Features

New York City, United States – Since the recent termination of the nearly decade-old trade rule called “de minimis,” United States consumers and businesses have been exposed to slower shipping, destroyed packages and steep tariff fees on international goods – foreshadowing what could make for a chaotic holiday shopping season.

For major international carrier UPS, navigating the latest regulatory changes has proved more fraught than for its competitors FedEx and DHL.

Matthew Wasserbach, brokerage manager for Express Customs Clearance in New York, a firm that assists importers with documentation, tariff classifications, valuation, and other federal requirements, has witnessed the fallout as UPS customers seek his firm’s assistance to clear packages entering the US.

“Over the last few months, we’ve been seeing a lot of UPS shipments, in particular, becoming stuck and being lost or disposed of … This all stems from the ending of the de minimis,” said Wasserbach. “Their [UPS’s] whole business model changed once the de minimis was ended. And they just didn’t have the capacity to do the clearance … a lot of people are expecting to receive international packages, and they’re just never gonna get them.”

UPS did not respond to Al Jazeera’s request for comment.

Suspending tariff exemptions

Since 2016, the de minimis trade exemption determined that packages worth $800 or less were not subject to taxes and tariffs. According to US Customs and Border Protection (CBP), the number of shipments entering the US claiming the exemption increased by more than 600 percent from 139 million shipments in 2015 to more than one billion in 2023.

In August, this all changed. President Donald Trump signed an executive order suspending de minimis treatment for all countries, spiralling US imports into a new landscape of paperwork and processes, subject to duties and tariffs based on their place of origin.

Just a month after de minimis ended, while shipping products with UPS, Tezumi Tea, an online Japanese tea and teaware company that sells its products online and through meetups in New York City, fell victim to the tariff backlog at US customs. Tezumi lost roughly 150kg (330lbs) of matcha, totalling about $13,000.

“We responded by increasing buffers in our supply planning across the dozen farms that we partner with,” said Ryan Snowden, a cofounder of Tezumi. “Even with those adjustments, the loss had a severe effect on a number of our cafe customers who suddenly needed to switch to another matcha blend.”

Now, UPS is no longer accepting shipments from Japan, and Tezumi has switched to shipping supplies through alternate carriers such as DHL and FedEx.

Disposing shipments

Wasserbach has witnessed similar instances of UPS losing imports.

“When a UPS package goes uncleared, it’s just basically sitting in a UPS facility, uncleared for a certain period of time,” said Wasserbach. “Then UPS indicates in their tracking that they’re disposing of the shipments without making, really, any effort, from what I’ve seen, to contact either the sender or the receiver, to get information they need to do to get the clearance.”

Wasserbach shared email chains with Al Jazeera from UPS customers who looped in his firm to their customs clearance UPS debacles.

In one exchange, UPS customer Stephan Niznik responded to a notice from the UPS Alternate Broker Team that their packages had been “destroyed”.

“The tracking says on multiple instances that UPS attempted to contact the sender (me), but this is false; aside from a request for more information on September 5 (which I responded to immediately), UPS never attempted to contact me,” wrote Niznik. “It is absolutely disgraceful that my package was mishandled – clothes and children’s toys were destroyed at the hands of UPS.”

In another email chain, UPS told customer Chenying Li that their package was released following an email from Express Customs Clearance stating that the shipment was cleared.

A week later, Li’s package was still showing as “Pending Release”, and when they asked for an update on the shipment, UPS responded, “At this time we are unable to provide an ETA,  as volume is currently backed up and awaiting delivery due to the De Minimis impact.”

‘Impose additional pressure’

In addition to the customs backlog, Virginia Tech associate professor David Bieri says cost prevention may provide one explanation for UPS choosing to dispose of packages rejected by US customs rather than return the shipments to senders.

“All these additional rules and regulations impose additional pressure on already relatively tight margins for these companies – UPS, FedEx, DHL and so forth,” said Bieri. “They need to make money, and sometimes it’s easier not to fulfil a service than to take on the additional cost of customs clearance and making sure that it gets to its final destination.”

Bieri added that UPS resorting to package disposal may indicate that they believe themselves to be in “a sufficiently strong monopolistic position that they can do such horrible practice – unilateral nonfulfillment of contract”.

Wasserbach told Al Jazeera that “with FedEx and DHL shipments, we aren’t seeing these problems”.

