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ARE you a stinky food smuggler or perhaps a brazen barefooter? Because how you behave while on your flight this summer could reveal a lot about your personality. 

New research by Booking.com has found that two-thirds of Brits treat the aeroplane cabin as a home-from-home, with a tenth admitting they kick off their shoes and go barefoot. 

Major bugbears included passengers eating smelly food, watching films without headphones, leaning over fellow travellers to take photos of the sky, and doing manicures. 

With more than four million passengers set to fly from British airports this month, The Sun’s Lynsey Clarke asks psychologist Emma Kenny what the most common in-flight behaviours say about you.

Among the biggest pet peeves for people – whether it’s on a plane or on public transport – are space hoggers and ‘manspreaders’.

If your seat is in the middle and you take up both armrests, you may irritate your neighbours, but Emma says: “You probably have a strong sense of what you consider fairness. 

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“Many people believe the middle seat has earned both armrests, so if you confidently claim them, you’re likely someone who values unwritten social rules. 

“Just remember there’s a difference between quietly claiming your space and elbowing your neighbours into submission.”

BAREFOOT BRIGADE

Reddit threads consistently cite this as one of the most disgusting cabin behaviours and some passengers have even uploaded photos of the so-called ‘barefooters’.

Speaking about those who did this, Emma says: “Comfort is clearly your priority.

“You probably become so relaxed in your surroundings that you momentarily forget you’re still sharing the space with hundreds of strangers. 

“It’s less about being deliberately inconsiderate and more about becoming so comfortable that your social awareness quietly checks out.”

BLACK COFFEE BORES  

If you shun the delights of the cabin crew’s trolley and prefer to order a simple black coffee, then this flight is not your first rodeo.

Emma says: “If you order black coffee you’re probably a seasoned traveller who sees flying as a practical part of the journey rather than the start of the holiday. 

“You tend to be organised, forward-thinking and focused on arriving feeling your best.

“Black coffee drinkers often give the impression of someone who’s done this many times before and has their travel routine down to a fine art.”

SEAT STICKLERS 

Do you always book the same seat every time you fly?

Emma says: “You’re probably someone who likes routine, predictability and being in control of your environment.

“Knowing exactly where you’ll be sitting removes one more decision from the journey, helping you feel organised and relaxed.

“It’s a habit often seen in people who like planning ahead and minimising unnecessary stress.”

MOVERS AND SHAKERS

However, if you tend to skip the seat reservation, and hope others will swap so you can sit with your party, it means you’re a glass half-full kind of person.

Emma says: “You’re probably optimistic and naturally spontaneous, with a tendency to believe everything will somehow fall into place.

“While that flexibility can be one of your strengths, it can also mean expecting other people to accommodate plans you didn’t make in advance.

“It’s a classic example of assuming everyone shares your relaxed approach, which is very rarely the case.”

CHATTY NEIGHBOUR 

If you are always up for a good chinwag with the person sitting next to you, it says a lot about you.

Emma adds: “You’re likely highly sociable and energised by conversation.

“For some people, talking also helps reduce anxiety and makes unfamiliar situations feel more comfortable.

“The trick is recognising when your neighbour is equally chatty, or when they’ve put their headphones on for a very obvious reason.”

SEATBELT TWITCHER 

It isn’t easy being constrained in the seat for long periods.

And if you’re someone who unbuckles before the seatbelt sign goes off and talks through the safety presentation, then you are probably optimistic by nature.

Emma says: “You’re probably experiencing what’s known as optimism bias, the belief that nothing is going to happen because nothing ever has before.

“Familiarity can make us complacent, but experienced travellers know that paying attention to the safety briefing and waiting for the seatbelt sign to switch off before unbuckling is a small habit that can make a big difference.” 

BACKPACK BASHER 

If you’re the passenger who keeps your backpack on right until you get to your seat, then you are very goal focussed.

Emma says: “You’re probably so focussed on reaching your seat that you lose awareness of what’s happening around you. 

“Psychologists call this attentional narrowing, we become so focussed on one goal that we overlook how our behaviour affects others.

“Unfortunately, the people you’ve accidentally whacked with your backpack are usually very aware of it.”

JUST ONE LAST CALL-ERS 

Some passengers find it difficult to switch off and insist on making one last Facetime call, or filming a TikTok video before take-off.

Emma says: “You probably enjoy sharing experiences as they happen.

“You’re someone who likes documenting life and bringing friends and followers along for the journey.

“The challenge is remembering that not everyone wants to be an extra in your travel content.”

AND…RELAX-ERS

A quarter of Brits drink alcohol in the airport and one tenth admit to ‘getting drunk’ mid-air, according to a survey for the Institute of Alcohol Studies. 

Emma says: “For many people, the holiday begins the moment they clear security, so ordering a beer, wine or G&T is all part of switching into holiday mode. 

“It often reflects someone who enjoys marking occasions with little rituals and embraces experiences rather than simply getting from A to B. 

“For nervous flyers, though, it can also be a way of taking the edge off pre-flight anxiety, although alcohol isn’t the best remedy for that.”

The announcement by the head of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council, Rashad al-Alimi, to resume oil exports starting July 20 following a halt that began in late 2022 has revived hope that the Yemeni government’s most important source of foreign currency will be restored. The government, struggling economically and facing continued Houthi rebel control over Yemen’s northwest, needs the money – and has pledged to direct the revenues towards paying salaries, improving services, and supporting economic stability.

However, the flow of oil from Yemen’s fields to global markets does not depend solely on a decision made by politicians; it requires creating a security environment, after years of war, that allows for the protection of facilities, pipelines and ports, in addition to restoring the confidence of shipping and insurance companies, as well as international buyers.

With Yemen’s war threatening to escalate after a four-year period of calm, the stability the country needs to resume oil exports may be elusive.

The export test

Yemen has proven oil reserves estimated at about three billion barrels, primarily concentrated in the Masila, Marib and Shabwa basins. While the United States Energy Information Administration (EIA) indicates that the country still holds sufficient resources for production and export, the security environment hinders their extraction and transport to global markets.

Yemen’s oil production reached a historical peak of about 439,000 barrels per day (bpd) at the beginning of the millennium, but it has gradually declined due to the depletion of some old fields. This decline accelerated with the outbreak of the war in 2014 and the targeting of oil infrastructure, settling at a level of 19,000bpd in 2024, according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

A report published by S&P Global estimated actual production, following the halt in exports, at about 7,000bpd to 10,000bpd in 2023 and 2024, almost all of which was for domestic use.

Yemeni Minister of Oil and Minerals Mohammed Bamqaa said that export revenues would be deposited in the Central Bank as part of a government directive to bolster the state’s financial resources, pointing out that there are oil stockpiles exceeding 1.7 million barrels ready for export.

Bamqaa added that total production will initially reach about 60,000bpd. He explained that the ministry has directed oil companies to prepare timelines to increase production and develop the fields, in a way that raises production capacity by up to 25 percent during the first month after exports resume.

Professor of financial economics at Hadramout University, Mohammed al-Kasadi, told Al Jazeera that while he expected oil production to meet the 60,000bpd figure mentioned by Bamqaa, the figure does not reflect the actual volume of exports, as the local market consumes about 20,000bpd to operate refineries and power plants, which makes the quantities available for export likely to hover at about 40,000bpd.

Hassan Mohammed Moghalis, an expert in Yemeni affairs, told Al Jazeera that most of the fields located in government-controlled areas remain capable of production. At the forefront of these are the Masila fields in Hadramout and the al-Uqla fields in Shabwa, which represent the fundamental base for any anticipated resumption. Moghalis explained that crude oil can be transported via pipelines to Arabian Sea ports.

However, Moghalis pointed out that resuming exports does not simply mean opening the valves, as some fields require maintenance and restoration after a long period of suspension. Additionally, pipelines and pumping stations require technical reviews to ensure their readiness before resuming regular operations.

Market confidence

Despite the importance of restarting production at the oilfields, experts believe bigger obstacles await after the oil reaches Yemen’s ports. Houthi attacks targeting export ports in Hadramout and Shabwa in late 2022 made shipping and insurance companies more wary of handling Yemeni crude, pushing up insurance costs and weakening buyers’ willingness to enter into contracts.

The Houthis have conditioned the resumption of exports on them receiving a share of the revenues to cover public sector salaries.

Al-Kasadi, of Hadramout University, says that the government’s success in pumping oil to the port does not automatically guarantee a successful export process. Maritime transport and insurance companies primarily assess the level of security risks and the likelihood of ports or tankers facing renewed attacks – currently a particular concern in light of Houthi attacks on shipments tied to Saudi Arabia, which supports the Yemeni government.

Al-Kasadi added that the oil market relies heavily on trust and stability. Therefore, any export operation requires buyers to be convinced that shipments will depart safely and that export activities will not suddenly halt again.

Moghalis, the expert, believes that providing military protection for ports and pipelines is the first step, but not the only condition. It is also imperative to restore the confidence of insurance companies and international buyers, as oil does not reach markets solely through production, but rather via an interconnected system of transport, financing and insurance.

He added that any new attack on the ports, even if it does not cause significant material damage, could be enough to send the sector back to square one, given shipping companies’ sensitivity to risks in conflict zones.

But, as al-Kasadi pointed out, a resumption in exports is vital. He argued that the halt in exports was not merely an oil sector crisis, but rather developed into a comprehensive financial crisis. The government lost its most crucial source of foreign currency, which negatively impacted the Yemeni rial’s exchange rate and the state’s ability to finance basic services.

Economic pressure

Despite the importance of resuming exports, Yemeni affairs expert Abdul Karim al-Ansi warned against overstating its immediate impact on the Yemeni economy.

He told Al Jazeera that the resumption of exports will undoubtedly provide a vital source of foreign currency and afford the Central Bank greater leeway to support monetary stability. However, it will not be enough on its own to end the economic crisis, as the Yemeni economy faces broader challenges related to the division between government- and Houthi-controlled areas, weak non-oil revenues and declining economic activity.

Al-Ansi added that the extent to which Yemenis benefit from oil revenues will ultimately depend on how these funds are managed and the government’s ability to channel them into salaries and basic services, rather than solely on the volume of exports.

And while successful initial shipments could send a positive signal to markets and investors, al-Ansi stressed that the real test would be whether exports can be sustained. Yemen’s economy needs a steady flow of foreign currency, rather than sporadic shipments that stop whenever security conditions deteriorate.

The suspension of oil exports has not only deprived the government of its most important source of revenue, but also intensified pressure on the foreign exchange market. As dollar inflows from oil sales have dried up, demand for foreign currency has remained high to finance imports of essential goods, particularly food, fuel and medicine. The resulting shortage has weakened the Yemeni rial and contributed to rising inflation.

These pressures have been compounded by the monetary division between the Central Bank in Aden and the Houthis in Sanaa, which has created two separate financial systems and exchange rates. The split complicates monetary policy and limits the authorities’ ability to use oil revenues in a coordinated way to stabilise the economy.

Al-Kasadi said that Saudi financial support for the government had recently helped contain currency volatility in government-held areas. However, he stressed that such support was no substitute for a steady and sustainable flow of oil revenues – which needs a period of stability, something that may be difficult if the conflict escalates in Yemen, as it is currently threatening to do.

“I’VE got a statement drafted, I’m ending it,” Katie Price told me of her fledgling marriage to Lee Andrews.

That was on February 1st.

This statement, as we all now know, never materialised. Because that’s how conmen like Lee operate: over the resulting four months he lied, scammed, obfuscated and wormed his way back into her affections.

Time and time again he has dismissed the seemingly never-ending allegations against him as a scurrilous and damaging pack of lies.

Katie, in her misguided loyalty, has sucked it up, and let him back in. But over the next 1,500 words I am going to lay bare the damning Lee Files: past recordings, voice notes, messages and shameless untruths. 

Unverified rumours of a gay affair, allegations of more people cheated of their hard-earned savings, a forthcoming appearance on Piers Morgan’s global YouTube show, horrific allegations of mental and physical abuse from former partners, mental health fakery and what really happened with the couple’s new dog, Dubaii: all shall be revealed.

My hope, in so doing, is to expose this man for the pathological liar he really is – and ensure he never, ever hurts another woman (or man) again.  

Lee, a source tells me, has left Katie no choice but to consult a divorce lawyer. 

She is also, I can confirm, refusing to return to Dubai. And with Lee locked-up, with travel ban, a reunion any time soon seems unlikely.

For Lee, literally and metaphorically, there is no coming back.

So, where to begin? 

Lee and I have history as anyone familiar with this sorry saga may remember.

The “multi-millionaire businessman” persuaded me to “invest” £1,000 in his latest (non existent) project, promising a £4,000 return. Needless to say those funds never arrived. 

After my piece ran, and Lee first emerged from Al-Awir prison, he sent me a series of messages insisting the money was still on its way (LOL). I told him not to bother paying me back as my bank, HSBC, had refunded me.

Our early exchanges post-prison – to recap, I had earlier joined the model, 48, in trying to hunt down Lee in the UAE – were cautious.

We sent one another “disappearing messages” on WhatsApp, both nervous the other might release them.

When I filmed an Instagram video describing Lee as a “bad man” and a “sociopath”, I awoke to a flurry of seething messages from him saying: “Clems you are not allowed to discuss a persons case files publicly it comes with 3 years sentence and 200k fine (sic).

“The UAE authorities will arrest you for this. And the facts are wrong on this bill oh dear clemmie what have you done. I have to make a police case for this now.”

I am still awaiting that lawsuit. 

In response to my disclosure that Lee had had a hair system fitted – aka a toupee – he added: “And you can’t discuss a person’s appearance online.”

From here, I clawed things back and we went on to start chatting again more regularly.

He sent me photos of his shackle marks and hand cuff ties – things people had mocked online in the wake of his claims he’d been taken at gun point to a black site – and said he’d had a hard time in jail.

This I believe.

And on 15th July, unfortunately whilst I was having Botox shovelled into forehead, I missed two calls from Lee in Al Awir prison.

It was utterly bizarre. He left me a voice mail: “Obviously I think you know where I am. I want to run something past you.” He thanked me and signed off. To this day, I have no idea what he wanted. 

Anyway, I honestly didn’t know if I would ever release this dossier, and even now, there is a part of me that feels enormous guilt.

Because Lee can be funny, charming, interested and interesting. It is hard not to like him, on a superficial level, and I can understand how and why so many women have fallen for his charms.

I have, though, since spoken to an anonymous account online, going under the name Chaos Corner, who claims to know someone personally conned by Lee.

They have posted several damning videos about his past behaviour, and much of the evidence stacks up. There is, after all, no smoke without fire.

I have also chatted at length to his brilliant ex-fiancee, Alana Percival. She is an incredibly courageous and powerful woman, and the first to come forward with allegations – and proof – concerning her ex’s treatment of her, and other women.

She has subsequently set up a support group for women who have been hurt by this man, using her voice for good, and gaining hundreds of thousands of supporters online in the process.

She tells me: “Based on my own experience, I believe Lee is a dangerous, sick and deeply harmful person. I believe he should be held accountable through the proper legal process. 

“My hope is that no one else has to go through what I went through and that anyone who has experienced trauma through him or his actions, abuse or manipulation, feels able to find their voice when they’re ready.

“That’s why I don’t judge Katie at all. Unless you’ve lived through that kind of manipulation, it’s incredibly hard to explain the hold someone can have over you.”

Over the past five months we have witnessed, in real time, the car crash of this marriage. Like rubber-neckers, we haven’t been able to get enough.

But, as the love-loving mum of five has always reminded me, this is HER life we are all gawping at. And only she can call time on this marriage.

It is, though, a sorry state of affairs that has left Katie teetering on the brink of losing public support, something she should be basking in off the back of her recent hit four-part documentary.

But as she herself said in our interview earlier this year, “never underestimate The Pricey”.

Kate is canny. She has, I can reveal, ALL the receipts of Lee’s lies, and WILL deploy them in a court of law should she need to.

Lee may have hoped to take a pretty penny from this marriage – but I doubt he will get one.

She has also NEVER paid for his release from jail contrary to public opinion.

And whilst Lee has garnered something of a celebrity status himself – flogging personalised Cameo videos for around £30 a pop – no TV network would dare to platform him with so many serious allegations hanging over him.

Indeed, a few weeks ago he was in talks with Piers Morgan to undertake a lie detector test. Piers confirmed they were in talks, but on Wednesday told me he had pulled the plug, describing Lee as “dangerous to deal with”.

He is dangerous I fear – which is why I am now blocking him across all forms of communication. I do not wish for his wrath or recrimination.

Doubtless Lee will feel I have betrayed his trust. And, yes – I have.

But, then again, this is a fraudster, currently holed-up for the third time in 10 months, and someone who took to Instagram on June 2nd to tell his 150,000 followers that his mental health had taken a battering after being relentlessly trolled 24/7.

This, I can now reveal, is yet another blatant lie. And one, for me, that crosses a line.

“Obviously you know I am not depressed,” he told me in a voice note.

“That’s there to get my legal side up, to get my doctor to sign me off. Do not repeat that!”

Well, I’ve repeated it, because it makes a mockery of those kind, decent folk genuinely battling daily with mental health struggles.

Elsewhere, despite his endless wealth brags, a source tells me a brief £300million partnership he obtained with the UAE Royal Family Offices was terminated after representatives sent in accountants to check Lee’s financials.

