experts and Wilson associates agree.

Wilson has relied on an eight-member merit selection committee to make initial recommendations for federal judge appointments in the Central District of California. The panel included U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals Judge Cynthia Holcomb Hall, U.S. District Judge William D. Keller and California Supreme Court Justice Malcolm M. Lucas, who also served while a federal district judge.

Although critics on the federal bench challenged the propriety of letting federal judges help name their colleagues when the Wilson committee’s makeup was first revealed in 1986, the panel has continued to advise Wilson on federal judicial nominees. Federal judges are appointed by the President upon the recommendation of legislators.

And if Wilson’s taste in federal judges is any guide, his appointments to the state bench will differ to some degree from Deukmejian’s, said Vogel, the state bar association chief.

“It appears he is impressed with people who have good academic records,” Vogel said of Wilson. “If you look at his federal appointments, many of them were high achievers in college or law school.”

Vogel continued, “Deukmejian was the attorney general, he did work with prosecutors, he did work with government lawyers. He was pretty proud of them and felt somewhat in line with them and felt their expertise in government would fit them well in the bench.”

However, Wilson’s method of weeding out unwanted nominees probably will change for state appointees because state law requires nominees to be reviewed by the Jenny Commission, said John G. Davies, a San Diego lawyer who served as Wilson’s judicial selection adviser.

“Deukmejian and all the other governors in my lifetime have had local screening committees. I have no idea what Pete’s intentions are on that,” Davies said.

“We have over 4,000 judicial applications on file for Deukmejian,” Flanigan said. He predicted the lame-duck governor will fill many of the judicial vacancies before leaving office. “I think he’ll look at it as his greatest legacy.”

The retirement last week of Presiding Municipal Judge Lee E. Cooper Jr. virtually guarantees that Deukmejian’s local advisers will have further impact on the bench before Wilson takes office.

The Jenny Commission already has pumped nominees through the pipeline and readied them for the governor’s final approval, and the local advisers have made their recommendations for new openings, Bradbury said.

“It’s my sense that Deukmejian will fill every opening that he has available before he leaves office because the judiciary was a very important issue for him,” Bradbury said.

Once Wilson takes office, he will find the California justice system far larger and more of a challenge–with 1,500 judgeships–than the federal system he is accustomed to, said Flanigan, the governor’s appointment secretary.

Flanigan, who has been asked to keep his job through the first year of Wilson’s term, said that relying on a fixed group of people for input “would not be reasonable,” even though “there are lawyers and non-lawyers who we may talk to in the Deukmejian or future Wilson administration.” The ideal situation, he said, “is to talk to as broad a group as possible.”

Flanigan said the work of local advisers such as Bradbury, Leavens, Tillemans and Haley is vital to selecting the nominees that his office sends to the Jenny Commission–that is, the nominees who have a shot at being appointed by the governor.

“Wilson will follow the same road as Deukmejian in appointing conservative judges,” Tillemans predicted, “and we’re on that governor’s council now.”

Leavens’ wife, Carolyn Leavens, who was chairwoman of Wilson’s campaign in Ventura County, said she made a recommendation on one of Deukmejian’s judicial appointees–a duty she would gladly repeat for Wilson.

Bradbury, who actively campaigned for Wilson this year, said he is uncertain what his role will be in helping the new governor select future Ventura County judges.

But he added, “I would hope that Sen. Wilson would continue to seek the input of local public officials.”

EXCLUSIVE Coronation Street’s Lisa Connor-Swain actress Vicky Myers speaks to me about Swarla, Lisa’s backstory and how Betsy’s storyline saw her reflect on her childhood

It’s been five years since Vicky Myers took on the guest role of Coronation Street detective Lisa Connor-Swain.

But a planned four-episode stint turned into the job of a lifetime for the actress, who has no plans to leave the famous Cobbles anytime soon. As long as she challenges me, then I’ll stay forever,” Vicky, 50, tells us.

“It’s unfamiliar territory for me because of the previous roles that I’ve played. She wasn’t a character that needed to be written for, and so as time has progressed, so has she.” Very little was planned for the character before she moved to Weatherfield full-time in 2024.

Since then, fans have seen Lisa at the centre of huge storylines, including her ex-wife Becky Swain faking her death, and Lisa’s teenaged daughter Betsy suffering a stroke, as a result of non-fatal strangulation.

Happier times have seen Lisa’s wedding to factory boss Carla Connor [Alison King], with Swarla, as they are known by adoring soap fans, being the first lesbian couple to marry on the soap. Vicky is thrilled to represent so many people with her character.

“There are so many women who can relate to what Lisa’s been through,” she says. “Also women that are in what used to be a male-dominated profession. For fans to be so loyal and to support Lisa and Carla, I think that’s a testament to how much these two have been needed by viewers. As is with all representation and visibility, it’s very much needed.”

Vicky hopes her latest storyline, which sees Lisa caring for her daughter Betsy [Sydney Martin] who is recovering from a stroke, will shine a light on accessibility issues. As Betsy faces challenges in her rehabilitation, Vicky says she’s reminded of her own experiences, growing up with her brother, Fran, who has cerebral palsy.

“I can relate to my mum,” she tells us. “She was a working mum, but in particular, when my brother was young and with his disability, she had to fight for everything. I watched her, and only as an adult now, and as a mother myself, I realise just how hard she had to fight.