When asked whether FedEx has disposed of packages stuck in customs, a spokesperson wrote, “If paperwork is not complete and/or rejected by US Customs and Border Protection, FedEx actively works with senders to update paperwork to resubmit to CBP or return shipments to senders. In some cases, shippers can request that packages be disposed of if they would prefer not to pay to return to sender. In those rare cases, recipients are notified at the direction of the shipper. This is not a common practice. We remain business as usual.”

Final cost of delivery at your doorstep

But FedEx and DHL are encountering some of the same challenges as UPS. Since August, when de minimis ended and small packages were suddenly subject to taxes and tariffs, anyone who ordered from abroad was susceptible to unexpected fees on imported goods.

Without de minimis protecting packages worth $800 and less from import fees, the consumer essentially becomes the importer.

“You might order something you find a bargain abroad, and you don’t pay attention to where things are shipped from … and it might be shipped from China, and you might be in for a rude awakening once that thing arrives at your door,” said Beiri. “You paid the price and thought that this was it. But your deliverer is saying, no, actually, we’re passing that cost on to you. Because you’re acting as the importer.”

These fees could cost equal to or more than the item you ordered itself. “You’ve got to pay extra attention to small prints,” said Beiri.

With looming costs and lost packages on the horizon, Beiri says shoppers will likely make “substitution questions” – are you renovating or are you going on vacation? Are you splashing on Christmas gifts, or are you treating yourself to dining out?

“I think these are interesting times of having to make choices and asking yourself what can we do given that we have an affordability crisis, rent, insurance, making ends meet,” said Beiri. “That’s what’s currently going on.”

In order to better handle evolving trade policy, Wasserbach says that UPS will likely aim to hire a massive number of entry writers to assist with necessary documentation for legal transportation of goods across international borders. However, now that it is the busiest time of year in terms of delivering people their Christmas shopping, Wasserbach doubts an influx of hiring could make much of a difference, given the amount of training required.

The company’s revenue has already taken a hit on account of Trump’s policies. Tariffs on China and the elimination of the de minimis rule saw imports from China, UPS’s most profitable route, drop reportedly 35 percent earlier this year.

“I would assume it’s gonna get better next year,” said Wasserbach. “But as for solving this problem before Christmas, I don’t think that that’s gonna happen.”

Ukrainian military successes and Russian narratives clashed this week, as Moscow’s assertion of inevitable victory flew in the face of facts on the ground.

Ukraine steadily took back control of almost all of its northern city of Kupiansk after isolating Russian forces within it, belying Russian claims to have seized it.

Russian forces were also unable to dislodge Ukrainian defenders from the eastern city of Pokrovsk to back up Moscow’s claims of total control.

And Moscow attempted to deny Ukraine’s successful use of an underwater unmanned vehicle to severely damage a Kilo-class submarine, despite visual evidence.

Ukrainian forces operating in the northern Kharkiv region said they had cut Russian logistics to Kupiansk, surrounded a vanguard of 200 Russians inside it, and cleared Russian forces out of forests north of the city on December 12.

Geolocated footage showed Ukrainian forces advancing in the city the following day and taking back the southern suburb of Yuvileynyi, pushing Russian troops to the northern and western suburbs.

The Russian position had become more precarious by Monday. Ukrainian forces said they prevented reinforcements from entering the city through a gas pipeline, a tactic Russia had used in the siege of Chasiv Yar, and the isolated Russian troops were being supplied solely by drone. Ukraine’s General Staff said its forces were still repelling Russian attacks on Friday.

Russia’s Ministry of Defence insisted it had control of the situation. “Units of the Zapad Group of Forces exercise reliable control over all districts of liberated Kupiansk,” it said on Monday, claiming that Ukraine’s efforts to enter the city from the south were being suppressed.

“The only thing that can be said for sure is that the Russian Armed Forces are still holding part of the centre and north of Kupiansk, but most of it is already either in the grey zone or under the control of the Armed Forces of Ukraine,” wrote a Russian military reporter on the Telegram messaging app.

On Wednesday this week, Colonel General Oleksandr Syrskii, Ukraine’s Army commander-in-chief, told a Ramstein-format of Ukraine’s allies that his forces had taken back 90 percent of Kupiansk. At the same time in Moscow, Russian Defence Minister Andrei Belousov was telling Russian President Vladimir Putin that “the enemy is unsuccessfully trying to regain” the city.

“The Russian Defense Minister, Belousov, continues to lie that Russia controls Kupiansk,” wrote Andrii Kovalenko, head of Ukraine’s Center for Countering Disinformation, on Telegram. “In reality, most of the city is controlled by the Ukrainian Defense Forces, which are continuing to clear it of Russians. However, all of Putin’s officials, from [commander-in-chief Valery] Gerasimov, who was the first to lie about controlling the city, to Belousov, continue to lie in the presence of Putin himself.”