He had pledged a bond of around £10million, but when they checked his accounts, it is claimed, found only 27 Dirhams sitting there.

Lee, naturally, will likely deny this – and given he is in prison I am unable to put this historic allegation to him.

But then again, he denies all allegations.

Including a slightly surreal one earlier this week, in a post by Chaos Corner which purported to show loving text messages between Lee and another younger man.

Screenshots of the WhatsApps, in which he promised to leave Katie to be with this anonymous chap – homosexuality is prohibited in Dubai – also showed a credit card with Lee telling the man to treat himself to something nice.

The owner of the account sent me the telephone number of Lee given to them – and it matches the one I have. 

I can reveal Katie put this latest twist in the tail to her husband on the phone on Tuesday night – and he adamantly rejected them.

Another recent dispute came over ownership of the couple’s Pomski whom they rescued from a pet shop, and named Dubaii.

Katie paid for the seven month-old pup, but Lee assured her he had sorted care for the poor animal after he got banged-up once again.

Instead, it emerged, he dumped the dog with a registered pet sitter. 

When she couldn’t get hold of her best friend, Katie contacted Lee’s ex, Dina, who runs an animal rescue sanctuary, to take him in.

Lee also told Katie he had paid for Dubaii to be flown back to the UK.

Surprise, surprise, he had not. 

More lies from a man who makes Pinocchio’s nose seem miniscule.

Even in own sister, Kelly, who has been a rare voice loyally supporting him, seems to have turned against him.

Family friend Becky Smith bravely posted on Facebook: “Kelly Andrews and I just want to take a moment to speak the truth.

“Recent information shared by Chaos Corner has brought forward evidence that has left us both shocked. We are the first to admit when we’re wrong and now that there is proof, we feel it’s important to acknowledge that. (It is) incredibly painful for the family.”

And his dad, of course, recently enjoyed a jail stint by proxy, presumably, by being Lee’s father.

Latest unedifying accusations over a recorded video call – released on Chaos Corner, supposedly show Lee scamming an American man out his late mother’s inheritance. Again, Lee will presumably claim this is AI and untrue.

Lee’s litany of lies, should I detail them in full, would take me way over my word count.

But, in short, he’s bragged about a cameo on EastEnders (denied by the BBC), being arrested for espionage (reality: fraud), a sex tape (never filmed), arms dealer (he posed with a paintball marker), an interview by wife Katie on live stream on June 25th (been and gone), a boxing match in York on July 27th (he is still in prison and has a travel ban), returns to the UK (see: aforementioned travel ban), home ownership (rentals), gifts (a Ferrari “bought” for his wife who has a driving ban), adopting his wife’s five kids (he has not). And I will eat my mortar board if he has a PhD from Cambridge University.

In short, this is a man who wouldn’t know the truth if it smacked him around the hair piece.

He has hurt far too many people… must never be allowed to hurt again. Katie, if you’re reading this: get out. Now.

Last night Lee was unavailable for comment, and Katie declined to comment.

New Delhi, India — She darted through a sprinting crowd, running from a cloud of tear gas just above her head. Her eyes stung so badly she could barely see, yet she filmed the chaos on her phone.

“I saw policemen brutally beating up unarmed girls and peaceful children,” said Avanshika Singh, who has been turning up for student protests that shut down the national capital, demanding the education minister’s resignation.

On her return home, the 18-year-old put together a rough cut from the chaos and captioned it on Instagram: “Today, we rang Parliament’s doorbell and ran.”

The march to the Indian parliament on July 20 against serial examination paper leaks brought the nation’s capital to a standstill as tens of thousands of protesters occupied central roads leading to the country’s corridors of power. More than 100 students were injured in a crackdown by police, operating under the direct instructions of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government.

But since then, Indian internet has turned into a relentless reel of police excesses: shaky smartphone footage, rapid-fire edits pulsing to hip-hop tracks, and a tidal wave of memes and expletives.

“This is the only thing anyone is talking about. If nothing, we are televising our revolution,” Singh, a teenager, told Al Jazeera, standing amid a sea of protesters choking Parliament Street on Wednesday. “The entire country today feels the sting of batons and tear gas with us.”

Twelve years ago, Modi rode to power and pioneered in many ways, leveraging social media platforms to reach the masses. Today, Gen Z is flipping his Hindu majoritarian party’s dominance on social platforms, weaponising against it the very tools the Bharatiya Janata Party has long relied on.

“Hating Modi is cool on the internet now, after years of criminalising dissent,” she said, before bursting into slogans: “Uncle Modi, go back, go back.”

Evidence of police excess

After the July 20 demonstrations against the government’s handling of paper leaks, the police denied all the protesters’ allegations and media reports of excess force in the crackdown.

But by then, social media was flooded with evidence, recorded by the protesting students.

A New Delhi police officer thrusting a baton on a female protester’s back; usage — potentially by a paramilitary force that was deployed alongside the police — of lethal pellet guns, for the first time in the national capital; a mother crying and pleading with dozens of police officials; another officer slapping and chasing unarmed students; police officers wearing Meta glasses; law enforcement agents planting a damaged car outside a protest strip; and footage where an officer casually trips the students running from tear gas.

No sight escapes the cameras at the Jantar Mantar protest strip, where thousands of protesters keep recording round the clock. The visuals from July 20 have prompted protests across India, in cities like Mumbai, Bengaluru, Patna, Lucknow and Aizawl.

The Cockroach Janta Party, a political pressure group that has been leading the students’ protest, has said the demonstrations would continue “peacefully” until three demands are met. They want Dharmendra Pradhan, the education minister, to resign; for the Modi government to assure that no criminal cases would be pursued against protesters; and for compensation of about $105,000 for families of students who died by suicide due to exam paper leaks and cancellations.

Niharika Soni, a 19-year-old, stood among the thousands-strong crowd that occupied Parliament Street on Wednesday, distributing water bottles to protesters. She did not take part in the July 20 march and did not care much about it either.

Then, the visuals appeared on her feed.

“My mother and I cried for two hours, watching the videos together at home,” she said, adding that her mother has been a staunch supporter of PM Modi.

“We hugged each other and come here every day now,” she added, now holding her mother’s hands, as part of a human chain, ready to confront government forces if attacked.

‘Leaking any responsibility’

It is also a meme fest on the Indian internet.

Protesters pose, mock and tease police personnel stationed near the protest site. Some offer flowers to them while reminding them that the officers only offered baton hits.

A stroll through the protest site and nearby roads is like scrolling an Instagram feed: posters and graffiti now line central New Delhi.

Even when they speak, protesters use language riddled with smart one-liners and mockery of the government.

“This government is leaking any responsibility towards the youth of this country,” Ipshita Gulyari, a 20-year-old, told Al Jazeera. Modi, she said, had messed with the “wrong generation”.

“There is a lot of arrogance in him — and, you know, teenagers do not tolerate that, bro.”

Another duo carried the popular Japanese manga One Piece, a symbol adopted by Gen Z protest movements worldwide. A group of friends donned fictional superhero costumes from Marvel’s Avengers: Spider-Man, Iron Man and Hulk, sitting together on police barricades, looking onto Parliament Street.

“We, the Gen Z people, are born on and for the internet. We were using Instagram before I could read a clock,” said Gulyari.

Mainstream television news channels friendly to Modi have faced accusations of not covering the protests adequately. But young people like Gulyari rely increasingly on independent small publications, and, even more, on social media.

“Gen Z is taking it lightly, being funny about it, because humour is our coping mechanism,” said 18-year-old Yashvi Kumar, a friend of Gulyari at the protest.

“In the middle of all chaos, somewhere we decided that to rebel, we need to find a way that unites us. The memes are uniting us.”

On the other hand, social media posts put up by the BJP are spammed by thousands, calling for the minister to resign.

Flipping the game

In 2014, Modi was among the first world leaders to understand and leverage social media to take his narrative to the masses. The Congress party, now in opposition, was trounced by Modi’s BJP in national elections that year, and has long struggled to keep up with the BJP’s social media dominance.

But with years in power, as India slid in multiple democratic indices, Modi’s government faced mounting accusations that it was criminalising dissent, with several critics jailed for years without a trial.

Modi’s party also mobilised extensive resources in the last decade in its so-called IT Cell, where a bunch of anonymous accounts, or creators friendly to the government, dox, troll and delegitimise social media criticism.

It is fitting, therefore, analysts say, that the biggest challenge Modi has faced on the streets stems from an online joke. After India’s chief justice casually likened the youth to “cockroaches” and “parasites”, the resulting fury led to the formation of the Cockroach Janta Party.

Before the Cockroach movement, “there was an undercurrent of memes from anonymous accounts, masked people, mocking the government,” said Anurag Minus Verma, a cultural critic and author of The Great Indian Brain Rot.

“In a post-ironical world, anything said with irony travels faster — and irony becomes a central feature of the internet during this kind of protest,” he said. “The pent-up anger found a channel at Jantar Mantar, allowing youth to do their thing, speak in their language.”

The most remarkable turnaround for Verma, he said, has been the unmasking of critics at the protest, where demonstrators ridicule and mock Modi, erasing the fear.

Verma argued that the Modi government had crushed and criminalised protests by labelling them anti-nationals and breaking them into sections. “The Gen Z protesters already identify themselves ridiculously enough: they are cockroaches,” he said. “It becomes a single identity — and that becomes easier to penetrate the virality zone.”

“Some are recreating the popular memes from Nepal, Bangladesh and Hong Kong uprisings,” he told Al Jazeera. “The criticism and hate directed at Modi in the capital is not only acceptable now, but even cool.”

Modi, in a tacit acknowledgement of the power of the social media wave that’s against his government, on Thursday morning offered his first comments on the student protests — on X.

“Nothing is more important than the welfare and future of our youth!” he wrote, before mentioning that his government had set up fast-track courts to punish those behind the paper leaks.

But the CJP’s leader Abhijeet Dipke was quick with his riposte on X.

Playing on Modi’s own words, overlaid on a photo of Education Minister Pradhan, Dipke wrote: “Hi, my name is Nothing”.

IT was 15 years ago today that the shocking news broke that Amy Winehouse had died, aged just 27.

She had released just two albums during her eight-year career, but her massive success and larger-than-life character meant her death sent shockwaves around the world — and today her impact on culture is more apparent than ever.

In music, fashion and art, she has inspired an entire generation of artists. British music is being dominated by women whose sound, style and brand is packed with references to the late superstar.

In recent weeks rapper Cardi B and actress Zendaya have been spotted dressed like Amy, with her trademark beehive hairdo.

And one artist who is frequently compared with Amy is Raye, who, much like the late singer, has become a celebrated industry darling, thanks to her brassy Motown influences and brutally truthful lyrics.

But Raye feels the weight of comparison more than most, and said: “I’m aware that what she did is irreplaceable and inimitable.

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“Amy did it so well that no one can ever do what she did. And, God rest her soul, she gave her whole life for us to enjoy the music that she left behind.”

Like Amy, Raye went to South London creative arts academy The Brit School, whose starry former pupils also include Adele and Olivia Dean.

Raye recalled her years at the school, and how she would walk down the corridors and see photos on the wall of alumni such as Amy and say: “That’s gonna be me one day.”

Amy’s star certainly burned brightly, but all too briefly. Her body was discovered at her home in Camden, North London on July 23, 2011, by her security guard Andrew Morris.

Toxicology reports later revealed her blood alcohol content was five times the legal drink-drive limit, and the coroner’s report stated her “sudden and unexpected” death was caused by misadventure due to alcohol poisoning.

Amy had battled drug addiction for years, inspiring her 2006 single Rehab, but she had got clean from illegal substances before she died.

As a fiercely unapologetic woman in the music world, she blazed a trail for a new way to be an artist — and for future star Lola Young, who was just ten years old when Amy died, she was an inspiration.

The One Thing singer carries a gritty London identity similar to Amy’s and produces familiarly confessional lyrics.

She is even managed by Nick Shymansky, the same industry executive who guided Amy’s career during her breakout success.

After Amy, he swore he would never manage another artist, but was so won over by Lola’s talent — and subtle similarities to Amy — that he decided to take her on, and she has since sold millions of records.

When Amy found fame in the Noughties the music landscape was dominated by indie and processed pop, but she forged a new path with her neo-soul, Sixties pop and jazz sound — and now that sound is everywhere.

Olivia Dean’s easy-listening collection The Art Of Loving is on course to be the biggest-selling album in the UK this year, despite the fact it was released last September.

And even more recently, British newcomer Sienna Spiro has followed Amy with her vintage aesthetic and her breakout single Back To Blonde — mirroring Amy’s 2006 album and single Back To Black.

It is paying off, as last week Sienna shot to No2 in the charts with her debut album Visitor.

The impact of Back To Black, Amy’s second album, was felt worldwide. With classic songs such as Rehab and Tears Dry On Their Own, it became the fifth best-selling album of the 21st century so far, shifting 20million copies.

Amy sang about toxic co-dependency, addiction, dating disasters and her flaws, all in graphic detail, then wrapped them up in palatable and catchy songs.

It was all the more interesting for listeners, as her tumultuous personal life, including a rollercoaster relationship with her boyfriend and then husband Blake Fielder-Civil, and her drug use, became front-page news.

The saga taught lessons to youngsters such as future superstar Billie Eilish, who saw the tragedy unfold as she was growing up in California.

She said: “The things that inspire me about Amy are also the kind of things that are sad about it.

“You knew she wasn’t doing anything that she did for attention or in a weird, fake way because from what I gather, she didn’t really want that s**t, you know.

“It showed me that she was kind of raw for what she was creating, and she wasn’t trying to be anything she wasn’t, because she didn’t even want to be that.

“She changed a whole generation of music. Everyone, when listing off the people that inspired them, Amy Winehouse is always in that list.

“Everything about her, she just mixed a whole bunch of stuff together, and created the most beautiful things.”

And it’s not just female fellow stars who are Amy’s admirers.

Mark Ronson, who produced her Back To Black album and co-wrote the song of the same name, has credited Amy with his entire career.

Accepting the Outstanding Contribution to Music prize at February’s Brit Awards, he said his multiple chart-topping collaborations with other artists would never have happened if it wasn’t for her.

He said: “I realised on the way here that on Thursday, March 6, it’ll be 20 years to the day that Amy Winehouse came up to my studio in New York City. We went upstairs and talked for four hours and that night we wrote Back To Black, and that day changed my life for ever.”

Mark has since gone on to sell millions of records by working with superstars such as Lady Gaga, Bruno Mars and Miley Cyrus.

But he added: “I know the music I made with Amy is the reason any of them know who I am anyway. That’s why I’ll always treasure her voice, her talent, our bond, all of it.” And this month The Rolling Stones have celebrated Amy’s legacy by covering her song You Know I’m No Good on new album Foreign Tongues.

Guitarist Keith Richards said: “Loved the song. Always thought that Amy was a sad story in many ways, but she was one of the best to come out of England, and probably had so much more potential.”

Such was her star power, she shared the stage with the Stones at the 2007 Isle of Wight Festival, covering the Temptations’ Ain’t Too Proud To Beg, just four years after releasing her debut album Frank.

Street artist Pegasus was a close friend of Amy’s and launched his career on the day she died.

He has since become famous for his stencilled portraits of the singer, such as his “Fallen Angel” mural near Camden Lock, close to where they used to hang out.

Pegasus, whose real name is Chris Turner, told The Sun: “Amy was one of those people who come along every so often, makes a massive impact, unfortunately isn’t around for long but leaves a lasting legacy.

Her light will always shine bright. Her unique style, her love for the greats, like Etta James, Billie Holiday and Nina Simone, introduced and inspired a generation of artists that came after her.

“I am always seeing bits of Amy everywhere and it makes me so proud.”

Muzaffarabad, Pakistan-administered Kashmir: The traffic crawled beneath densely strung election bunting.

Overhead hung the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz’s (PMLN) green tigers. Further down, Pakistan Peoples Party’s (PPP) red and black flags bearing the party’s arrow encircled the clock tower at Lal Chowk, a square near Muzaffarabad’s main market, built to honour the original Lal Chowk across the Line of Control in Indian-administered Kashmir’s Srinagar.

Muzaffarabad, the capital of Pakistan-administered Kashmir, does not look like a city in the grip of a crisis. It looks like a city preparing for an election.

Both are true.

Since early June, the territory has witnessed weeks of protests and sit-ins that have killed dozens. The protests are tied to elections for the region’s provincial legislature that were scheduled for July 27, but that on Monday were divided into voting now to be held on three separate days. Voting in the region’s Mirpur division will continue as planned on July 27. Elections in Poonch division, which has been the hotbed of protests, will now be held on August 10.

Voting in Muzaffarabad and for 12 other seats reserved for refugees from Indian-administered Kashmir who now live elsewhere in Pakistan will be held on August 2, the region’s Chief Election Commissioner Justice (retired) Ghulam Mustafa Mughal told Al Jazeera, citing security concerns arising from the unrest as the reason for the changed schedule.

It is those reserved seats for refugees that are at the heart of the agitation, with protesters demanding that they be scrapped, arguing that only those living in Pakistan-administered Kashmir should now be eligible to contest in elections to the regional legislature.

And it is in the backdrop of those tensions that the region is now readying to vote.