“I’m in awe of her. She still continues, and she’s in her early 70s, but she has this drive and determination that seems endless. And even through exhaustion, she still pushes on, because she has to.”

Reflecting on the challenges faced by her brother Fran, who was born at 28 weeks, Vicky adds: “Looking back, I was a young child, but I remember seeing how she was relentless in her pursuit for accessibility, for understanding, for support, and also so determined that he was going to live as mainstream a life as she could possibly provide for him, her and my dad.

“It was a different generation, my dad worked all hours, we grew up in a pub, and they grafted really hard. I watched my mum, fight to get my brother into a mainstream primary school, they didn’t have accessibility like they have now, it was extremely poor.

“She’s a wonderful woman who I respect massively, and I admire. Lisa moving Betsy’s wheelchair around on set and things, I really wanted to make a point of how cumbersome it can be, but these are necessities, these are how people can navigate life.”

Vicky is grateful for the huge support she and her character have had during her time on the cobbles. Something else she’s grateful for is turning 50 earlier this year, with her sure it will be her “best decade yet”.

“I think as I’ve got older, a lot of my views have changed and I’m a lot calmer. 50 is the best! A lot of things happened in my 40s which were brilliant, but I have this thought process of don’t trip over something that you left behind.

“Take each day as it comes and embrace it, because you never know what’s around the corner. Treat every day as if it’s your last, and just go for it! I’m glad I’m not living my 20s and 30s now. I really wouldn’t like it.

“When I was growing up, we had the 80s, the music, the era, the times, there was freedom. There wasn’t always the thought process of getting my phone out. We were living in the moment, and there’s a real beauty in that.”

As for Lisa’s past, Vicky hopes it’s something the soap will explore. She shares: “I think it will be interesting to explore her family backstory, and why she’s not in touch with any of them. What happened to her as a child, what’s her story, and what was her journey with her sexuality?

“When did she realise that she was queer? All of these things intrigue me with her. I’ve got my ideas. I’ve sort of built things up, but they all need to align together with the storylines. Lisa’s a bit of an enigma. We don’t know everything about her.

“There are things that I know. She’s had a past, we’ve all had a past. Not everybody gets her, not everybody likes her. I’m not sure if I’d want to play somebody that everybody likes, and Lisa’s a challenge for me to play.”

Coronation Street airs weeknights at 8:30pm on ITV1 and ITV X. * Follow Mirror Celebs and TV on TikTok, Snapchat , Instagram , Twitter , Facebook , YouTube and Threads.

In-depth study also says the royal house made huge profits from the Dutch colonial policies in past centuries.

A historical study has found that the Dutch royal house benefited from the country’s colonial policies in past centuries and helped the slave trade to survive.

The in-depth study, commissioned by King Willem-Alexander and conducted by Leiden University, showed the House of Orange-Nassau “actively supported Dutch colonialism for centuries, but only rarely determined colonial policy”, according to the university’s statement, published on Friday.

“The involvement of the House of Orange-Nassau was wholehearted and without any real reservations,” Dutch historians and human rights experts concluded after a three-year study looking at the period from 1600 to the present.

“The research leaves us in no doubt that the House of Orange shares responsibility for the survival over the centuries of the Dutch slave trade and slavery,” the study said, noting that most of the rulers showed no objections to slavery.

King Willem-Alexander said on Friday he was personally affected by the “explicit” conclusions of the study.

“It is a painful and confronting conclusion. A conclusion that affects me, even though I am three generations removed,” Willem-Alexander said in a speech at the presentation of the research.

“We know the effects of colonialism and slavery are still being felt today. Discrimination and economic exploitation unfortunately happen every day,” he added.

The study also showed that the royal family at times profited substantially from the colonial system, mostly from trade in the Dutch East Indies, modern-day Indonesia.

In the 19th century, for instance, profits accumulated to about $650m in modern terms, the researchers said.

On the other hand, the royal family earned “almost nothing” from the slave trade, the research showed.

Apologies without reparations

The Dutch monarch, who in 2023 apologised for his ancestors’ lack of action against slavery, highlighted their lack of “counter-current leadership” in the face of colonialism.

The House of Orange has ruled the Netherlands since the late 16th century, first as “stadtholders” who presided over the republic, and later as the royal house when the Netherlands became a monarchy.

For most of this time, the Dutch ruled over vast colonies in Southeast Asia and the Caribbean, including what is now Indonesia and Suriname.

The findings could stir up the debate around reparations in the Netherlands. The Dutch government apologised in 2022 after acknowledging the Dutch state bore responsibility for transatlantic slavery. King Willem-Alexander apologised the following year.

The government at the time ruled out reparations, instead creating a 200 million euro ($238m) fund for social initiatives, which anti-racism campaigners have dismissed as insufficient.

The National Institute for the Dutch Slavery Past and Heritage (NiNsee) lauded the king for commissioning the study but said it should lead to a next phase.

“Research impacts society when the new insights into the past contribute to awareness, dialogue, corrections and additions to our national history in the school curriculum and the conversation about responsibility and reparatory justice,” NiNsee director Bianca Groen Gallant said.

The Dutch played a major role in the global slave trade from the 17th century until the Netherlands abolished slavery in the second half of the 19th century.