Contrary to the available evidence, Belousov also insisted that Russia had seized Pokrovsk, which Russia calls Krasnoarmeysk, and was on the cusp of vanquishing neighbouring Myrnohrad, which Russia calls Dimitrov. Both towns are in the eastern Donetsk region, and are almost surrounded by Russian forces to the north, south and east.

“Russian soldiers continue to inflict fire damage on Ukrainian troops in Dimitrov, the last stronghold of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in Krasnoarmeysk agglomeration,” Belousov told Putin.

But Syrskii told allies that Ukrainian forces had regained about 16 square kilometres (6 square miles) in the northern part of Pokrovsk and 56sq km (22sq miles) west of the city. “Logistics in Myrnograd are complex, but the operations continue,” he wrote.

Russia had claimed complete control over Pokrovsk on December 2 and was sticking to its story.

Submarine and oil refinery explosions

A third point of contention was Ukraine’s successful use of an underwater unmanned vehicle (UUV) to strike a Russian Kilo-class submarine on Monday (December 15), in what is considered the first such attack in military history.

Video of the Russian fleet at anchor in the port of Novorossiysk on the Black Sea shows a huge explosion in the stern section of the submarine.

Ukraine’s State Security Service later claimed credit for the attack.

However, Russia’s Defence Ministry said: “Not a single ship or submarine as well as the crews of the Black Sea Fleet stationed in the bay of the Novorossiysk naval base were damaged as a result of the sabotage.”

The ministry published footage of what it said was the attacked submarine, in which it appeared undamaged above the surface, but the video did not show the stern section.

Ukraine’s long-range strikes against Russia scored other successes, on which Russia did not comment.

Ukraine struck the oil refinery in Yaroslavl, northeast of Moscow, on December 12. On Sunday, Ukrainian drones struck the Afipsky refinery in Krasnodar Krai and the Uryupinsk oil depot in Volgograd, causing explosions in both locations. They also struck the Dorogobuzhskaya power plant in Smolensk.

United States and Ukrainian negotiating teams met for two days in Berlin on Sunday and Monday. Russian officials said they would be briefed next week on the results of those talks.

But even as it claimed to be interested in ongoing peace negotiations, Russia clearly signalled that it plans to continue aggressive operations next year.

“The key task for the next year is to maintain and increase the pace of the offensive,” said Belousov in Putin’s presence on Wednesday, at an expanded meeting of the Defence Ministry Board.

“It wasn’t us who started the war in 2022; it was the destructive forces in Ukraine, with the support of the West – essentially, the West itself that unleashed this war,” Putin said. “We are only trying to finish it, to put an end to it.”

Putin said “the goals of the special military operation will certainly be achieved,” and “Russia will achieve the liberation of its historical lands by military means,” suggesting there was little room for compromise on Moscow’s side.

Putin’s Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov signalled the same thing in an interview with ABC on Tuesday. He said Europe and Ukraine expected a “deep and very wrong” revision of Russian peace proposals, and ruled out conceding seized Ukrainian land.

“We are not able in any form to compromise on this, because it would be, in our view, a revision of a very fundamental element of our statehood, set forth through our constitution,” Naryshkin said.

Russian losses outpace recruitments

Russia has attempted to give the impression that it has inexhaustible manpower with which to prosecute the war it started in Ukraine.

Belousov said almost 410,000 Russians volunteered for military service, exceeding expectations for 2025.

That translates to 32,800 per month. “Data from the Ukrainian General Staff on Russian losses indicate that Russian forces suffered an average of 34,600 casualties per month between January and November 2025 – suggesting that Belousov’s recruitment numbers are not quite replacing Russian losses,” wrote the Institute for the Study of War, a Washington-based think tank.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy suggested most of these casualties were deaths. “[Putin] spends around 30,000 soldiers’ lives on the front every month. Not wounded – 30,000 killed each month… We have drone footage confirming these deaths,” he told Dutch parliamentarians.

Syrski also doubted Russian recruitment quotas were sufficient.

“The number of Russian troops has long been around 710,000,” he wrote on Telegram. “However, the enemy has not been able to increase this figure, despite active recruitment in Russia, because our soldiers are ‘reducing’ the number of occupiers by a thousand every day through deaths and injuries.”

This little village sits within the stunning North York Moors National Park and is the real-life set for a number of popular TV and film productions – but there’s more than meets the eye

Nestled within the stunning landscape of the North York Moors National Park, this charming village brims with character and boasts surprising connections to the entertainment world.