“I have never joined them, I never participated in their protest,” a 60-year-old driver, bespectacled and bearded, said of the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JKJAAC), commonly known as JAAC, the movement whose protests have dominated the politics of Pakistan-administered Kashmir, particularly Poonch division, in recent months.

“But my only reason to support them is that all the people in this movement are poor people, my sympathies are with them. They are the ones fighting and demanding for my rights,” the driver, who requested anonymity, told Al Jazeera, as he finished his lunch at a roadside hotel in Muzaffarabad on July 20.

When it came to the election, however, he was unequivocal: he would not vote.

“We should be part of the democratic process, but the person you want to vote for isn’t allowed on the ballot,” he said, referring to the JAAC, which was banned in June. “A vote is a responsibility, and it should only be given to those who deserve it. Right now the candidates on offer are all corrupt, and I will not be giving my vote.”

An election amid unrest

The Kashmir region, a scenic but disputed Himalayan territory, has been at the centre of multiple wars between Pakistan and India since both gained independence from British rule in 1947.

While both countries claim the region in full, they administer separate parts of it.

Home to more than four million people, Pakistan-administered Kashmir, locally known as Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK), has a semi-autonomous government with its own president, prime minister and Supreme Court.

The election was always going to be shaped by the latest crisis, JAAC’s fifth major mobilisation since the movement was founded in September 2023.

But Mughal, AJK’s chief election commissioner, said Poonch was the only division where, he said, “we have a bit of security-related concern”.

He is not the only official insisting the electoral process remains on track.

In Muzaffarabad, Deputy Commissioner Munir Qureshi pointed to bustling markets, heavy traffic and an active campaign trail as evidence that daily life continues largely uninterrupted.

“It is not our job to tell people to go and vote,” he said. “If they decide, for whatever reason, not to show up, it is their democratic right.”

The city, he added, has five constituencies and 890 polling stations, with additional security personnel requested ahead of polling day.

What neither official addressed directly, however, is the absent party hanging over the election.

The banned JAAC is absent from the ballot in any form. Some of its members who attempted to contest as independents had their nomination papers rejected.

The movement’s sit-ins have entered their second month across Rawalakot, Sudhnoti and other parts of Poonch division, closer to the Indian border, while its leadership has openly urged the public to boycott the vote.

How the region votes – or not – will tell whether the election carries legitimacy in the eyes of the people of AJK.

A movement outside the ballot box

The protests that have shaped this election began more than two years ago over prices.

JAAC was formed in 2023 around 10 demands, including subsidised wheat, cheaper electricity, and a government commitment to curb the perks and pensions enjoyed by AJK officials and elected representatives.

The Pakistani government intervened in May 2024, agreeing to provide subsidies, while a charter of demands signed by the AJK government in October that year was intended to resolve most of the movement’s concerns.

By this June, however, JAAC’s focus had shifted to the 12 assembly seats reserved for Kashmiri refugees settled in Pakistan, which it wants abolished.

The group argues the seats give outsiders influence over AJK’s governance and budget, while residents themselves have no say over who occupies them.

On June 5, the AJK government declared JAAC a proscribed organisation under anti-terrorism legislation ahead of a planned June 9 protest, just weeks before the election.

Within days, police had arrested dozens of JAAC members and supporters, including the movement’s leader and public face, Shaukat Nawaz Mir.

What followed was the deadliest period of unrest AJK has witnessed in years.

The death toll remains disputed by JAAC and the authorities, but even conservative estimates place it at nearly 30 people since early June, including protesters and law enforcement personnel.

Access to Pakistan-administered Kashmir was also restricted, with entry into Poonch division almost entirely blocked for weeks, disrupting supplies of flour and other essential goods to a region dependent on routes from Muzaffarabad and Mirpur.

Banks remained closed for two weeks, leaving residents without access to cash. Mobile and fibre internet services have also remained suspended across almost the entire territory, with exceptions only for banks and a handful of government offices, including district administrations and the Election Commission.

And the Election Commission itself has become an institution whose role faces questions from the JAAC.

Sardar Amanullah, a JAAC member from Sudhnoti district in Poonch division, more than 155km (96 miles) south of Muzaffarabad, said he had submitted nomination papers as an independent candidate, only for them to be rejected.

“I don’t think these are free and fair elections,” he said. “When you cannot let people’s representation out there, the government keeps finding ways to reject our papers,” he told Al Jazeera.

Chief Election Commissioner Mughal offered a different account.

“There were only two or three people who submitted their nomination papers, who claim to be affiliated with JAAC, and their papers were rejected by the returning officer since their names were mentioned in FIRs and the Fourth Schedule,” he said, referring to police reports and Pakistan’s anti-terrorism watchlist.

Abid Shaheen, a JAAC core committee member from Bagh district, was more blunt. With the group now proscribed, he described the vote as “a selection, not an election”.

A dozen seats, one dispute

Of the AJK Legislative Assembly’s 45 general seats, 12 are reserved for Kashmiri refugees who settled in Pakistan after 1947: six linked to Jammu and six to the Kashmir Valley.

The arrangement dates back to legislation introduced in the 1960s and was later entrenched in AJK’s 1974 Interim Constitution.

In June, the AJK Supreme Court, ruling on a presidential reference, held that the seats could only be abolished through a formal constitutional amendment passed by the assembly, not through public protest.

AJK’s electorate has grown from just over 3.2 million in 2021 to more than 3.8 million this year, according to Election Commission figures.

Within that, the 12 refugee constituencies alone have expanded from about 405,000 voters to nearly 439,000. JAAC argues that the increase has further amplified the influence of seats that were never intended to carry such political weight.

Since AJK adopted its current parliamentary system in 1975, all 10 general elections have produced governments aligned with the party in power in Islamabad.

Zulfiqar Ali, a Muzaffarabad-based political analyst, argued that the seats themselves have rarely determined who governs AJK.

“Across all the governments AJK has had, these 12 seats have played no significant role in actually making or breaking a government,” he said. “That role has always belonged to native AJK politicians, or whichever party holds federal power in Islamabad.”

Islamabad, meanwhile, has shown little interest in rethinking the refugee seats.

Defence Minister Khawaja Asif told the National Assembly last month that abolishing the seats under pressure from street protests would amount to “sabotaging the electoral process”.

The campaign that resumed late

For the parties actually on the ballot, the crisis all but wiped out campaigning in June.

“Frankly speaking, the campaigning was dead due to the protests all June,” said Iftikhar Gillani, a PMLN candidate contesting from Muzaffarabad.

“The campaign only picked up in the last few days,” Gillani told Al Jazeera after meeting supporters at a polling station on July 20, where government officials were casting advance ballots.

Dressed in a white shalwar kameez and repeatedly wiping his face with a tissue on a severely humid Monday afternoon, Gillani argued that many Kashmiris distinguish between supporting JAAC and participating in the election, even if some committed supporters may stay away from the polls.

“People here are cognisant of the importance of the election and understand that they don’t have to mix their support for JAAC with their responsibility to participate in the polls,” he said. “But there is obviously no denying that there is a chunk of the population which fully believes in JAAC, and they might not cast their votes.”

A 28-year-old PMLN activist, who requested anonymity to speak candidly, said the internet shutdown had forced campaign workers to abandon social media in favour of door-to-door canvassing and loudspeakers mounted on vehicles to publicise the party’s manifesto.

But, he added, the election had also exposed social divisions unlike any he had witnessed before, fuelled by the JAAC-led protests.

“Families are divided over this,” he said. “Those who don’t support JAAC are being called supporters of our oppressors.”

The PPP, which currently governs Pakistan-administered Kashmir, has maintained the more visible street presence.

Its flags dominate Lal Chowk, and a Saturday night corner meeting near the square drew a crowd of supporters waving the party’s arrow banner close to midnight.

But Sardar Mukhtar, a PPP candidate in Muzaffarabad, acknowledged the changed mood.

“The campaign environment is not like previously. I personally feel that turnout might not be as strong as in the past,” he told Al Jazeera from his camp office, where party workers crowded in to catch a glimpse of the candidate.

The party’s clearest position has come from its chairman.

In a letter to JAAC’s negotiating committee last week, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari proposed establishing a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to “examine the present situation, establish the relevant facts, consider the grievances and positions of all sides”.

He also urged JAAC to suspend its protest once such a commission was agreed, while calling on the state to halt further action pending its findings.

Bilawal is scheduled to address a public rally in Muzaffarabad on July 24.

AJK’s Prime Minister Faisal Mumtaz Rathore, the PPP’s most senior leader in the territory, has been more measured on the campaign trail, telling reporters after the revised election schedule was announced only that “the current environment is not suitable for the state” and that “problems can only be solved through dialogue”.

In the region’s legislature, he has previously said that the JAAC bears “the primary responsibility for this situation,” while conceding that “we have not absolved ourselves of responsibility as a government”.

What the election can’t fix

For Ali, the Muzaffarabad-based political analyst, the real issue lies not in the vote itself but in everything that has unfolded over the past few years.

He pointed to commitments the government made to JAAC in October 2024 that remain unfulfilled, including promises to devolve development budgets to local councillors and eliminate the perks and privileges enjoyed by politicians.

“However, people will vote,” he told Al Jazeera. “Because the entire system is designed in a certain way, tying government jobs and small favours to elected representatives. So turnout will be fine, but it will not resolve people’s fury and anger.”

Ershad Mahmud, a Canada-based researcher and author of Poonch: Identity, Politics and Resistance, sees the problem differently, arguing that the election is diminished by who is missing from the ballot.

“PTI did win last time, and they have significant following, as well as JAAC,” he said, referring to Imran Khan-founded Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, which ruled Pakistan from 2018 to 2022 before being ousted through a vote of no confidence.

PTI also formed the AJK government after the 2021 election, but since 2023 the territory has had four prime ministers.

Mahmud argued that with two major democratic forces absent from the contest, many voters will stay away as well.

“I don’t think this election will be seen as legitimate. The distance from Muzaffarabad to Islamabad is more than 120km [75 miles]. But the mental distance is now 1,000km [621 miles],” he told Al Jazeera.

An uncertain verdict

However, not everyone has reached the same conclusion.

Muhammad Ramzan, a property dealer from Mirpur division in the south of the territory, supported JAAC when its demands centred on subsidised wheat and lower electricity prices.

His support cooled once the movement shifted its focus to abolishing the 12 refugee seats, a campaign he considers disconnected from the concerns of residents and his own livelihood.

“Even I am curious,” he said. “Earlier they asked for roads or electricity or school, but now that they have changed their focus to 12 seats, I am flabbergasted why would they do that.”

He intends to vote, although he expects turnout to fall, with much of the boycott driven by younger voters aged between 18 and 35 who remain committed to JAAC.

“There are a lot of people like me,” he said, describing his gradual drift away from the movement.

But he remains doubtful that the election will resolve the crisis.

“I fear that things will go bad,” he said quietly.

Chaibasa, India – As the world celebrates Spain winning its second FIFA World Cup and the “GOATS” of football who headlined the month-long tournament, a remote Indian village has also joined in – albeit with an indigenous touch.

To coincide with the FIFA event, residents of Tirilbasa village in Chaibasa, a tribal-dominated district in eastern India’s Jharkhand state, organised a football tournament from July 14 to July 17, featuring teams from 64 nearby villages.

But the star attraction at the Rangila Star Tirilbasa tournament (“rangila” means “colourful” in Hindi), besides relatively handsome prize money, was a herd of goats to be handed as trophies to the best-performing teams.

The finals were played on Friday, with NCS Maudi beating Kumbaram 1-0, a dramatic prediction of what happened between Spain and Argentina two days later in New York.

NCS Maudi carried home prize money of 15,000 rupees ($156) and three male goats (locally known as “khassi” for their castration at a young age). Runners-up Kumbaram won 12,000 rupees ($125) and two khassis, while Kobra FC Nimdhi and Galubasa FC, the third and fourth rankers, won 9,000 rupees ($93) and one khassi each. There are also cash prizes for the man of the match, man of the series and the best goalkeeper, but they don’t get any khassi.

NCS Maudi’s captain Sachin Devam, whose team arrived on two-wheelers to play the game, told Al Jazeera he would have to arrange for an autorickshaw to carry the goats home, 10km (6 miles) away.

“It’s the first win for our team, and we are going to celebrate it with everyone in the village,” he said with a beaming smile. “It’s going to be a khassi picnic.”

‘Khassi important part of our culture’

This year was the fifth edition of the Rangila Star Tirilbasa tournament.

The organisers say they follow the FIFA rulebook and invite popular commentators and referees certified by the state football association to ensure compliance with the guidelines and “avoid fights as players can get aggressive on the field”.

But the rest of the setup is markedly different from the conventional game. Rather, it is adapted to the ancient tribal traditions of the Ho community, which is native to the Chaibasa region.

The Ho people, numbering a little more than a million across India, genetically belong to the Austroasiatic group and identify themselves as tribal (“aadivasi” in Hindi) people inhabiting the forests. The word “ho” in their language means “human” or “people” of the Kolhan region in Jharkhand, one of India’s poorest states despite being home to some of India’s biggest coal and mineral mines.

The Austroasiatic tribes such as Santhals, Ho and Munda organise their traditional, religious and sporting activities like a close-knit community. Football events are an opportunity to invite fellow tribal kin to celebrate their bond.

For the Ho people, no celebration is complete without the khassi. The animals are used for ceremonial sacrifices during religious events and rituals, and their meat is shared among the community members.

“Khassis are part of the prize as they are an important part of our culture. Their meat is tasty, and everyone loves good mutton. Most teams slaughter the goats, but some also keep them as livestock and trophy prize,” Manish Kudada, an 18-year-old player and one of the organisers of the tournament from Tirilbasa, told Al Jazeera.

Kudada has preserved the black khassi he won in another football tournament in February, but his friends joke that the goat is being fattened up for a feast. The khassi goats are prized for their meat quality. In Chaibasa, the goats can be spotted everywhere, especially during the weekly Tuesday markets, where a baby goat costs up to 8,000 rupees ($83).

“Without khassi, our celebrations are half-hearted. At weddings, even if the hosts serve double the amount of chicken and no khassi meat, it will upset the villagers,” Raj Keshri, goalkeeper for the Tirilbasa team and one of the organisers of the tournament, told Al Jazeera.

“We therefore decided to offer cash and goats as the prize. Players get to keep their money, but with the khassis, they also get to celebrate the victory with the entire village.”

The Ho practice what they call the Munda-Manki governance system, under which the hereditary head of a village upholds all social, legal and customary rights of the people. Their tribal codes and customs take precedence over the Indian government’s panchayat (village administration) and police systems.

The Rangila Star Tirilbasa tournament is conducted at the “ek munda” (“ek” means “one” in Hindi) level, which means that a team’s members must belong to the same village. Instead of 11 players, each team has nine, of which at least six must belong to the same village to qualify for the tournament. Organisers say the rule is strictly followed to reinforce a sense of unity among the players.

The rules of the game have also been modified. There is no offside, and players are free to score from anywhere on the field.

“This kind of match setup provides an opportunity for players like us from small villages who never get a chance to qualify in open tournaments which are dominated by seasoned players,” Sudarshan Tiu, who plays for Galubasa FC, told Al Jazeera.

Suvir Kumar Tanti, the commentator for the tournament, travels widely across the Kolhan region during the monsoon football season, when most male members return home for cultivation and agricultural festivals.

At the finals at Tirilbasa on Friday, his high-pitched, lyrical play-by-play commentary boomed through the loudspeaker, helping the spectators keep track of the fast-paced action on the football field.

“The Rangila Star tournament reflects the culture of the Ho community. And khassi goats as prizes make it even more unique. Very few tournaments in the region follow this and prefer to conduct events in a professional manner, with trophies and medals as rewards,” he told Al Jazeera.

The tournament offers entertainment for the villagers, who pour in and out of the grounds through the day, squatting by the sides of the field or finding a place on the trees.

Nearby, food stalls sell fried dough balls, potato chops, yellow peas, and hooch. Men sit in circles, taking a break in between the matches to drink “madia”, a fermented rice beer that locals say helps them stay cool in the hot and humid weather.

In the evenings after the matches, men also play a rooster-catching game, which spectators can bet their money on.

Keshri, goalkeeper for the Tirilbasa team, explains the spirit behind the tournament’s eccentric name: Rangila Star Tirilbasa.

“The name was chosen because it embodies the identity of our village. ‘Rangila’ [colourful] signifies our enthusiasm to do something unique while ‘Star’ represents talent. Through our football tournament, we hope Tirilbasa will become the ground for local talent.”

The tribal-dominated state of Jharkhand has been a sports powerhouse for decades. It has produced globally-awarded field hockey players and athletes, the most famous being India’s former cricket captain, Mahendra Singh Dhoni.

The state government helps local football and hockey clubs like Rangila Star with financial grants, resulting in the rise of some of football’s next generation of players. Many such clubs, including Rangila, also hold tournaments for female teams.

But until over a decade ago, Chaibasa was not on the sporting map.

Located among remote forests and hills, the district was cut off from mainland India due to the Maoist insurgency – a tribal-led armed revolt against the Indian state over large-scale felling of forests and selling of lands to private corporates for mining and related activities.

The government regained control of Chaibasa from Maoists only in 2011. Still, until last year, private vehicles avoided taking roads crossing the district at night. Commercial buses operated from 4am to 4pm, and the region remained on the government’s list of “sensitive areas”.

In March this year, India’s Home Minister Amit Shah declared the end of the armed Maoist rebellion after a series of top commanders were killed or arrested by the security forces in Jharkhand and the surrounding states, mainly Chhattisgarh.

As violence ebbed, Chaibasa turned into a busy town. Shops selling pizza, burgers and laptops, alongside offices and warehouses of mining companies extracting coal and iron ore, have come up. Christian missionary schools and colleges are dotted across the region, providing educational opportunities to tribal people.

Sporting activities are also thriving, with Chaibasa fast emerging as a football hot spot, producing players like female midfielder and forward Malati Munda.

Munda, who found national fame through local tournaments, ended up playing in league matches in Kolkata, the capital of neighbouring West Bengal state, where football is extremely popular.

“I had no coach to guide me or provide training. No one had even heard about me. After coming to Chaibasa town for higher studies, I met several brothers and sisters who taught me and improved my game,” Munda told Al Jazeera.

The weekly local tournaments gave Munda experience and skills to improve her game. They also brought rewards. “I have played at several such games where we won cash, and yes, khassi as well,” she said with a laugh.

Munda currently plays for the Home Guard paramilitary in Jharkhand’s capital city of Ranchi – a route many players from poorer families take to secure a government job in India.

Harish Hembram from Chaibasa began his career as a football content creator by covering local matches and uploading their videos on social media. His YouTube channel today has more than 211,000 subscribers, and livestreams key matches across Jharkhand.

“Football has always been popular in the villages, and many like me would attend matches at different venues. I started uploading the videos for fun for those fans who couldn’t attend. But soon the videos clocked high viewership, and I started my YouTube channel. Now organisers call me to cover their tournaments,” he told Al Jazeera.

Hembram said he earns about 20,000 rupees ($208) a month through his YouTube channel alone. He has moved to Ranchi, where he has also opened a sports shop selling football, jerseys, shoes and other accessories. Many players from Chaibasa visit his shop.

The grassroots football culture in Chaibasa defies the stereotype that India is not a football country.

Sandeep Menon, author of Sacred Grounds: A Journey Through People’s Football in India, says he has discovered and documented a football subculture across the country. He said while India does not figure prominently on the global football map, the love for the sport in the country is “unparalleled”.

“At the grassroots level, football is played with great interest across the country. And everyone has their own version of the game, to make it palatable and adaptable depending upon the availability of space, local geographical surroundings, weather and social conditions,” Menon told Al Jazeera.

Menon said hyper-local village tournaments like the Rangila Star Tirilbasa attract young players and provide them an opportunity for overnight fame. “There is a high emotional investment in playing for a village and representing it,” he said. “For some players, football becomes their identity and pride.”

SHAKIRA’S performance at the Super Bowl 2020 halftime show was plagued by backstage tensions with her Latina co-star Jennifer Lopez.

But today, the South American She Wolf singer is howling with delight as she dominates music charts around the world following a show-stopping performance at the World Cup Final.

Colombian beauty Shakira, 49, pulled off the ultimate performance, wowing 1.5billion global viewers at Sunday’s mega gig.

The mum-of-two, who is worth £224million, celebrated her success by sharing snaps of herself with Beyonce, Jay Z, David Beckham, BTS, Tom Cruise and Anya Taylor-Joy.

Elsewhere, her rival J-Lo was left washing away her woes after she was pictured in a bathtub on a day out with her sister.

It came after she sang at an intimate gig for Dolce and Gabbana in Sicily last week — a much less extravagant showcase than Shakira’s.

Insiders say J-Lo was licking her wounds after being desperate to land the World Cup gig herself, 12 years on from her stellar performance at the 2014 tournament in Sao Paulo, Brazil.

To add insult to injury, her latest movie, Kiss Of The Spider Woman, was branded a box office flop.

As one music insider said: “J-Lo practically dismissed Shakira as some sort of backup singer at the Super Bowl, but how the tables have turned.

“Naturally J-Lo would have loved her chance to shine on the world stage again.”

Rumblings of a feud between the pair first began in February 2020.

The American football body, the NFL, had booked Shakira and J-Lo to co-headline the prestigious Super Bowl half-time show, a slot that has attracted the likes of Michael Jackson, Prince and Beyonce.

Fans went wild for Shakira as she sang hits including Whenever, Wherever and Hips Don’t Lie, and J-Lo belted out her bangers On The Floor and Love Don’t Cost A Thing.

The critics lapped it up, calling the concert “electric” and the “sexiest half-time show in memory”.

But behind closed doors, Jennifer, 56, was said to be unhappy that she had to share the stage.

In her 2022 Netflix documentary Halftime, a furious J-Lo raged behind the scenes. She blasted the joint ­performance as “the worst idea in the world”, with her manager Benny Medina adding: “It was an insult to say you needed two Latinas to do the job that one artist historically has done.”

J-Lo made it very clear she felt she had deserved the 12-minute slot to herself.

Fans also spotted a difference in how the artists shared promotional photos on Facebook in the weeks before the event.

While Shakira’s snaps featured both Latina artists, J-Lo’s were of herself.

Despite J-Lo’s very public comments, her rival has been more ­discreet, though she has hinted at tensions. Shakira, who released her first album aged 14, confessed: “It wasn’t an easy show to put together.

“There was a lot of work behind it, a lot of stress. But it was one of the highlights of my career.”

Fast forward to now and the tables have turned for the stars, who both burst on to the pop scene in the mid-Nineties.

Shakira’s infectious World Cup anthem with Burna Boy, Dai Dai, has taken the world by storm, triggering a chart frenzy the likes of which J-Lo has not experienced since 2011 when On The Floor — her collaboration with Pitbull — went to No1.

Minutes after her hip-shaking performance of the track at the World Cup Final, it was riding high at the top of Spotify’s chart, handing the star her biggest streaming day ever — and the biggest streaming day in US Spotify history to boot.

Shakira has pledged to donate all royalties from Dai Dai to the FIFA Global Citizen Education Fund.

A music insider said: “Shakira’s numbers are astronomical. She is dominating every single music chart on Earth. It’s quite the achievement for any artist, never mind one who turns 50 next year.”

What’s more, the singer’s phenomenally successful Las Mujeres Ya No Lloran (Women No Longer Cry) tour was officially 2025’s highest-grossing global trek and the most lucrative tour of all time by a Hispanic artist.

To top off her reign, Shakira is heading back to Europe this autumn for a 12-arena residency across September and October in Madrid.

It will be at a brand new, specially built venue dubbed the Shakira Stadium.

An insider added: “Having a literal stadium built in your name in Spain is one hell of a mic drop. You can’t buy that kind of triumph.”

It has been a different story for J-Lo, who was forced to cancel her This Is Me . . . Live tour in 2024 amid reports of weak ticket sales.

She said in a statement she was “heartsick and devastated”.

What makes this triumph even sweeter for Shakira is it was born from the ashes of heartache. Both stars have endured devastating public splits.

In 2022, Shakira’s 11-year relationship with Spanish football legend Gerard Pique fell apart amid claims he cheated.

Spanish media reported she discovered his infidelity when she returned to their Barcelona mansion and noticed someone had been eating her strawberry jam — a spread that her hubby loathed.

She later dismissed this as “not true”, but split with the former footballer nonetheless.

Instead of moping, Shakira — who has sons Milan, 13, and Sasha, 11, with her ex — marched straight into the recording studio.

She teamed up with Argentine producer Bizarrap to release a ruthless diss track that mercilessly mocked Pique and his new, girlfriend, Clara Chía Marti, who was in her early twenties at the time.

In an obvious dig, she sang: “I’m worth two 22s. You traded a Ferrari for a Twingo. You traded a Rolex for a Casio.”

Shakira also proudly declared in the lyrics: “Women don’t cry any more, they cash in.”

And cash in she did. The song shattered several Guinness World Records, rocketed her career to new heights and proved that hell hath no fury like a Colombian pop ­goddess scorned.

J-Lo, took a different approach. After three failed marriages — to Ojani Noa, Cris Judd and Marc Anthony — with whom she has 18-year-old twins Max and Emme — J-Lo rekindled her early Noughties romance with ex-fiancé Ben Affleck in 2021.

Bennifer 2.0 tied the knot in 2022, and Jen became so hopelessly obsessed with their “fairytale” that she self- funded a cringe-inducing, £15million ­musical film, This Is Me . . . Now: A Love Story.

The film bombed spectacularly, the accompanying album flopped and, just two years later, their marriage ended in another bitter divorce.

J-Lo’s recent cinematic efforts have not fared any better.

While she was once the undisputed queen of the romcom, with movie hits including The Wedding Planner and Maid In Manhattan, her recent films have failed to set the box office alight. In fact, 2024 sci-fi flick Atlas was widely panned, while last year’s Kiss Of The Spider Woman lost millions, leaving ­Hollywood insiders questioning J-Lo’s bankability.

Even a recent return to romcom in Netflix’s Office Romance scored a measly 49 per cent on movie review website Rotten Tomatoes.

While recent professional endeavours may have struggled, J-Lo is the ultimate comeback queen.

And her £300million business empire, including the booming JLo Beauty line, proves she is a ­formidable force.

So while Shakira is enjoying global adoration, it would perhaps be foolish to write J-Lo out of Hollywood quite yet.

For the ninth consecutive night, the United States mounted attacks on Iran’s defence facilities and maritime capabilities into the early hours of Monday, with Tehran hitting back in tit-for-tat strikes as warning sirens blared in neighbouring Gulf countries and Jordan, home to US military bases.

Both sides have accused each other of violating the memorandum of understanding (MoU) they had signed in Islamabad, Pakistan, on June 17. US President Donald Trump has said he views the truce as over, while Iran has said it no longer intends to adhere to the MoU.

Meanwhile, the Strait of Hormuz — through which 20 percent of the world’s oil and gas passed during peacetime — is shut again, sending crude prices shooting up yet again. On Sunday, the US military said another American service member had been killed late last week, bringing the total number of deaths to 17.

So, what has changed in the last two months for the US, Iran and the Gulf countries as the MoU has unravelled in terms of economic impact, widening of military targets, and how they view the war?

Economy

The Strait of Hormuz — the kill switch of the global economy — has been closed down by Iranian authorities, warning that not even a drop of oil shall pass through the waterway amid US attacks and a naval blockade against Iran’s ports.

The MoU had paved a path for the reopening of the strait. And that had briefly pulled oil prices to par with pre-war levels.

The GCC

The strait is of critical importance, especially for Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, which saw their economic security and energy strategy severely affected by export curbs. The war on Iran has brought about the largest disruption to global oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies in modern history.

The costs go beyond just energy revenue losses, noted Mohammad Reza Farzanegan, an economist at Germany’s Marburg University.

“The conflict also threatens the GCC countries’ diversification strategies. Tourism, aviation, logistics, construction, real estate and foreign investment all depend on perceptions of regional stability,” he told Al Jazeera. “Continued war increases insurance and transport costs and encourages investors and tourists to reconsider their exposure to the region.”

Iran

For Iran, the MoU lifted the naval blockade against Iranian ports and offered oil and banking sanctions waivers, and Tehran rushed to export tens of millions of barrels of crude oil.

The earlier US blockade had curbed Iranian exports, with Iran’s parliament speaker and chief negotiator, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, telling Iranian state TV in an interview last month that “we did not export even one barrel” during the blockade.

However, as fighting resumed, the US disabled a vessel in the Strait of Hormuz, reported to be carrying Iranian crude. Tehran has also hit commercial vessels in the waterway, and the US has been bombing Iran’s coastal areas since then.

“[The renewed US naval blockade] is more damaging than conventional sanctions because the restrictions are now enforced physically,” said Farzanegan. “Iran therefore has much less room to use intermediaries, alternative flags and informal shipping arrangements to maintain oil exports.”

“The immediate consequences are lower foreign-exchange revenues, further depreciation of the rial and stronger inflationary pressure,” the economist told Al Jazeera.

Iran’s economy has been suffering from one of the world’s highest inflation rates. The rial touched nearly 1.9 million against the US dollar this week, a new all-time low. The Tehran Stock Exchange’s main index lost another 120,000 points or 2.4 percent on Saturday to stand at 4.77 million.

The US

Trump’s war has been widely unpopular in the US. The president recorded a 60 percent disapproval rating on the economy, as per the latest CNBC polling, with a net approval rating of -22, reported to be the lowest of his political career.

As per the poll, 61 percent of respondents said they are pessimistic about the state of the economy, the highest percentage since December 2023.

“The effects are most visible in energy prices and consumer purchasing power. This increases household costs and complicates the political position of President Trump and Republican candidates ahead of the November 2026 congressional elections,” said Farzanegan.

Military

The US

The US military has had 17 personnel killed in the war with Iran so far. Three of them have been killed since the resumption of the war about 10 days ago.

“We hit them very hard again tonight,” Trump said on Sunday, adding, “We did that in honour of the – probably three – it’s probably three great patriots.”

Two US personnel were killed in an Iranian attack on an airbase in Jordan on Friday, and a third is missing. Another soldier was killed last week in Iraq while defusing unexploded ordnance from an Iranian drone.

Tehran has claimed to have hit several US military facilities in Kuwait, Bahrain, and Jordan, including an aircraft at Aqaba airport.

Al Jazeera could not immediately verify the extent of damage to any facilities.

The Gulf

The renewed attacks from Iran on most Gulf countries, as well as Jordan, have forced them to deploy their interceptors. GCC countries had already used hundreds of expensive interceptors during the first phase of the US-Israel war on Iran in March and April.

But the Iranian military’s attacks have also hit civilian infrastructure in Gulf countries. The bombing of power and desalination plants in Kuwait has drawn widespread regional condemnation.

“What is happening is a severe shock to the GCC countries,” Nader Habibi, an Iranian-American economist, told Al Jazeera. “Now, after the disruptions of the past seven months, even as they have tried to avoid getting involved, the civilian population is indirectly impacted.”

Iran

The US insists that it has focused its attacks on Iran’s military infrastructure, especially on the country’s southern islands — some of which act as forward military or surveillance posts, and others that are believed to host missile bunkers.

But Tehran has accused the US of targeting civilian infrastructure as well in recent days, including bridges and tunnels, ports and dock facilities, power stations and water plants. Iranian officials have said more than 50 people have been killed and about 500 wounded in US attacks in the past three weeks.

Narrative

More than the war itself, a significant part of the messaging from the US and Iran has been over the control of the Strait of Hormuz.

The US

Washington says its renewed attacks are aimed at degrading Iranian capabilities to disrupt maritime traffic in the waterway, with Trump saying last week that “the US controls the Strait”.

Iran

Tehran has pushed back on Trump’s claim.

Farzanegan said Iran’s “ability to influence shipping through the Strait of Hormuz remains a unique source of bargaining power”. “Tehran is therefore prepared to bear considerable costs to preserve this leverage.”

He added that Iran may also calculate that extending part of the economic costs to neighbouring oil-exporting countries will encourage these governments to use their political influence in Washington and push the US towards negotiations.

“This appears to be one reason why Iran is prepared to maintain pressure in the Strait despite the considerable costs to its own economy,” the analyst added.

Aniseh Tabrizi, an associate fellow on the Middle East and North Africa Programme at think tank Chatham House in London, said the significant change since the MoU unravelled “is that there is less optimism than before about diplomacy being feasible”.

“For all the sides,
it is difficult to foresee a scenario in which another deal is not only reached, but also implemented successfully,” she told Al Jazeera. “And that makes it particularly concerning for all the parties involved.”

Tabrizi noted that there appears to be “no imminent drive” from the Iranian side to sign a deal. “They are still maintaining escalatory attacks, but also reciprocating the kind of attacks that are conducted against the country,” she said.

The Gulf

GCC countries have continued to condemn Iran’s attacks on the regional countries, while calling for diplomacy to dial down the escalation. They have made it clear that Iran’s unilateral control over the Strait of Hormuz would not be acceptable to them.

Tabrizi added that, like the weeks before the Islamabad MoU, regional countries, especially Qatar, are still batting for talks.

If anything, Farzanegan said, the economic losses can bring all the sides to the table again for talks.

“Higher economic losses increase the incentives for negotiations,” he said. “A return to negotiations becomes more likely when both sides conclude that continued escalation cannot improve their bargaining position.”

Economist Habibi agreed that if an agreement is reached again, “it would be primarily because of the stability of the economic pressures on both sides”. However, he added that the probability of escalation in the next couple of weeks is higher than the probability of negotiation.

Hundreds of Argentinian fans packed Boca Juniors steakhouse in the Elmhurst, Queens neighbourhood of New York City’s Little Argentina hours before the World Cup final kickoff against Spain. The steakhouse, known for its festive atmosphere, has been a “temple” for the Argentinian diaspora during the 2026 World Cup.

New Jersey, United States – Tobin Heath knows everything about winning a football World Cup and defending it successfully.

As a key member of the peerless USA women’s football team of the late 2000s and 2010s, Heath won the FIFA World Cup in 2015 and 2019, as well as Olympic gold medals in 2008 and 2012.

But it is not just the medals and honours that elevated her to the pantheon of football greats. Instead, it was Heath’s role in revolutionising the women’s game as a skilful and gifted forward that set her apart.

From mazy runs around defenders while running down the flanks to jaw-dropping assists and finishes inside the penalty area, Heath is often regarded as one of the most technically gifted playmakers in football history.