Goathland sits amid the Yorkshire Moors, crafted as a perfectly English settlement with abundant discoveries awaiting visitors. Most will instantly recognise it from its starring role in the beloved television series Heartbeat, where it’s known as Aidensfield. Debuting in 1992, Heartbeat was a British police drama set in this Yorkshire village during the 1960s. The show proved enormously popular with audiences and enjoyed an impressive television run until its concluding episode in 2010. Yet Heartbeat’s finale wasn’t Goathland’s last moment in the spotlight, as it became a key filming location for the Harry Potter movie series.

Indeed, the picturesque railway station served as Hogsmeade Station throughout the films and boasts a fascinating heritage of its own. It stands as a treasured piece of history along the North Yorkshire Moors Railway (NYMR) heritage route, celebrated for its authentic Victorian architecture from the 1800s, drawing countless visitors eager to witness these features.

The location serves as a paradise for train enthusiasts, with the railway operator providing various steam journeys featuring breathtaking trips across the moorland. A recent visitor to the station shared on TripAdvisor: “We enjoyed travelling on the steam trains and made some very special memories. We found all the staff (many of which are volunteers) to be very friendly and more than willing to chat and share stories of the railway. We thoroughly enjoyed our time visiting and would recommend.”

Beyond the station, this charming village boasts an enviable location, nestled near Whitby whilst bordering tranquil countryside. This makes it the perfect retreat for those eager to discover the great outdoors, particularly within Dalby Forest. The park encompasses a staggering 8,500 acres of terrain that provides breathtaking vistas, countless hiking paths and cycling routes for those wanting to explore the region. Part of this includes the Dalby Activity Centre, which boasts an array of adrenaline-fuelled pursuits and several Go Ape courses to challenge your adventurous spirit.

Other delightful features of this concealed village treasure include its nearness to Thomason Foss, a charming small waterfall providing a peaceful stroll and spot for a wild dip during summer.Afterwards, when keen ramblers seek somewhere to pause for a swift drink, they’ll frequently end up at The Goathland Hotel Bar.

Alternatively, guests can unwind with a brew at the traditional village tea rooms, which one recent guest described as a “great find”. They commented: “Excellent food and service, Would thoroughly recommend to anyone visiting Goathland. Plenty of tables to accommodate all sized parties and allowing well behaved dogs is a bonus.”

IT was the year when those noisy Mancunian brothers brought the Britpop Nineties back to packed stadiums everywhere.

It was the year when Pulp made a charming first album in 24 years, with Jarvis Cocker singing about getting older with a wry smile on his face.

But I contest that one band from the era has been the most forward-facing, the most creative and the most kick-ass – Suede.

Which is why their vibrant, visceral, unflinching and wildly adventurous Antidepressants is our Album Of The Year.

Back in September to mark its release, frontman Brett Anderson told me: “We’ve fallen in love with being a rock band again.” And this week I caught up with him again to impart some good news . . . 

Congratulations! Antidepressants is the SFTW Album Of The Year. Does that make you happy?

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Thank you. Very!

In all the years of Suede, where does 2025 rank?

Right up there. Somewhere between 2024 and 2026.

What have been the highlights of the year for you?

The South Bank takeover gigs in September were great – playing those new songs live for the first time was special.

I particularly enjoyed the Clore Ballroom show where we just did post-reformation stuff.

I thought that was an exciting and fairly unique thing to do for a band of our generation.

Also, I just love the South Bank. Walking over the footbridge from Embankment tube and looking at the skyline always gives me a sense of awe, a feeling of London being this big, beautiful, living thing.

Which of the new songs have you enjoyed singing live the most?

June Rain has a nice dynamic and slow sense of build which works great live. Plus the first half is spoken-word so I get to sit down a bit.

I personally think the album’s opening song Disintegrate should be the Christmas No.1 . . . do you agree?

Ha! Yes, love it. A kind of resolutely unseasonal Christmas song full of dread and fear.

Which album, aside from Suede’s, has been your favourite this year and why?

I liked Sprints’ All That Is Over. It was sharp and shouty and brainy and brash. (Sprints are an Irish garage punk band).

You told me that Suede are “the anti-nostalgia band”. What keeps you facing forwards rather than reflecting on the past (unlike some of your peers)?

Hmmm, huge question. I’ve always thought the point of any artist was to create rather than to repeat and consolidate.

That search for the next great song, the next great album, the next great moment has always been the carrot I’ve chased.