It is no surprise, then, that Heath’s analysis of World Cup teams as a member of FIFA’s Technical Study Group went viral on social media and prompted questions about why she has not been seen on popular football shows prior to the tournament.

The 38-year-old hung up her boots in 2025 after career-ending injuries forced her into retirement. Her 181 international appearances brought her 36 goals but left an indelible mark on the game.

Having followed the knockout matches as the only female member of an elite panel of analysts at a men’s World Cup, Heath’s insights stood out as the tournament progressed towards the final.

As a World Cup replete with goals – 307 in 103 matches, at an average of nearly three goals per match – the ongoing tournament has left some fans questioning whether more scoring equates to a better overall spectator experience.

In an exclusive interview with Al Jazeera Sport, Heath shares her thoughts on the goals, players, styles of play and teams that stood out at the FIFA World Cup 2026 and the tournament’s legacy:

Al Jazeera: Have more teams and more matches led to a record number of goals at the World Cup? Is it correct to rank this tournament as the most entertaining edition?

Tobin Heath: Yeah, that’s the biggest factor. For me, this is the evolution of football. It’s an evolution of football that the fans are obviously enjoying.

There are multiple factors [behind the high goal average] that we are analysing. But the top one is where these teams are winning the ball back, how they’re counter-pressing and the use of attack in wide areas. The use of the full-backs in the attack has been a key theme and a big positive for football.

We always want to see more goals. So we have to look at the increased team format and the diversity of the teams that are being matched up with each other. Personally, I love seeing diversity in football.

Stylistically, it makes for very interesting matches, and I think we saw some of those most interesting matches in the group stages and towards the beginning of the knockout rounds, where we saw teams that typically play different styles going toe-to-toe with the giants of football.

Al Jazeera: What impression did the likes of Cape Verde, Egypt, DR Congo and other African teams leave on you?

Heath: It was fantastic. Cape Verde are top of my mind in terms of their results. If you look at their result against Spain in particular, and then the thrilling game against Argentina, it’s basically the two finalists. There’s a direct correlation there, which is fascinating to see. And just the bravery with which they played – with so many low blocks – is very rare.

And then in the Egypt game, another outstanding match against Argentina. The result, very well, could have gone either way for me. It was just a beautiful display of football.

I remember watching the African club teams in the Club World Cup last summer and enjoying African football. I’ve enjoyed playing African teams in the World Cup, too. For me, as a football player, it gives you a different problem to solve.

Another team that stood out for me and that I thoroughly enjoyed this tournament was Ivory Coast. I loved their football, I loved their style, I loved their individual brilliance.

For African football, this is a big positive, and another step in the growth of football on that continent with various styles. And I hope to see more of the same in the Women’s World Cup next summer.

Al Jazeera: Having been a big exponent of attractive football in your playing days and a proponent of it after your retirement, how would you rate the different styles on display at the World Cup? And did you think it was an entertaining World Cup?

Heath: Oh my gosh, 100 percent! What we have seen in the level of creativity in this tournament has been nothing short of inspiring.

I became a huge fan of France because at any given moment on the pitch, you could see something that has never been done before in football. You’d see innovative football, innovative individual players.

Creativity has been at an all-time high. When you see the best players in the world performing at the top level, being highest in all the metrics. You look at (Jude) Bellingham, (Kylian) Mbappe, (Lionel) Messi, (Erling) Haaland – these are the best players that were showcasing their best football in this tournament.

There’s something in the water in the US that we just love our stars, we love putting them on a platform and the stars showed up big time at this World Cup.

Al Jazeera: Which young players have impressed you the most and what do their performances mean for the future of football?

Heath: The most incredible name that stands out for me is (Pau) Cubarsi.

To be so young, to play so many minutes and be so effective with this Spanish defence, it highlights an incredible way that Spain is generationally able to really connect the ideas and implementation of the type of football that they want to play.

I hope and pray that we see Lamine Yamal perform in a supersonic way in the final. He’s due for a moment. The anticipation has been there all tournament.

We talked about these young players, but we also have to highlight what Messi is doing and the age at which he’s doing it. It’s nothing short of extraordinary. I was laughing that we should give out a veteran award, but he could also win player of the tournament.

From the young superstars to the old, football is in good hands for generations to come.

Al Jazeera: What do you think about the future of football in the US and what this World Cup has done for it?

Heath: It’s so interesting because I’ve been thinking about this a lot. Our culture and society move fast. There are so many things that capture the attention of Americans at any given moment, and the World Cup captured the audience.

We put on a fantastic event; we showcased incredible stadiums and what the different parts of our country look like in the summertime, from the Pacific Northwest to the Miami heat. Stadiums with roofs to uncovered stadiums.

And yet, I’m left wondering how it affects football for us, especially men’s football in our country.

We talk about stars and the importance of stars in our country, but when I think about the players who had a good tournament, including Malik Tillman and Folarin Balogun, there’s no stardom. It’s a little lacklustre for what the USA team and the World Cup have done in terms of the popularity and interest in this country.

I hope that there is a direct correlation with players to come, both girls and boys, who can point to this World Cup as their inspiration. It will be the greatest indication of whether this tournament was a success.

Our country has been captured by the moment of watching the World Cup, but no one knows if they’ve been captured with it in their soul. It feels a little bit like a flash in the pan.

Al Jazeera: What is the biggest footballing aspect that stood out for you at this World Cup?

Heath: The gap between the possibility of winning a World Cup and actually winning a World Cup. It’s still extremely wide.

We had competitive matches, smaller teams going toe-to-toe with the biggest giants in the world, but it still seems that the closer you get, the bigger the gap between the top teams that can realistically go far in the tournament and the ones we enjoyed watching in the beginning.

I always say, winning is a muscle. It’s no surprise that we have two teams in the final that have enjoyed a lot of success in international football.

We see this both in men’s and women’s football. It will take something truly special to be able to break into that group.

Note: This interview has been edited for clarity and brevity.

IT WAS must-see viewing for Britain’s teenagers slumped on the sofa on Saturday and Sunday mornings. The cool young cast of T4 delivered zany segments and upbeat links between popular programmes including Hollyoaks and Shipwrecked.

And now as a former teen telly icon is given a peer by Keir Starmer we reveal where some of the other popular TV presenters are now.

June Sarpong (2000-2007)

SHE was a working class immigrant kid who grew up on a council estate but now TV star June Sarpong is taking a seat in the House of Lords. 

The proud honour marks a meteoric rise for June, 49, who first appeared on our screens as a host of MTV before joining the iconic Noughties show T4 way back in 2000.

She was awarded an MBE for services to broadcasting and has made a name for herself as a high profile equality campaigner.

As she celebrated the political honour yesterday, June said: “Words cannot even begin to describe how truly honoured and humbled I feel to have been appointed to the House of Lords by Keir Starmer on his final Honours list.

HEAD HUNT

Chris Evans says June Sarpong & Matt Forde ‘in talks’ to host Virgin Sunday show

double take

Vernon Kay’s daughter Phoebe, 21, looks just like mum Tess Daly in mini-dress

“As a working class immigrant kid from a council estate in East London it is not lost on me what this means.

“As I embark on this next chapter, I look forward to being able to use this role to further champion the causes and issues that are dear to my heart.”

But June is not the only former member of the T4 gang who has gone on to bigger and better things. 

It was a hugely successful launchpad for many of the most familiar faces on TV today.

Dermot O’Leary (1998-2001)

A baby faced skinhead, Dermot was part of the original presenting line up when T4 first launched.

Before that he had been a DJ on Radio Essex but Dermot, now 53, proved  such a success with the viewers that Channel 4 swiftly selected him to front spin off show Big Brother’s Little Brother until 2008.

He has since landed a string of high profile presenting gigs including The X-Factor which he hosted for 11 years.

Now Dermot has a Radio 2 show and fronts This Morning on Fridays, as well as publishing a string of hugely successful children’s books about Toto The Ninja Cat. 

Margherita Taylor (1999-2001) 

She was a DJ at Birmingham based radio station BRMB when she took part in a radio contest and moved to Capital Radio. 

From there Margherita landed a spot on T4’s starting line-up alongside Dermot and Vernon Kay and never looked back.

Margherita, 53, went on to present BBC One’s Escape to the Country between 2016 and 2022.

Now she is a familiar guest presenter on  Good Morning Britain, Lorraine, Countryfile and This Morning, but her first love was always radio and she still hosts shows on Smooth Radio and Classic FM.

Ben Shephard (1999-2000)

Ben, 51, was a regular host of Channel 4’s spin-off morning show The Bigger Breakfast when bosses decided to put him on T4.

Just two years later he joined ITV’s GMTV as an entertainment host, then as a main presenter in 2005.

He quit the show in 2010, weeks before it was axed anyway, but returned to ITV in 2014 to front the newly-launched Good Morning Britain, where he remains as one of the country’s most recognisable presenters.

Now the much loved millionaire dad of two is rarely off the box, having swapped his seat at the Good Morning Britain newsdesk for the sofa at This Morning alongside Cat Deeley.

Ben has also hosted hit gameshows including The Summit, Tipping Point and Ninja Warrior UK.

Vernon Kay (2000-2005)

Hunky Bolton lad Vern was working as a model when he was scouted by TV bosses to front T4 and soared to stardom.

After quitting the show All Star Family Fortunes made him a household name.

His 23 year marriage to Strictly’s Tess Daly has crumbled but this week he was named as one of the BBC’s best paid presenters, raking in a staggering £450,000 a year for his Radio 2 mid-morning show, Alternative Dance Sounds of the 90s and other appearances.

Steve Jones (2003-2010)

Welsh lad Steve, 49, – who stripped off several times on the show, was one of T4’s best loved presenters when Simon Cowell chose him to present the American version of The X Factor.

But the show bombed and Steve was axed after just one series.

The former model went on to present a property show called Perfect House, Secret Location and appeared on This Morning before landing a full time gig in 2016 to lead the presenting team for Channel 4’s F1 coverage. 

Miquita Oliver (2006-2010)

While most of the original T4 crew were newbies, Miquita already had five years of telly experience under her belt having fronted Popworld with Simon Amstell. 

But she was suspended from T4 in 2010 after being overheard insulting singer Kesha.

She has also claimed she lost a job on Radio 1 for “saying silly things”.

Since then fashion favourite Miquita, 42, has been on a string of TV programmes, including Celebrity Gogglebox alongside her mum Andi, and has a hit podcast with her pal Lily Allen.

Rick Edwards (2007-2011)

Rick, 47, was performing stand-up comedy at Cambridge University when he was spotted by T4 producers who gave him his first TV job. 

Since then he went on to land a string of presenting gigs including Tool Academy, Made in Chelsea, Freshly Squeezed, E4 Music, and much of Channel 4‘s 2012 Paralympics coverage.

Rick has also hosted a BBC One quiz show called !mpossible and now he can be heard on BBC Radio 5 Live’s Breakfast Show every morning, as well as Fighting Talk on Saturdays and their Premier League review on Sundays.

Alexa Chung (2008-2009)

Fashion icon Alexa, 42, began working as a model after she was scouted at the Reading Festival at the age of 16. She joined Popworld alongside Alex Zane in 2006 before joining T4 two years later. 

She famously inspired the Alexa handbag by British designer Mulberry, and has dated big names like Arctic Monkey’s Alex Turner and actor Alexander Skarsgard.

She pivoted back to style and lifestyle content on TV for shows like Gok’s Fashion Fix, Next In Fashion and now runs her own lucrative fashion label.

Jameela Jamil (2009-2012)

London born Actress and activist Jameela, 40, was working as a school teacher when she was scouted by a TV producer in a bar.

She followed Alexa on to music show Freshly Squeezed alongside Nick Grimshaw and became a DJ on Radio 1 and the event circuit – with her first show being at Elton John’s birthday party.

In 2016 she moved to LA to become a screenwriter but ended up landing a role in American hit comedy The Good Place as Tahani Al-Jamil.

She’s also become an outspoken campaigner for equality and is dating pop star James Blake.

Nick Grimshaw (2010-2012)

Grimmy started out in student radio before landing a job on Radio 1’s Switch youth programme in 2007.

His career really kicked off the following year when he landed the station’s weekend breakfast show, before moving to a late-night presenting slot.

In 2010, Nick, 41, added T4 to his roster, fronting it until he was promoted to the Beeb’s breakfast show, replacing Chris Moyles.

On TV he’s been a judge on The X Factor, filmed cameos for soaps including EastEnders, Coronation Street and Emmerdale and has also starred on Celebrity Gogglebox.

Now he hosts BBC Radio 6 Music’s flagship breakfast show, Sidetracked with Annie Mac and foodie podcast Dish.

“Us vs them”

Kolkata football has, over the past century, come to revolve — much like in Madrid, Merseyside and Manchester —  around intense local derbies. In this case, the rivalry between Mohun Bagan and East Bengal draws crowds of more than 50,000 and dominates football conversation in the city.

“There is a great passion for football in other parts of India too – Goa in the west, Kerala in the south and Sikkim and Manipur in the northeast,” said Kolkata-based football analyst Debanjan Banerjee.

“But the longstanding rivalry between two great clubs in Kolkata has created not just a binary structure for fandom, but an intellectual capacity for football that is of a different order to the rest of India. It means that football is discussed seriously all year long in Kolkata. Football is often the thread connecting the generations. The middle-aged East Bengal or Mohun Bagan supporter of today was one even at the age of ten.”

Had Mohun Bagan or East Bengal existed in isolation, Banerjee explained, neither club would have become as big as it is today. He noted that football in Kolkata shapes how fans think far beyond the pitch.

“It influences how they see politics, art and even history,” he added.

Unusually for a Kolkata fan, Banerjee saw himself more as a student of football fandom – its tribal nature, its irrationality, its love-at-first-sight origins, its feeling for the underdog – than of football itself. He even contributed a video essay on the rivalry between Mohun Bagan and East Bengal to the popular YouTube chronicle of football fan culture COPA90.

Last December, Messi made a much-anticipated visit to a few Indian cities. His appearance in Kolkata turned chaotic when he left early, prompting angry fans to breach barricades and rush onto the field.

Banerjee said the chaos reflected a deeper emotional pull around football icons in Kolkata.

“The city administration was blamed for not organising the event properly,” he observed. “But the minister, the policeman, the volunteer at the stadium … they all had the same identity as the fan who paid big money for a ticket. When you have larger-than-life idols, you cannot draw boundaries.”

Yet even Messi is not wholly responsible for Kolkata becoming a suburb of Buenos Aires every four years. Some veteran Argentina fans, such as the voluble novelist and football journalist Indrajit Hazra, 55, can remember a time in the 1980s when supporting Argentina was not the default position in Kolkata, as it is today, but was actually unusual.

If anything, Messi represents the high point of a long era in Bengal-Argentina relations. (Not just in Indian West Bengal, but also across the border in Bangladesh, which is similarly pro-Argentina). That era began in 1986 – the first World Cup tournament to be widely seen on television in India, and therefore a landmark year in the lives of most over 50-year-old Indian football fans. That year, Kolkata pulsed to the magic of another Argentine midfield virtuoso: Diego Maradona.

Before 1986, Hazra explained, Brazilian football was the gold standard for Kolkata for over three decades.

“Pele, who came to Kolkata in 1977 with the New York Cosmos to play an exhibition match against Mohun Bagan, was thought the greatest player of all time. Maradona changed all that with his remarkable feats in 1986. We didn’t read about him; we saw him with our own eyes on TV.”

“To this day, those images are imprinted on my mind and those of millions of my generation.” he added.

Asked whether he thought Messi was the greatest player of all time, he replied with a laugh, “Yes, Messi is great, but Maradona …”

He didn’t need to say more.

Ras al-Ahmar, occupied West Bank – The drive to Thaer Bisharat’s home should take less than 10 minutes from the main road. Instead, it took three hours.

Every gate leading into Ras al-Ahmar, in the northern Jordan Valley, is shut these days. Such road closures have become the norm rather than the exception, patrolled in shifts by Israeli soldiers and settlers whose roles on the ground have become increasingly difficult to tell apart. The sole access point that remained was a single, winding dirt road, passable only by four-wheel drive vehicles and requiring drivers to evade the roving Israeli patrols.

During the drive to Thaer’s house, Israeli forces had the area under an even greater lockdown than normal as they were nearby in the al-Buqaia plain, destroying three wells belonging to local Palestinians – including one owned by a relative of Thaer’s.

This is some of the most fertile land in the occupied West Bank, where farmers normally tend rows of banana trees alongside crops such as grapes, olives and potatoes. But along the dirt road leading to Thaer’s isolated home, the farms stand half-abandoned, with plastic greenhouse doors open and flapping in the breeze, as crops go thirsty after water was cut off in the area weeks ago by Israeli authorities.

“I can’t even run an errand,” said Thaer. “From Tamun, the village, it used to take me ten minutes. Now, with the current [dirt] road… it takes an hour, at best.”

He was spending the afternoon alone – his brother and sister-in-law had gone into town that morning for basic necessities. Left by himself, it was easy to feel like a sitting duck.

“Just this morning, there was a car – two people in it, dressed in military gear, army-backed,” he said. “They went to the people living near the banana houses. They took down ID photos, names, phone numbers. And they tell them, ‘You’ve got 24 hours to leave. Otherwise we’re coming to confiscate everything you’ve got’.”