I come from a fiscally poor but culturally rich family background. My mum was an artist and a dressmaker and my dad was a classical music-obsessed taxi driver who made our furniture.

When I was a kid, we didn’t have any money, so if you wanted something you made it yourself.

I’m much less interested in what I wrote 30 years ago than in what I’m going to write next.

Have you started work on the third album of Suede’s “black and white” trilogy, following Autofiction and Antidepressants?

Yes, we’ve written a handful of songs already. I want it to be harder and more extreme than Antidepressants, a relentless onslaught, incessant and uncompromising and very rhythmic.

I already have a title which I’m keeping secret.

You also spoke to me of the importance of family relationships. Does that mean Christmas is a special time for you?

My family and my band are of course so, so important to me and in many ways they feed into each other. It’s hard to write about family without coming across as schmaltzy but luckily I can find the cloud in any silver lining.

Among my favourite songs I’ve ever written are Life Is Golden and She Still Leads Me On which have both been inspired by fatherhood and family.

And yes, Christmas is especially great when you have kids.

Happily though, now my son is older, there’s less pressure for me to dress up in a Santa suit.

What are your hopes for 2026 – for you, your family, the band, and for humankind?

For the band to write a great follow-up to Antidepressants and for humankind to stop scrolling. My hope for myself is always the same – to be a good husband and father.

2. ROSALIA

Lux

THE Spanish star known for her reinvention of ­folk and flamenco turned her attention to more bombastic, classical genres on this fourth album.

Backed by the London Symphony Orchestra it was a lavish production sung in a variety of languages. Bonkers but brilliant. JS 

People Watching

WITH its widescreen ambition, driving intensity and visceral lyrics, songs about “the human experience” couldn’t fail to draw comparisons with Fender’s “biggest hero”, Bruce Springsteen.

But it also marked the Geordie’s coming of age as a major artist in his own right. SC 

4. ROBERT PLANT with SUZI DIAN

Saving Grace

FOR six years, Led Zeppelin legend Plant has surrounded himself with acoustic musicians who live near his Worcestershire home, singer Dian among them.

Together, they gave us a ravishing mix of trad and contemporary covers. Rarely has he sounded so sublime. SC 

5. BIFFY CLYRO 

Futique 

A REFLECTIVE album shaped by friendship, family and loss, it captured Biffy Clyro at their most emotionally open.

Goodbye explored mental health, while A Thousand And One and Two People In Love delivered some of the most moving moments. JS 

6. MARGO PRICE 

Hard Headed Woman

FURTHER proof that Price tells it like it is. This was a stirring return to her country roots, following the trippy rock textures of Strays.

It drew comparisons with her beloved debut, Midwest Farmer’s Daughter, but was inspired by another decade of life experience. SC 

7. TURNSTILE

Never Enough

THIS fourth album from the hardcore punks from Baltimore, known for their energetic live shows, crossed into the mainstream.

The title track had a catchy chorus and melodic guitar breaks while at its heart there was still an uncompromising mandate to rock out. JS 

8. THE DIVINE COMEDY

Rainy Sunday Afternoon

WE’VE long been intrigued by Neil Hannon – not just because he once wrote a song called Something For The Weekend.

These 11 tracks assumed a reflective tone, with love and loss prominent themes, and featured some of Hannon’s most sumptuous tunes. SC 

9. YUNGBLUD

Idols

THIS album sees Yungblud questioning hero worship and identity after a life-changing encounter with a fan.

Inspired by Britpop, it’s his most confident work yet, opening with a nine-minute rock opera and driven by limitless self-belief and ambition. JS 

10. LADY GAGA

Mayhem 

GAGA proved why we loved her in the first place, returning to her dance-pop roots.

She recalled the vibe of her 2008 debut The Fame yet delivered an album for the here and now.

It was marked out by strong singles Abracadabra and Disease. SC 

11. GEESE

Getting Killed

THIS was a case of do believe the hype. With mesmerising singer Cameron Winter at the helm, Brooklyn’s indie rock saviours might channel The Strokes, The Stones, or even Nirvana, but they’re too weird and original to be slaves to their influences.

On the brink of greatness. SC 

12. JACOB ALON

In Limerence

FEW debuts arrived so perfectly formed as this one featuring the tender storytelling of Scottish singer Alon.

With an impossibly pure voice which sat somewhere between Bon Iver and Thom Yorke, it was full of fragile hope.

Vulnerable and haunting ambient soundscapes. JS 

13. PULP

More

JARVIS and Co’s first album in 24 years was dedicated to dear departed bassist Steve Mackey – and it summoned the old mischief. “I am not ageing.