In recent weeks, that pressure has escalated from long-standing “closed military zone” orders issued by the military into outright seizures of private land, alongside the destruction of irrigation pipes, water wells and greenhouses in the barrier’s path – the sharpest expression yet of an advancing takeover in which settler-outpost expansion and land seizure now work in tandem to squeeze out the Palestinians who remain.

“They cage us in and suffocate us,” Thaer said.

A trench, an outpost and a series of seizure orders

That tightening isolation is the result of one of Israel’s newest infrastructure projects in the occupied West Bank: the ‘Crimson Thread’ barrier. Announced in 2025, the first part of the project combines a trench and military road running roughly 22km between the Ein Shibli and Tayasir checkpoints – severing the northern Jordan Valley from Tubas to the north and Nablus to the south. Israel says it is intended to prevent weapons smuggling from Jordan, but the route runs several kilometres inside the occupied West Bank rather than along the already-fenced Jordanian border.

The plan is for the barrier to eventually run for 500km, splitting Palestinians from thousands of hectares of land and creating a barrier that – in its consequences – mirrors the separation wall on the other side of the West Bank.

On March 8, Israeli military commander Gilad Shriki visited several Palestinian communities, and, in their words, warned residents they should leave in preparation for a complete Israeli takeover of the area.

Then, last month, an Israeli Supreme Court ruling cleared the way for construction of the ‘Crimson Thread’ barrier to proceed. Since then, the Israeli Civil Administration has moved aggressively. Roughly three kilometres of trenches have already been dug, destroying Palestinian infrastructure in its path – including irrigation pipes, farmland and greenhouses, all while severing farmers from land on the other side.

The route of the ‘Crimson Thread’ project was stitched together with nine land seizure orders – a “clear escalation” of a decades-long effort by Israeli authorities to remove Palestinians in the area, according to Dror Etkes, who tracks Israeli land policy for Israeli NGO Kerem Navot. What started as checkpoints, settlement building and the designation of Palestinian lands as military firing zones “have in recent years become much more aggressive – through settler attacks, military raids, confiscation of property and denial of access to firing zones”.

Now, such military land seizure orders allow Israeli authorities to “seize whatever land it deems necessary” for security purposes, says Etkes.

According to the Colonisation and Wall Resistance Commission, Israeli authorities issued 49 military land-seizure orders in the first half of this year – already exceeding the 47 issued in all of 2025.

Thaer scoffs at the official rationale. “It’s not a military road,” he said. “You don’t dig a trench two and a half, three metres deep for that.”

‘Effectively in a prison’

Etkes said the barrier accomplishes two things at once: “blocking Palestinians’ ability to enter everything east of the barrier” – where most of their farmland is – while linking existing illegal settlements to a new outpost being built along the route, on Jabal Tamun, that he expects to further impact 8-9,000 dunams (8 to 9sq km) of Palestinian agricultural land, most of it in Area B.

“The majority of communities aren’t there anymore – they’ve been forced to leave, which convinced [Israeli authorities] that the time was right for the next move,” said Etkes, listing emptied communities such as Khirbet Samra and Khirbet Yarza.

A Kerem Navot map shows the ‘Crimson Thread’ barrier route curling around Khirbet Yarza – but by the time construction reached it, Khirbet Yarza was already gone, with its residents displaced by settlers months earlier.

Mahdi Daraghmeh, who heads the al-Maleh village council, has watched the same pattern unfold throughout the hamlets he oversees. “Settler terror and fear have pushed many families to leave,” he said. “In the communities here, 130 families have been displaced – they’ve abandoned their structures, their homes, their land. And now they’ve lost their livelihoods – they have nothing left to live on.”

Since the June Supreme Court ruling, Israeli authorities have carried out near-daily operations in the area, cutting water supplies, destroying tanks and confiscating tractors and other farming equipment.

“They confiscated the tractors and water tanks from us here,” said Thaer. “So they claim these tractors and tanks are a threat to their security. A threat to your security, how?”

At the same time, settlers brought caravans into the area east of Ras al-Ahmar, positioning themselves inside territory expected to be cut off from Palestinian communities.

On June 16, bulldozers demolished livestock infrastructure at the home of Bilal Bani Oudeh, a friend of Thaer’s, and warned him to leave within 24 hours. He refused, so that night, settlers returned and brutally assaulted him.

“He nearly died,” Thaer said. “After they attacked him, they talked about tying him to a rope behind a vehicle. They took everything he owned.”

With authorities working assiduously to keep observers from documenting or photographing the ‘Crimson Thread’ operation, excavation has uprooted hundreds of olive and grape trees while repeatedly severing irrigation pipelines serving tens of thousands of dunams. On the morning of July 14 alone, Israeli authorities destroyed three wells in al-Buqaia – including one belonging to Bisharat’s relative – and confiscated pumps and equipment.

The Atuf village council – one of those affected by the new barrier – put that single day’s damage at more than four million shekels ($1.3m).

Already, this destruction has decimated the local economy in weeks, wiping out the summer harvest. “There’s no agricultural season to speak of,” Daraghmeh said. “Most of the land hasn’t been cultivated and what has been cultivated is for the settlers’ benefit.”

When the trench is finished, cutting communities off from each other and their farmland, residents fear it will mark the end of a Palestinian presence here. “Our communities will have no services, no infrastructure whatsoever,” said Daraghmeh. “No hospital, no emergency centre, no schools; for all of that, people have to go to the neighbouring town and that will be impossible.”

“Once this trench cuts people off,” he said, “the people here will effectively be in a prison.”

‘Give us the rights of the animals’

With Israeli authorities having shut off water into the area for weeks, one tank now costs Thaer more than 300 shekels ($100), more than triple the previous price. But even transporting water is a perilous pursuit; his brother was recently beaten and held at gunpoint by marauding settlers, who he said stole his phone and robbed him of his money.

Thaer estimates that agricultural production in the area has collapsed by as much as 90 percent, while many families have already lost half their livestock because they can no longer reach grazing land.

But among neighbouring communities now erased, Thaer has seen this playbook before: once Palestinians are removed, he says, the settlers take over their lands. “Then suddenly there’s no more ‘firing zone,’” Thaer said. “A road appears, water arrives, sheep arrive. Life comes back to the place, thank God!

“So why do I get told it’s all a military zone?”

Thaer looked out at the Israeli settlement farms, lush and green in the distance. Around his own property, the ground was parched, littered with half-abandoned equipment. “Under their ‘law’, we are treated like animals,” he remarked.

Thaer paused. “Israel always talks about ‘rights’, ‘rights’, ‘rights’,” he said. “When someone hits a dog, suddenly, there’s animal rights advocates everywhere.”

“So actually, we don’t even want human rights,” he said. “Just give us the animal rights they talk so much about. At this point, we’d settle for living under that.”

IT was seen as total madness by many and a charade by others.

But pop duo Wham!’s 1985 trip to China for two special concerts in the newly opened communist state turned out to be a stroke of genius.

The gruelling ten-day trip saw Wham! become the first Western band to perform in Communist China, and helped fast-track school pals George Michael and Andrew Ridgeley, now 63, to superstardom.

During their illustrious time together they sold more than 25 million records worldwide and clocked up five UK No1 singles including Wake Me Up Before You Go-Go, I’m Your Man and Last Christmas.

Crucially the trip helped the duo crack America and, armed with their catalogue of hits and flanked by a camera crew, it was filmed for what would have been a gritty documentary about the band leading a Western revolution in the country.

Speaking in the documentary, George, who died on Christmas Day 2016, recalls: “It was historic. There were only a few things that you can do as a pop band that haven’t been done before.

“It was a great privilege being the first people to play real Western pop music to those people.

“I wouldn’t have missed it for anything. It’s just that it was a pretty hard couple of weeks.”

Wham!’s manager, Simon Napier-Bell, initially believed that getting renowned British director Lindsay Anderson on board to make the film was a massive coup which would add credibility.

But, it quickly became apparent they had completely different visions for the documentary.

George and Andrew just wanted to make a glossy concert film, while Lindsay, who openly criticised the group, was focused on a hard-hitting documentary about the westernization and opening up of Communist China.

And due to these creative differences the documentary was never shown and the tapes were archived.

Now, for the first time, the incredible footage has been unearthed and the historic trip is told in George and Andrew’s own words in the 90-minute film, Wham! 10 Days In China.

While often unpredictable, the late singer was by all accounts far better at playing the media game than his bandmate.

At a VIP screening at Soho House in London, Andrew told The Sun: “Frankly, I behaved like a bit of a t**t, honestly.

“We were relatively young, but we had also had a good two or three years worth of experience with the press.

“We knew the game. We knew what was at stake. We knew how to behave and how not to — but I just chose not to.”

The band had formed just four years earlier, releasing their debut single Wham Rap! (Enjoy What You Do) in June 1982.

Andrew knew going to China was a “risky” move for the famous duo, who had experienced phenomenal success but were yet to reach the international stardom they eventually went on to achieve.

He adds in the film: “Wham! In China . . .  I was cynical. Untried. Untested. Risky.

“I didn’t really like it. Landing in China, I felt we were there on false pretences. It was a circus. Wham! in China was more than just the shows.

“A show had to be made of Wham! in China and that meant official events, interacting with our hosts. It was just part and parcel of being there.

“Being dragged around to contrived scenes was not something either of us was particularly comfortable with.”

However they took the risk, determined to break the US market as quickly as possible.

Andrew continued: “To break the States was a huge ambition for any act — and George’s ambition overrode everything.

“However, he had suffered with his voice breaking down.

“He had undiagnosed polyps on his vocal cords at that point and so he didn’t want to spend months touring small venues. We wanted to fast-track Wham! straight to the top. Something was going to have to be done.”

Run like a royal tour, as well as the two concerts in Beijing and Guangzhou, the trip included a number of photo opportunities and government-organised events.

The whole tour was masterminded by Napier-Bell, who saw the opening of China as a way to make history and fast-track the boys to the top.

In return, China got foreign investment.

Alongside the more obvious choices, such as a trip to the Great Wall of China, Wham! were guests of honour at a State Dinner and a garden party at the Ambassador’s house inside the British Embassy.

Publicly, the pair put on a great show, making small talk and mingling with dignitaries.

But amusing new footage reveals the stars oscillated from finding the whole thing hilarious to being sick to death of being wheeled out to all and sundry.

During the dinner, they were presented with an intricate tapestry, prompting George to whisper to the camera like a naughty schoolboy: “It’s a bath mat. We will cut it down the middle. My mum can have one half and Andrew’s mum can have the other half.”

The long, drawn-out trip to the Ambassador’s house almost pushed them too far.

Andrew recalls: “Our schedule was such that we were being pulled in a variety of different directions.

“The Ambassador’s residence was a bit of 1930s Blighty transported into Peking. They seemed to exist in this colonial microcosm. It’s quite strange.

“There was nowhere to hide in there. I thought I would be polite and play the game, but Yog [George’s nickname] didn’t feel the same way. He thought it was an utter charade.”

George was so fed up with parts of the trip that he upped sticks and left Andrew in the middle of a cassette signing with fans.

His bemused bandmate was forced to make up excuses that George was feeling sick and needed a lie-down to cover up the fact the star had simply had enough.

In historic footage of the moment, seen for the first time, a baffled Andrew says: “He’s left me in the lurch before, but once bitten, twice aware — or twice as aware.”

Grilled as to how he would describe his partnership with George, he added: “Stormy, but mostly on the fair side. He’s a nice enough chap.”

While the band split in 1986, the pair went way back before fame, having known each other since 1973, after meeting on their first day at Bushey Meads School, Herts.

Asked if he found watching footage of his late friend difficult, Andrew added to The Sun: “Sometimes it catches me out.

“The moments that really appeal to me are scenes like the one where we are bickering in the back of the car — just two youngsters, two friends.

“They are the ones where you can see the essence of real friendship. They are the things I miss, as we are unable to share them now.

“Anyone who had his company and his friendship for an extended period of time will know he was a deeply caring chap, and we all miss him. To have lost the best friend I have ever had is difficult, as they are irreplaceable. A childhood friend who you have spent all those years with.”

The trip wasn’t without drama.

During an internal flight, one of the band’s trumpet players suffered a breakdown — stabbing himself in the stomach and forcing his way into the cockpit.

For the first time, backing singer Shirlie Kemp — who went on to become one half of Pepsi & Shirlie along with Helen DeMacque — speaks about how she was left terrified and covered in her bandmate’s blood.

Shirlie said: “It was one of the most scary experiences of my life.”

Despite the mile-high terror, Wham!’s trip was hailed a success, both in terms of winning over the Chinese with their music and cracking America.

Chatting to The Sun, Andrew says he believes his late pal would be most proud of the fact the gigs helped inspire a generation of children in China to get into music, many of whom had never even danced in public before attending the Wham! gig.

Andrew told us: “I think George would feel very much the same way as I, in that the legacy that exists for the Chinese people who were at the show is the most meaningful and substantial of all the legacies.

“It achieved what it was supposed to. The trip was designed to raise our profile in the US, as we didn’t want to do a long tour. Yog didn’t like being away from home for extended periods.

“He would find the fact that there are Chinese artists whose careers may exist only because they saw Wham! incredible.”

• Wham! 10 Days In China will be in cinemas from July 28 and will then air on BBC Two and BBC iPlayer in August.

Umm al-Khair, occupied West Bank – The Palestinian villagers of Masafer Yatta, a collection of hamlets in the southern West Bank, feel Israel’s military and settlers closing in on them on a daily basis.

In one of those villages, Umm al-Khair, the presence of a newly established illegal settlement outpost nearby is the latest evidence that they are being replaced in their own land.

Salem and Ikhlas al-Hathaleen live with their eight children in a modest home covered with sheet metal. The land around their home had been somewhere the family could use for agriculture and grazing. But the illegal outpost, an extension of the nearby settlement of Carmel established last September, was set up on that land, roughly 20 metres (66 feet) away from their house.

Ikhlas explains that her old morning routine used to involve taking the family’s sheep out of their enclosure, providing them with food and water, milking them, and allowing them to graze.

The tasks were simple – but that is no longer the case.

Now, thanks to the new Israeli outpost, reaching the enclosure – which lies just behind the house – has become difficult, and at times, impossible.

According to Ikhlas, the family was initially prevented for four consecutive days from reaching the livestock enclosure and then was only allowed to access it once, while accompanied by Israeli soldiers, in order to provide food and water for the animals. They were then prevented from accessing the enclosure for two days. This pattern of occasional visits interspersed with days of not being allowed to access the animals has continued, and Ikhlas says they have only been able to check on the animals three times in July.

“I look every morning to see whether the sheep are still alive,” Ikhlas says. “I only wish I could reach them and take care of them like I used to.”

Struggle for a bathroom

It is not just sheep enclosure that is a struggle to get to for the al-Hathaleen family.

Even the family’s bathroom, which is a freestanding structure a few metres away from their home, has become difficult to reach.

Ikhlas explains that settlers in early July placed obstacles near the bathroom, including barbed wire and children’s playground equipment, all in an effort to make access harder, particularly for children and the elderly.

She adds that the situation has become more complicated since the Israeli army declared the area around the bathroom a closed military zone. As a result, the family – including the children, the youngest of whom is a year old – have been forced to use a neighbour’s toilet, despite the risks involved in reaching it.

The route requires crossing a road used by settler vehicles, Ikhlas says, adding that her five-year-old daughter Swar was injured after being hit on the road last August.

For Ikhlas, it is not just an issue of reaching a toilet or the family’s livestock, but about a family’s ability to live with dignity and have a normal life inside their own home.

“We will not leave our land,” she says. “Even if we have to live in a tent or under a tree, we will stay here.”

Growing settlements

Umm al-Khair has faced an increasing tide of settler attacks since October 2023, when Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza began, as well as a simultaneous escalation in Israeli attacks in the occupied West Bank.

Jewish settlers, seeking to capture more land from Palestinians in the West Bank, have become a particular menace, with little pushback from the Israeli state – and often encouragement, particularly in light of the presence of far-right settler leaders, such as Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, in the highest ranks of government.

Settlements continue to expand rapidly across the occupied West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem, making any hope for a Palestinian state on these lands increasingly remote.

An Israeli court issued an order last October that the new illegal outpost next to Umm al-Khair be evacuated, but after the Israeli army did nothing to implement the order, it was cancelled.

The local Palestinians have little ability to push back against the Israeli settlers – if they do, they are at risk of being attacked more forcefully by the settlers, who have weapons, or arrested by soldiers.

Khalil al-Hathaleen, the head of Umm al-Khair’s village council, says that settlement expansion in the area has accelerated in recent years, including the establishment of the new illegal outpost, as well as the opening of roads for settlers, and expanding the areas under the control of existing settlements – all of which rely on expropriating Palestinian land.

Khalil explains that as a result, the number of livestock owned by Umm al-Khair’s residents has dropped from 3,000 to about 700, as a result of the difficult conditions facing herders and the growing challenges in accessing grazing areas.

He adds that more than 1,000 olive trees have been cut in the area, 50,000 square metres (538,000sq feet) of agricultural land taken over, and demolition orders issued against 14 homes and structures.

“For the people of Umm al-Khair, losing access to their land does not only mean losing property,” Khalil says. “It means losing an entire way of life that has existed for generations.”

Hisham al-Sharbati, a researcher at the Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center, says the organisation has been monitoring the situation in Umm al-Khair for years, and that challenges facing residents have intensified alongside settlement expansion in the area.