No, I’m just ripening,” cried the singer on Grown Ups, a song filled with lyrical twists and turns. SC 

14. CMAT

Euro-Country

WITH songs about Teslas and Jamie Oliver, there was a quirky, kitsch element to Ciara Mary-Alice Thompson’s third album.

It also plumbed deeper depths of emotional pain but was allied to soft pop melodies.

Issues tackled included social media and objectification. JS 

15. MATT BERNINGER

Get Sunk

TALL, elegant, blessed with a sumptuous baritone, The National’s frontman and lyricist is an, er, National treasure.

But he managed to save wonderfully evocative songs for his second solo outing, including the intoxicating ebb and flow of opener Inland Ocean. SC 

16. DAVE

The Boy Who Played The Harp

HIS first album in four years found Dave drawing on the power of his biblical namesake King David to explore vulnerability and masculinity.

With James Blake’s ghostly production on Selfish and Chapter 16 (ft. Kano), it struck a reflective mood. JS 

17. JASON ISBELL

Foxes In The Snow

THE Alabama-born artist recorded his latest offering without his ace band, the 400 Unit, but with an old acoustic guitar for company.

“This is the first time I’ve done an album with just me and a guitar,” he told SFTW of the exquisite, stripped-back song cycle. SC  

18. BILLY NOMATES 

Metalhorse 

METALHORSE emerged from a personal, tumultuous period for Tor Maries.

A loose concept album set in a dilapidated funfair it featured radio hit The Test, while Strange Gift offered hope.

Closing song Moon Explodes was especially moving, written after Maries’ MS diagnosis. JS 

19. BIG THIEF

Double Infinity

FEW vocalists could handle the word “incomprehensible” like Adrianne Lenker on this LP’s fuzzy joy of an opening track.

Though the indie darlings have contracted to a three piece, there was nothing shrinking about their fearless, exilharating sonic adventure .SC  

20. OLIVIA DEAN

The Art Of Loving

MELLOW and sumptuous, the second album from the stylish Londoner was smooth soul to relax into.

Tracks such as Nice To Each Other and Lady Lady were warm and all-enveloping, exploring affairs of the heart with a particular emphasis on self-care. JS 

21. LILY ALLEN

West End Girl

LILY’S fifth album, the first in seven years, was also her most vulnerable and intensely personal.

It came after her split from actor husband David Harbour and the songs laid it all out in heartbreakingly painful detail.

Infidelity and betrayal were constant themes. JS 

22. BON IVER

Sable, Fable

DIVIDED into two distinct halves, the first was an understated return to the folky stylings of Justin Vernon’s wintery debut album, For Emma, Forever Ago.

The second blossomed into more upbeat territory, primed for glorious spring sunshine. SC  

23. THE WATERBOYS

Life, Death And Dennis Hopper

MIKE Scott took us on a wild ride with this 25-track album celebrating “one of the great American lives”, actor and hellraiser Dennis Hopper.

He summoned a blizzard of musical styles and included cameos from Bruce Springsteen, Steve Earle and Fiona Apple. SC  

24. AFRICA EXPRESS 

Bahidora 

EVEN before Blur completed their reunion gigs, Damon Albarn headed to the Mexican jungle with a dizzying array of 70-plus artists from four continents.

The result? A thrilling mash-up of African rhythms, electronic textures, Latin soul, rock, hip hop – everything! SC  

25. MAVIS STAPLES

Sad And Beautiful World

SHE bears one of the greatest living voices . . .  and it remained in towering form.

Well into her Eighties, Staples tackled our uncertain world with unerring compassion.

Guests included Buddy Guy, Bonnie Raitt, Wilco’s Jeff Tweedy and Bon Iver’s Justin Vernon. SC  

26. BRANDI CARLILE

Returning To Myself 

THIS record found Brandi in an introspective, stripped-back mood after a landmark year.

Working with Aaron Dessner, Andrew Watt and Justin Vernon, the album reconnected her with loneliness, self-belief and politics, from the reflective title track to the powerful Church & State. JS  

27. WOLF ALICE

The Clearing

THE fourth album from the Brit award winners was a grandiose affair, a bold and confident leap forward.

Tracks like Bloom Baby Bloom incorporated all their strengths with bombastic choruses and lush melodies, showcasing Ellie Rowsell’s exceptional rock vocal range. JS 

28. STEREOLAB

Instant Holograms On Metal Film

A STRONG return after 15 years from the much-loved Anglo-French combo.