“The humanitarian impact is visible in every detail of daily life – from difficulties accessing sources of income to restrictions affecting homes and basic facilities,” he says, adding that the actions of Israel and its settlers directly contravene international law.

Children in fear

Ahmed al-Hathaleen, another resident of Umm al-Khair, works to track Israeli abuses in the village.

“I have a special folder on my phone called ‘Umm al-Khair File’,” he says, adding that it contains about 1,500 video clips and 1,200 photographs that he has collected since April 2025.

“Photography and video have become a way to tell our story and show people what is happening here,” he says.

Ahmed, who is 31 years old, says that it is the children – and he has three of them – who are most affected by the situation, with some experiencing nightmares as a result of the surrounding environment.

Sahm Khalil al-Hathaleen is one of those children. He says children in the community have lost much of their normal childhood, especially their right to education and safe spaces to play.

The 12-year-old boy says that he just wants to go to school and play without fear, but that is impossible in the current situation they face.

“The children here just want to live like other children,” he says.

Sahm sees some of those other children living normal lives – the children from the nearby Israeli settlements. While they play, he describes being woken up in the middle of the night scared whenever he hears a sound outside.

“Fear,” Sahm says, “has become part of our daily lives.”

India joins a handful of countries that have successfully deployed the zero-emission technology in their rail networks.

India has launched its first domestically built, hydrogen-powered train, as it pushes its efforts to expand clean energy use.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated the locomotive ahead of its first trip on Friday, hailing the event as a significant day for India’s drive to become self-reliant and sustainable. The introduction of the train sees India join just a handful of countries that have successfully deployed the zero-emission technology in their rail networks.

Dubbed the “NaMo Green Rail”, including an abbreviation of the PM’s first and last names, the train will make two return trips each day along a 90km route linking the cities of Jind and Sonipat, in the state of Haryana. The 10-coach train can seat about 2,600 passengers and can travel at speeds of up to 75km/h.

Designed, engineered and built in India, the NaMo produces only heat and water vapour when running, making it an attractive alternative to diesel.

While India has already electrified almost all of its 70,000km railway network, one of the largest in the world, hydrogen trains can plug the gap where electrification is not possible.

Other countries operating hydrogen-powered trains include Japan, China, the United States and Germany, which launched the world’s first hydrogen-powered fleet in 2022.

The rollout is part of India’s wider push to expand use of hydrogen and cut its carbon emissions, with the government aiming to make the country’s railways net-zero by 2030.

Prime Minister Modi has long pushed other clean-energy efforts too, from expanding renewables to advancing India’s nuclear energy programme.

While the country still struggles with enacting effective climate policy, the launch of NaMo Green Rail marks another step towards a green transition.

ON the same day as the 2022 World Cup final, England lost one of its most beloved singers – Terry Hall of The Specials.  

“Terry passed away right after the game,” recalls his bandmate and best buddy, Lynval Golding. “I was in Jamaica when I got the phone call to tell me he’d gone.” 

On December 18, Lynval had been watching Argentina beat France on penalties after a 3-3 extra-time thriller. 

He says: “It was a fantastic game and I thought to myself, ‘Terry, that game was played for you’.” 

While Lynval is a Chelsea fan, Terry supported Man United — but both had been following the Three Lions. 

Four years on, as England’s 2026 campaign ends in defeat to Argentina, The Specials have released their final album, recorded in the summer of 2019 in their teenage stomping ground of Coventry. 

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Across 24 tracks, it is a reminder of a band that smashed racial and class divides — yet one that did it with horn-fuelled hooks primed for the dance floor. 

Live From The Cathedral draws on a four-night homecoming stand in the ruined shell of the old St Michael’s Cathedral, bombed almost to oblivion in the Blitz.  

It includes all The Specials’ favourites — Too Much Too Young, Rat Race, Nite Klub, Stereotype and Ghost Town among them. 

There’s also room for songs from Encore, the band’s studio album released earlier in 2019, including Vote For Me, B.L.M., and a reworking of Fun Boy Three’s The Lunatics. 

It ends with The Specials’ lilting cover of You’re Wondering Now with the Coventry crowd, given encouragement from Terry, chanting the chorus of, “You’re wondering now, what to do/Now you know, this is the end.” 

As it has turned out, the album does mark the end of The Specials, the ska revivalists with punk attitude who formed in 1977 and captivated the nation as members of the 2 Tone movement alongside The Beat, Selecter and Madness. 

And that’s why I’m speaking to the surviving core members, guitarist and occasional vocalist Lynval, who came to Britain as part of the Windrush generation, and bassist Horace Panter. 

I’m supposed to be talking to them together — but then I didn’t take the World Cup into account. 

Only when Horace and I are winding up our chat does Lynval join the video call. 

“I just woke up. I was watching football all night!” he exclaims.  

It’s the day after England beat Mexico and though Lynval lives near Seattle these days, he’s in London staying with family.  

He adds: “Obviously every four years, football is the most important thing in our lives. I’ve got my England shirt!” 

Lynval is the extrovert who wears his heart firmly on his sleeve while Horace seems to be a calm and thoughtful character.  

Hearing from these contrasting souls, one thing becomes abundantly clear. They think it’s all over. 

“This live album is the last hurrah, the final full stop,” says Horace.  

“Losing Terry was a tragic way for it to end, but it’s been an absolute joy to have been part of this band. Incredible. 

“I’ve moved on,” he continues. “Life happens.  

“In 2021, I was handed a granddaughter which I wasn’t expecting. 

“My son and his wife have moved up to live near us (not far from Warwick), so I’m involved in looking after her.  

“I still play music — noisy blues rock with some buddies from Leamington and Coventry. 

“I do other musical stuff and I’ve got this art career. I paint pictures.” 

As for Lynval, the loss of Terry aged 63 from pancreatic cancer, came as the bitterest of blows. “It took me three years to even listen to those live recordings,” he says. “It felt so raw.” 

He sees Live From The Cathedral as a tribute to all those members of the 2 Tone family “who are no longer with us”, including Specials drummer John Bradbury, trombonist Rico Rodriguez and The Beat’s Ranking Roger. 

“But it is more focused around Terry than anyone else,” he says. 

“I was absolutely blessed to work with him, one of the best lyricists England has ever produced. He never got the credit he deserved — he was so damned good.” 

Lynval vividly describes his heartbreak at discovering his close friend was seriously ill. 

Terry had just got back from Los Angeles where he’d been writing songs for the next (and never to be released) Specials album and Lynval had flown over from Seattle for sessions.  

He says: “The next day, I went to the studio and Nikolaj [Torp Larsen], our musical director, was there.  

“We listened to some of the music — one song had the feeling of Funky Kingston. 

“I waited but Terry didn’t turn up. I was the only one he would let visit him at home in Islington so I got on the Underground, came off at the Angel, and walked right to his house. 

“His wife Lindy opened the door. She looked a bit concerned and said, ‘Terry’s in bed’. 

“We both had jet lag so I decided to leave him that way. I had my usual cup of mint tea and chatted with Lindy.”  

Later that week, Lynval heard that Terry had been to hospital and received devastating test results.  

He says: “I went to Coventry and hit a bottle of rum. I went into a black space — completely dark.”  

Soon after his pilgrimage to the Midlands city where they had formed The Specials, Lynval rang Terry. 

“Terry rarely talked to anyone on the phone but he knew we had something to discuss.  

“He said, ‘I’m going to fight this’, and I said, ‘Terry, I’m going to be right by your side, fighting with you brother’.” 

Lynval firmly believes he is “spiritually connected” to Terry and, by way of example, explains how he came to sing Moon River at his funeral. 

“When Brad [John Bradbury] died in 2015, I sang Redemption Song as a tribute, with just cello, violin and viola. 

“Terry’s wife asked me what I was going to do this time. I said, ‘I don’t think I have the strength to do anything’.” 

But then, Lynval heard a radio playing Andy Williams’ definitive version of Moon River. 

He says: “It was beautiful. I rang Lindy and said, ‘I will sing for Terry and I know what I’m going to do — Moon river, wider than a mile’. 

“She started crying and said, ‘It was our wedding song and I played it to him on his deathbed, you’re a genius’, and I hadn’t known.” 

So, along with Nikolaj and guitarist Steve Cradock, Lynval performed Moon River in the same crematorium as John Bradbury’s funeral. 

He says: “When I sang that line, ‘Two drifters off to see the world’, I thought of Brad and Terry.” 

The loss of two such important bandmates prompts Lynval to echo Horace’s sentiments that The Specials have run their course. 

He says: “My book is always open, but not to do anything as The Specials ever again. 

“I was so blessed to work with these musicians but I can’t play the guitar any more. 

“My nerves were damaged after I was hit by a bus. 

“I’ve passed my guitars and keyboards on to my 18-year-old great-nephew Jayden. He’s a jazzer and a Golding!” 

I ask Horace for his thoughts on Terry and he talks of “a private person despite the fact that he could go out in front of four or five thousand people”. 

He adds: “I would kill to go on Desert Island Discs but Terry was like, ‘No, I won’t do that’.  

“But there was always something to laugh about with him. He could be very funny. We bonded over Northern working men’s club comedians and Spinal Tap.” 

Now it’s time to return to those balmy summer nights in 2019 when Terry, Lynval, Horace, Nikolaj, Steve Cradock and the rest of the ace live Specials band performed those hometown gigs in Coventry. 

Horace says: “It was a real coming together of people in Coventry and the ruins of the cathedral was a fantastic venue. 

“Usually when we went to Coventry, we would play this big soulless concrete shed up by the football stadium.” 

He adds: “I was still living there in 2019 so I would walk over the green to Empress House, catch a No13, which dropped me off at Pool Meadow. Then I’d cross the road, go up through the university, and I was at the cathedral. It was great.” 

He remembers Coventry being “a tough place to live” back in the Seventies when The Specials got together, the other members who made the debut album besides Terry, Lynval, Horace and Brad being Jerry Dammers, Neville Staple and Roddy Radiation. 

“By the time we came to prominence in 1979, there was an enormous amount of unemployment and disaffection in Coventry,” says Horace. 

Although Dammers’ masterpiece Ghost Town could be about any downtrodden city with big social problems, it could, he suggests, also have been about their hometown. 

He says: “Lynval suffered racism in some of the jobs he had. At night, he’d go out to the clubs and getting home could be quite an adventure.” 

Though The Specials were associated with Rock Against Racism, Horace says: “We didn’t play many of the gigs because we were the working definition of white guys and black guys making music that works. It was unity in action.” 

He draws my attention to the great Friday Night, Saturday Morning which The Specials perform on Live From The Cathedral and is dedicated by Terry to the fabled Parson’s Nose fish and chip shop in Coventry. 

The song goes: “Hope the chip shop isn’t closed. Cos’ their pies are really nice. I’ll eat in the taxi queue. Standing in someone else’s spew.” 

Horace says: “That was one of Terry’s first forays into songwriting and a really important song of ours. He gave it a very droll delivery. 

“The Parson’s Nose was the chippy that stayed open late after you’d been to clubs like Mr George’s, La Chaumière or Tiffany’s. You’d go there for a steak and kidney pie and mushy peas. 

“Nite Klub mentions Tiffany’s. The shows we did there were the apogee of 2-Toning in 1979.” 

Lynval says: “I got chased in Coventry, I got stabbed in Coventry. It could be a running battle because of the racial problem.” 

But he adds that he had “wonderful” Friday nights and Saturday mornings that ended up at The Parson’s Nose or the Chinese takeaway next door. 

“We were youth, we were growing up and I really did ‘wish I had lipstick on my shirt instead of piss stains on my shoes’.” 

Horace maintains that The Specials gave Coventry something to smile about and to be proud of in the late Seventies “and that was acknowledged during the gigs in 2019”. 

So, I can’t help but ask, how did Horace get his stage name, Sir Horace Gentleman?  

“That was Lynval’s fault,” he replies. “I was raised in Kettering, Northamptonshire, and had a very plummy accent.  

“I was at art college and wasn’t working class by any stretch. And, of course, lots of people had reggae names like Prince Buster or Sir Coxsone.” 

Horace says The Specials “owed as much a debt of gratitude to The Clash as we did to the Jamaican artists.  

“We had the great good fortune to open for The Clash for three weeks in 1978 so we could sit side-stage every night and watch how those guys delivered and what they delivered.  

“We thought, ‘Well, OK, if we’re going to be any good, we’ve got to be at least as good as these guys’. The Clash set the benchmark.” 

But the final words are with Lynval, who has nothing but fond memories of his time in a very special band. 

“I feel so honoured to have been in The Specials,” he says. 

“It’s nearly 50 years since we first got together. What an achievement! 

“And, hold on a minute, those songs are just as relevant today.” 

Lynval leaves us with a quote from a song that Horace insisted they play live at every show because it served as a mission statement. 

“Just because you’re a black boy. Just because you’re a white. It doesn’t mean you’ve got to hate him. It doesn’t mean you’ve got to fight. 

“It doesn’t make it alright.” 

THE SPECIALS 

Live From The Cathedral 

★★★★☆

Jobar, Syria – Ahmad, a Syrian man in his mid-30s, walks down an unpaved road in Jobar, in East Damascus, and points to a small home. It was damaged sometime during Syria’s 13-year war and is now dilapidated after years of neglect.

“That was my grandfather’s house,” Ahmad, who asked to use just his first name due to his sensitive position, told Al Jazeera. Nearby is his mother’s home and a small shop where she sold clothes.

Before Syria’s war broke out in 2011, following the violent suppression of anti-government protests, Jobar was a neighbourhood brimming with life. It was home to a historic mosque and synagogue but today stands as a ghost town after years of shelling, air strikes and chemical gas attacks.

Between 2012 and 2018, when much of Jobar was held by rebels, it became one of the frontlines of Syria’s war. It was repeatedly bombed and shelled by government forces, resulting in around 95 percent of buildings being destroyed. When the government recaptured the Damascus suburbs from the rebels in 2018, Jobar was emptied of most of its citizens.

Today, it stands as a major post-war problem for both Syria’s new government and its citizens, as they try to navigate reconstruction and the return of its former residents.

The Bermuda Triangle

Opposition groups built a labyrinth of tunnels to avoid attacks by the regime and its allies, with daily air raids and shelling.

Locals said the tunnel network meant the area gained the nickname ‘the Bermuda Triangle’, because of how people would get lost there.

In 2018, the regime cut a deal with opposition groups – fighters, their families and other locals could leave the area. Most left for rebel-held Idlib and the regime banned any civilians from entering the area. Shortly after the rebels took Damascus in December 2024 and forced President Bashar al-Assad to flee to Russia, some of Jobar’s residents returned to visit their homes for the first time in eight years.

One former resident, Salem Sawan, 59, a former medic, also known as Abu Yehya, rents an apartment in a nearby suburb. He wants to return to his home but, like other locals, said residents have been blocked from rebuilding.

On a walk around a part of Jobar, Ahmad points to a large tunnel opening that was recently filled with dirt and rubble. “The government must have closed this recently,” he said.

Ahmad said some people had possibly got lost in the complex tunnel network. There have also been reports of buildings collapsing due to the hollowed-out ground below them. Between the tunnels, the lack of infrastructure and an ongoing mine clearance operation in the area, Jobar is a prime example of the struggle Syria faces in rebuilding.

Rebuilding challenges

One of the major issues for reconstruction has been finding financing. Assad left the country in ruins, materially but also economically, along with crippling international sanctions, which the new government has successfully worked to remove.

The World Bank estimated that the total cost of reconstruction in Syria is around $216bn, while almost 90 percent of the Syrian population lives below the poverty line.

“The need for reconstruction is really big and if a specific neighbourhood has no infrastructure at all [the question is] how to channel money into reconstruction,” Cao Yue, the author of a recent report on Syria’s reconstruction for ODI Global, a UK-based thinktank, told Al Jazeera. “We know the government has a limited public budget, so they have targeted international capital, and especially international private capital, and that’s why [there’s been an effort] to cut agreements with international investors, especially from neighbouring countries.”

On a tour of Jobar, Ahmad, the former fighter, points to a building with a missing facade. It was once a few storeys high, but the floors are missing because the iron rods that ran through them were stolen, he said.

A little over a decade earlier, Mohammad Hamsho, the former business partner of Bashar’s younger brother, Maher al-Assad, had come under US and EU sanctions for war profiteering and connections to the former regime. One of his companies has repeatedly been accused of extracting iron from destroyed areas for steel production. In January 2026, Hamsho allegedly came to a financial settlement with the new Syrian government, led by President Ahmed al-Sharaa.

Locals like Ahmad and Abu Yehya told Al Jazeera that officials told them they couldn’t rebuild their homes, even on their own initiative. When asked why, they were told there was a plan for the area, but they were not provided with any other information.

There are now reports that the government and private developers are looking to invest in areas like Jobar, and its geographic proximity to central Damascus means that land there is highly valuable.

Media reports say that local officials have proposed that a foreign-backed project for the area could finance a $21bn project that could create up to 200,000 jobs. But the project has a downside. It states that locals in the area will receive only 50 percent of their former homes and 30 percent of areas classified as “agricultural”. When that plan was presented to local councils and activists, it was met with anger.

This struggle between the government and locals is at the core of the struggle over Syria’s future.