Led, as ever, by Tim Gane and Laetitia Sadier, the album revisited their distinctive blend of art-pop and motorik beats, really hitting the mark on the effervescent Electrified Teenybop! SC  

29. RICHARD ASHCROFT

Lovin’ You

ASHCROFT’S first album of new music since 2018 arrived after he supported Oasis on tour.

From the Joan Armatrading-sampled Lover to the title track, which sampled Mason Williams’ 1968 Classical Gas, it was a vocally focused, emotionally wide record. JS 

30. WET LEG

Moisturizer

MORPHING from duo to fully-fledged band, the follow-up to their debut album was still as oddball as ever, but it came with a tighter focus.

Tracks like Davina McCall and Jennifer’s Body were heartfelt, kooky love songs backed by ragged, punky basslines. JS  

31. SOMBR

I Barely Know Her

A SPECIAL debut full of heartbreak from the bedroom pop star who quit school to make music.

His melancholy voice accompanied by his own guitar, bass and keyboards and drums, made this magical, with Dime and disco-tinged 12 To 12 emerging as standouts. JS 

32. MOLLY TUTTLE

So Long Little Miss Sunshine

THE Grammy-winning singer forged her reputation at the forefront of the bluegrass revival.

Now she has spread her wings with this ravishing work of myriad styles. It also provided her with the confidence to be open about her alopecia. SC  

33. TOM GRENNAN

Everywhere I Went, Led Me To Where I Didn’t Want To Be

THE down-to-earth singer from Bedford laid his feelings bare on this reflective fourth album shaped by growth, friendship and vulnerability.

It balanced anthemic pop with emotional depth, from Shadowboxing to Boys Don’t Cry. JS 

34. TAYLOR SWIFT

The Life Of A Showgirl

RECORDED in stolen moments during the record-shattering Eras tour, it found Swift reflecting on love and life in the spotlight after falling for NFL star Travis Kelce.

Working with Max Martin and Shellback, it was polished, theatrical pop with self-aware glamour and emotional insight. JS 

35. JOHN FOGERTY

Legacy: The Creedence Clearwater Revival Years

FOGERTY celebrated the recent end of his decades-long fight to get his publishing rights back.

It meant he could belt out timeless hits Proud Mary, Born On The Bayou, Bad Moon Rising and Up Around The Bend with unbridled joy rather than lingering bitterness. SC  

36. MIDLAKE

A Bridge To Far

BEST remembered for their second record, 2006’s The Trials Of Van Occupanther, these enduring Texans rekindled their love of melody-rich folk rock. Two decades on, A Bridge To Far might just have been their best since that hallowed album. SC 

37. TATE MCRAE

So Close To What

THE Canadian singer’s third album was slick and polished futuristic pop and highlighted her journey from teenage dancer to arena-selling pop princess.

Tracks like Purple Lace Bra were multilayered with beats, synths and strings, and created a sultry, sizzling mood. JS 

38. BEIRUT

A Study Of Losses

FOLLOWING Zach Condon’s sortie to the Arctic Circle for 2023’s exquisite Hadsel came this work of unerring beauty.

The 11 songs and seven instrumentals, spanning nearly an hour, struck a melancholy tone but they left a lasting and profound impression. SC 

39. ALISON KRAUSS & UNION STATION

Arcadia

TO Robert Plant’s duet pal Krauss, her latest project was “like stepping into an old pair of shoes”.

Her first album with her virtuoso bluegrass band since 2011 evoked bygone times, while still connecting with 21st Century listeners. SC

40. TOM SMITH

There Is Nothing In The Dark That Isn’t There In The Light

AFTER 20 years fronting Editors and two records with Andy Burrows, Tom Smith stepped out on his own.

His first solo album stripped everything back to the core of his songwriting, capturing the honesty, anxiety and hope that shaped this new chapter. JS 

41. FKA TWIGS 

Eusexua 

THE album title was a made-up word taken from euphoria and sexual to describe “a feeling so intense it transcended the human form”. 

And it lived up to its name.

On the arty, left field side of electronica, this third record was her most complete and satisfying. JS 

42. THE DELINES

Mr Luck & Ms Doom

WHEN ex-Richmond Fontaine frontman Willy Vlautin (lyricist/guitarist in this band) is involved, you tend to get songs with disturbing narratives about people from the wrong side of the tracks.

This firmly ticked that box – and then there was Amy Boone’s enriching, expressive vocals. SC 

43. DAVID BYRNE

Who Is The Sky?

THE world may be going to hell in a handcart, but at least Talking Heads legend Byrne kept a smile on his face.