“People need housing, but also need basic services like education, sanitation, water, electricity and governance,” Mauricio Vazquez, Head of Policy at ODI’s Global Risks and Resilience programme, and another of the report’s authors, told Al Jazeera. Vazquez added that the struggle is not only a “block of brick and mortar” but about finding ways to build back societies that are “better for Syria”.

As for people such as Abu Yehya, he said he is ready to start figuring out how to rebuild his home. During the war, he regularly had to pick up wounded people or bodies whilst fighting raged around him. He now has back problems, two slipped discs and can barely lift a kilo, let alone a body. “If a body is 70 kg (154 pounds) alive, it’s 140 (308) dead.”

That means he now can’t work.

“Anyone who doesn’t have a child outside [Syria] will die,” he said, sitting across from the local cemetery, filled with the bodies of his former neighbours and friends. Still, he wants to find a way to rebuild his home in Jobar.

Standing nearby was Mahmoud al-Ajouz, a 60-something-year-old gravedigger, who never left the area, even when his children were killed here and when the regime and its allies ordered all civilians out.

When asked about reconstruction, he was adamant that Jobar will thrive again. “We will rebuild with our own hands,” he said, “us and the state together”.

ONCE the golden couple of Hollywood, Brad Pitt and Angelina Jolie’s multi- million-pound divorce battle rumbled on longer than they were man and wife.

And ten years since proceedings first started, the bitterness between those involved shows no sign of slowing down.

Brad, 62, watched in horror this week as the final steps were taken to remove any trace of him from the once-glorified “Brangelina” clan.

In a brutal move, his children Maddox, 24, and Zahara, 21, have both filed court papers to officially change their surname from Jolie-Pitt to just Jolie.

Siblings Shiloh, 20, and Vivienne, 18, have already turned their backs on the Pitt name, while Knox, 18, has also dropped it from informal documents and is estranged from Brad.

This leaves only Pax, 23, still using the Pitt surname.

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Insiders say that Brad has been left privately “devastated” by the decision.

A source said: “One by one, his children, who he was once so close to, have removed their connection to him.

“He really wonders if he’ll ever rebuild bridges with his shattered brood now.”

It is the latest twist in the family saga, following on from allegations of physical abuse, financial coercion and severe family PTSD as well as a Father’s Day Instagram post from Pax calling Brad a “world-class a**hole”.

It all helps cement Brad and Angelina’s divorce as perhaps the most toxic the entertainment world has ever seen.

In September, it will have been a decade since Maleficent star Angelina, 51, first filed for divorce from movie heart-throb Brad.

Their relationship started not long after they met on the set of 2005 film Mr & Mrs Smith, when Brad was still married to Jennifer Aniston.

They wed in 2014 but, less than two years later, in September 2016, they split in explosive fashion.The former couple had previously adopted Maddox, Zahara and Pax before having Shiloh, Vivienne and Knox.

But Brad, who was once inseparable from all six kids, has now been well and truly frozen out.

Legal notices published in the Los Angeles Daily Journal yesterday reveal that both Maddox and Zahara have filed petitions to change their surnames.

If approved, the changes will become official in court, with Maddox’s hearing set for September 14 and Zahara’s two weeks later.

Zahara has publicly gone by Zahara Jolie since starting university.

Shiloh legally dropped “Pitt” after turning 18 in 2024, while Vivienne was credited simply as “Vivienne Jolie” as a production assistant for the Broadway show The ­Outsiders.

Pax is the only one still using the Pitt surname, but he has an incredibly difficult relationship with his dad, who he once claimed made his younger siblings ­“tremble in fear”.

Brad’s relationship with his children seemed to change for ever after an ill-fated flight in 2016, which also marked the end of the high-profile showbiz marriage.

The couple are said to have tried to keep their blistering rows from the children, but that became impossible in the confines of a private jet.

In a report filed by the FBI about the incident, Angelina claimed Brad yelled at her before pulling her into the toilet, where he pushed her against the wall and punched the ceiling repeatedly.

It is also alleged that when one of their kids tried to protect their mum, Brad “choked one of the children and struck another in the face”.

It has long been rumoured that it was Maddox who was assaulted.

The report said Brad then poured beer on his family as they tried to sleep.

The incident led to an investigation by children’s services, with Angelina being awarded temporary full custody and Brad only allowed supervised visits. He was later fully cleared.

Just days later, Angelina filed for divorce, citing irreconcilable diff­erences.

Pax’s private Instagram post on Father’s Day 2020 suggests the kids experienced problems before and after the plane incident.

He wrote: “You time and time again prove yourself to be a terrible and despicable person.

“You have no consideration or empathy toward your four youngest children, who tremble in fear when in your presence.

“You will never understand the damage you have done to my family because you’re incapable of doing so.”

Brad later confirmed that his boozing had become a problem, revealing he had visited Alcoholics Anonymous groups.

He said: “I had taken things as far as I could take it, so I removed my drinking privileges.

“You had all these men sitting around being open and honest in a way I have never heard.

“It was this safe space where there was little judgment, and therefore little judgment of yourself. It was actually really freeing just to expose the ugly sides of yourself.

“There’s great value in that.”

The confession did nothing to quell the animosity between the parties, though.

And while the divorce might have been finalised in 2024 — after eight agonising years — another legal fight is still rumbling on.

The former lovers are locked in an acrimonious $350million court battle, known as the War Of The Rosés, over Angelina’s decision to secretly sell her stake in their ­Chateau Miraval vineyard and home for $64million to Russian booze tycoon Yuri Shefler in 2021.

Brad then sued her in a bid to void the sale.

The couple bought the 1,300-acre Miraval estate in Provence, southern France, in 2008 and married there in 2014.

Angelina claims she originally wanted to sell her stake to Brad, but he demanded she sign an $8.5million non-disclosure agreement as part of the deal.

Her legal team argued it was a coercive tactic to prevent her ­talking about his alleged abuse.

A trial has been scheduled for February 1 next year.

Insiders have claimed that Brad’s partner of four years, Ines de Ramon, 33, has tried to persuade him to end the hostilities.

A source said: “Ines wants to have a life together — with possibly children in the future — without the albatross that is the eight-year War Of The Rosés.”

While Angelina’s attorneys have filed explosive allegations in court, she has kept a mostly dignified silence.

In 2020, the actress turned human rights advocate addressed the ugly split in a rare interview with Vogue.

She said: “I separated for the wellbeing of my family. It was the right decision.

“I continue to focus on their healing.”

During another interview, when asked if she worried about the safety of her children, she said: “Yes, for my family. My whole family.”

And during the Press tour for her 2021 Marvel film Eternals, in which she played Thena, a warrior battling memory loss and a fantasy-world version of PTSD, she revealed that she had been diagnosed with the condition.

She said: “I had talked to the director about experiencing PTSD myself a few years ago and my own fears about not being strong enough to protect those that I love.”

And while Brad might have moved on, Angelina, who was widely once considered one of the world’s most beautiful women, remains single.

Last month, she said: “To be candid, I haven’t dated since I divorced a decade ago.

“So I kind of get in my head that that aspect of me is not centered in my life if I’m focusing on my children, my family.”

It is true that all six children have certainly been caught up in the crossfire of their parents’ decade-long war, with the sorry saga serving as a cautionary tale to other Hollywood couples on the cusp of divorce.

Now, as the February 2027 trial over the battle for the French vineyard looms, peace still seems a long way off.

And while Brad might still be fighting over his financial future, his legacy with his family appears to be long gone.

Damascus, Syria – For many Syrians, the decades of rule by the al-Assad family – Hafez al-Assad from 1971 to 2000, then his son Bashar from 2000 to 2024 – were filled with oppression from the state and eventually more than a decade of civil war.

But one of the most important legacies has been an economic one – the result of the sanctions imposed by a number of countries, led by the United States, that effectively froze Syria out of the international economic system.

Despite the fall of Bashar al-Assad after rebel groups defeated him in December 2024, many of the sanctions, including a “state sponsor of terrorism” designation, have remained.

The designation has impeded Syria’s rejoining of the international community, while sanctions have impacted Syrians. Sending money back home from abroad often requires routing transfers through neighbouring countries, such as Lebanon or Turkiye, while access to some websites and online services, including Netflix and Slack, may require a virtual private network.

But there has been a positive reaction to the announcement on Wednesday by US President Donald Trump that his administration will remove Syria from the state sponsor of terrorism list.

The lifting of previous US sanctions, such as those related to the Caesar Act, has not transformed the Syrian economy, but it is hoped that those linked to the “state sponsor of terrorism” listing will allow the country to finally flourish.

“God willing, it will improve things,” said Ihab, a pastry shop owner in central Damascus.

Reintegration

US sanctions are thought to have been a huge barrier to foreign investors since the rule of Bashar al-Assad.

The World Bank said that since 2011, sanctions have led to a major collapse in exports and an increase in the trade deficit.

After the fall of the al-Assad government, interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa’s administration has identified the removal of all international and US sanctions as the key to reinvigorating the economy.

Al-Sharaa, the former head of the al-Qaeda-aligned Nusra Front, was himself sanctioned by the United Nations and was wanted as a “terrorist” by the US. But he has made efforts to shed those associations and build trust internationally, including by pledging to play a role in the fight against ISIL (ISIS).

His efforts have largely been successful, with the European Union and the US removing many of the sanctions on Syria and on al-Sharaa himself. The sanctions linked to the US’s “state sponsor of terrorism” list are among the few to remain.

The first “state sponsor of terrorism” designation on Syria was during Hafez al-Assad’s rule in 1979, due to the government’s support for Palestinian armed groups.

Additional sanctions were imposed on the state and individuals associated with the al-Assad regime, due to their systematic use of torture and chemical weapons.

Some rebel groups were also sanctioned due to their links to al-Qaeda and other banned organisations.

Al-Sharaa ended al-Nusra Front’s affiliation with al-Qaeda in 2016 and effectively eschewed the group’s ideology.

He also moved to establish a broader, national armed coalition dedicated to fighting the Assad government, later becoming Hayat Tahrir al-Sham.

In May 2025, around the time Trump met al-Sharaa in Riyadh, the US president promised to remove many of the sanctions on the Syrian government. But the expected removal from the “state sponsor of terrorism” list will be particularly welcome as it gets rid of one of the main barriers for international banks and companies.

“This is extremely significant because it’s the last major impediment to international economic and political engagement with Syria and with the al-Sharaa administration, and in terms of reintegrating Syria back into the international order and indeed the international economic and political system,” Rob Geist Pinfold, a lecturer on security studies at King’s College London, told Al Jazeera.

Struggling economy

However, he is careful to add that the removal of the designation does not mean a flood of investment will instantly start pouring into Syria.

“This is a big hurdle that’s been overcome, but it doesn’t mean that there’s no more hurdles to investment or engagement with Syria.”

He added that international actors may be concerned about the government’s control and ability to confront remnants from the al-Assad regime, a potential ISIL (ISIS) comeback, bureaucratic impediments and corruption.

Some Syrians were also sceptical that the designation change would lead to instant results.

“This needs a long breath,” said a minimarket owner in Damascus, who refused to give his name. “You can’t sleep and wake up and expect change.”

He referred to ongoing economic problems and rising costs, as well as a recent fuel shortage.

“There’s no economy, and there’s no investment.”

Other Syrians were more hopeful that the economy, and other aspects of daily life, would improve. Still, there is a recognition that a little more patience is needed.

For some, that patience has worn out, such as the minimarket owner. Others, however, are biding their time.

At a juice stall in central Damascus, Zaher counted money received from a customer.

“I’m on the street with my cart and nobody is bothering me,” he said. “Electricity is getting better, but nothing gets better after just one day.”

“It took God Almighty six days to create Earth,” the 50-year-old said. “These things take time.”

In recent weeks, there have been renewed tensions in Yemen. Attacks by the Houthi group – which has controlled Sanaa and large parts of northern Yemen since 2014 – have coincided with controversy prompted by the arrival of an Iranian plane at Sanaa airport and renewed concern over navigation in the Red Sea.

This comes in the context of a stalled peace process and the failure to reach an agreement on de-escalation mechanisms.

In this climate, movements on the front lines appear to be an attempt by the Houthis to exert pressure and to test the limits of the response of the internationally recognised government, its ally, Saudi Arabia, and the international community at large.

So far, these developments do not point to a decision to launch a broad military confrontation, but they show that the truce announced in 2022 can no longer contain the conflict.

From Hays to Al-Jawf: Limited clashes and tribal mobilisation

The Hays district in Hodeidah governorate near the port of Hodeidah on the Red Sea has been one of the main flashpoints in recent weeks.

On July 5, Houthi rebels attacked government forces’ positions using mortar shells, drones and sniper fire. According to medical and military sources cited by Al Jazeera, 16 government soldiers were killed in the attack and 22 others were wounded. The Houthis did not announce their casualty toll or provide a detailed account of how the clashes began.

Hays is of particular importance because it has remained relatively calm since the truce, and because its location is close to the coast and shipping lanes.

The tensions are not confined to Hodeidah. Marib, Taiz and al-Dhale have also witnessed varying levels of military mobilisation.

In al-Jawf, the picture is different. A tribal disturbance was triggered by a dispute over a house in Sanaa and then turned into a test of the Houthis’ influence and their relationship with the tribes. Sheikh Hamad bin Rashid bin Fadgham al-Hazmi intervened in the dispute, per tribal custom, but was detained by the Houthis.

This turned discontent into an anti-Houthi tribal movement, which is accompanied by calls for a “tribal nakaf”, a traditional call for mobilisation and support, alongside the “al-Rayyan sit-ins”, temporary tribal gatherings to rally supporters.

This development points to how developments in the battlefield are causing tensions in the tribal and social sphere.

Al-Jawf lies near Marib and within a sensitive military and tribal zone, and any prolonged unrest there could open an additional pressure front on the Houthis and complicate their calculations in one of the most important fronts of Yemen’s northeast.

Tensions have also extended to the Red Sea. On July 5, the British military said that a cargo ship had come under attack off the coast of Hodeidah, which did not result in any injuries. No one claimed responsibility, but the incident took place near an area under Houthi control and at a time when the group has renewed its threats regarding navigation.

The attack highlights the continuing risks ships face in transiting in the vicinity of Hodeidah and Bab al-Mandab, one of the world’s busiest straits.

Sanaa airport tensions and a frozen prisoner exchange deal

Tensions between Yemen’s internationally recognised government and the Houthis havе not been confined to the battlefield. On July 3, an Iranian aircraft arrived at Sanaa airport to pick up a Houthi delegation to attend the funeral of the late Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

A week later, the internationally recognised government announced that Iran had submitted a request to operate a Mahan Air flight from Tehran to Sanaa to return the Houthi delegation. It rejected the request and proposed returning the individuals on an aircraft chartered by Yemenia Airways.

In response, some Houthi leaders insisted on the continuation of Mahan Air flights to Sanaa, presenting them as part of their right to operate the airport and open direct routes with the outside world. Thus, the dispute went beyond a single flight to the issue of managing an international airport and airspace outside government institutions, and the resulting struggle over sovereignty and de facto recognition of Houthi authority over the entry point.

Saudi Arabia is also affected by the dispute. The operation of a direct route between Sanaa and Tehran would affect the security and political arrangements that accompanied the reopening of the airport during the truce. Riyadh views the expansion of airport traffic outside an agreement as a factor that strengthens the Houthis’ relationship with Iran near the kingdom’s southern border. Therefore, its position is linked to keeping flights within declared arrangements while continuing to operate the national carrier.

Another issue that has heated up in the past few days is a long-negotiated prisoner and detainee exchange deal, which has stalled.

On July 10, Hadi Haig, head of the government negotiating team on the prisoners and abductees file, announced that the team had received notification from the International Committee of the Red Cross and the office of the United Nations envoy that the Houthis have refused to implement the agreement on its scheduled date and have postponed it indefinitely.

In response, the head of the Houthis’ Prisoners Affairs Committee, Abdulqader al-Murtada, blamed the government side for the delay, accusing it of failing to abide by the terms of the agreement and of refusing to add names to the agreed list.

The deal includes more than 1,600 detainees and requires field arrangements and an air bridge under the supervision of the International Committee of the Red Cross. Regardless of each side’s responsibility, the postponement places the negotiation track before a new test and confirms the continued use of humanitarian files as tools of political and military pressure.

Regional tension and the limits of confrontation

Regional developments have directly impacted Yemen. The US-Israel war on Iran and tensions between the Houthis and Saudi Arabia have reduced the ability of Yemeni parties to control escalation and increased the influence of external calculations on the course of the conflict.

This has given the Houthis greater room for political and military manoeuvre, while the government has struggled to assert its sovereign presence.

Saudi Arabia wants to contain the Houthi threat while preserving the gains of de-escalation. The Houthis, for their part, are betting on combining military action with pressure over the airport, prisoners, and navigation files to extract broader recognition of their authority and their direct relationship with Iran.

These developments reflect the fragility of the de-escalation process and the growing political and military pressures.

Limited clashes and mobilisation are likely to continue, with each side using the leverage it possesses to apply pressure. So far, there is no evidence of a decision to engage in a full-scale confrontation, but repeated attacks and faltering negotiations could end the state of relative calm that has persisted since 2022.

The risk of confrontation will remain as long as the root causes of the war remain unresolved, and as long as the parties use weapons to impose their vision and improve their political fortunes.