That was the vibe you get from his latest effort, most notably on rousing opening track Everybody Laughs, which came with a cameo from longtime collaborator St Vincent. SC 

44. BLOOD ORANGE

Essex Honey

ECLECTIC and imbued with an aching sense of loss and nostalgia, Dev Hynes’ fifth album as Blood Orange was an exploration of his upbringing in London.

A collection of memories recalled through spindly indie, jazz, chunky beats and evocative soundscapes. JS 

45. DAMIANO DAVID

Funny Little Fears

FOR Maneskin’s Damiano David, this felt the right moment for a solo album, revealing a more personal, previously hidden side.

It was less rocky than Maneskin, confronting fear and identity through piano-led pop inspired by Keane, The Killers, and Elton John. JS 

46. RON SEXSMITH

Hangover Terrace

THE Canadian has assembled a fine body of work, marked out by sumptuous melodies and perceptive lyrics.

He returned with one of his strongest collections.

Recorded in London, the album visited his childhood, his current concerns and much more in between. SC 

47. MY MORNING JACKET

Is

SINGER Jim James hoped the band’s genre-hopping tenth album would help people “navigate the chaos in the world”. 

If the overall vibe was psychedelic rock with plenty of reverb, MMJ employed elements of pop, country, soul, reggae, you name it. SC 

48. ETHEL CAIN

Willoughby Tucker, I’ll Always Love You

FEW artists have been able to express the intimate, sometimes painful, feelings about first love as well as the singer from Florida.

Evoking a haunting, Southern gothic atmosphere, her ambient rock sound-scapes framed a raw, heartfelt song cycle. SC 

49. CAR SEAT HEADREST

The Scholars

THE career trajectory of Will Toledo is nothing short of breathtaking.

He started out making lo-fi DIY albums in his parents’ car and now, as frontman of a fully fledged band, he made this crazily ambitious rock opera in the vein of Tommy or Ziggy Stardust. SC 

50. ADDISON RAE

Addison

THE debut album from the former TikTok star, who rose to popularity with her dance videos, broke the code.

Stepping confidently beyond influencer fame, she moved into sleek, self-aware pop.

Playful hooks and glossy production balanced vulnerability and attitude. JS 

IF the Beckhams expected a heartwarming reunion with their oldest son for Christmas, they could be disappointed.

Recent efforts to reach out to estranged Brooklyn — who has been missing from all the family’s milestones this year — appear to have been met with a frosty reception.

It is fast approaching 12 months since the rift began, but David and Victoria remain optimistic that their icy relationship might still thaw.

The couple had plenty to celebrate in 2025, including David’s long-awaited knighthood and 50th birthday, and Victoria’s Netflix documentary and booming fashion and beauty brand.

However, 26-year-old Brooklyn was absent from them all. In fact, he has not been pictured with his family since Christmas last year.

This week, his brother Cruz, 20, tried to bridge the divide by sharing throwback snaps on Instagram. One showed Brooklyn with an arm around his youngest sibling on a beach in Brazil when they were little.

And last month, their grandmother Jackie left a sweet comment with a heart emoji under one of Brooklyn’s social media posts.

Overnight, David also shared an old snap of him winning the MLS Cup when he played for LA Galaxy.

But so far, Brooklyn has failed to respond. And his most recent online post made no mention of the rest of the Beckham clan.

He was the only member of the family not celebrating last week when David lifted the MLS Cup again — this time as co-owner of Inter Miami.

If the chance to hang out with the squad’s superstar striker Lionel Messi did not tempt him to turn up, few things will.

David and Victoria are not giving up on reconciling with Brooklyn and his wife Nicola Peltz, 30.

Speaking exclusively to The Sun, a Beckham insider tells us Victoria, who is also mum to Harper, 14, and Romeo, 23, is still struggling to make sense of the fallout.

But ever the showwoman, she is focusing on keeping things merry and bright for the rest of the clan.

We are told: “Victoria is determined not to let the argument with Brooklyn ruin Christmas, even though she is absolutely heartbroken by it.

“It’s been a year since they last all saw each other and it’s something she will never come to terms with.

“But she won’t let it get her down over the festive period as she needs to be strong, especially for Harper, as well as her parents and David’s parents.

“They have done nothing in all of this, but it seems like they’re the ones being punished the most.”

Last month, Victoria shared a photo of her mum Jackie’s fireplace adorned with stockings. Each bore the name of one of her grandchildren — including Brooklyn, who has reportedly cut his grandparents out of his life, too.

Victoria is determined not to let the argument with Brooklyn ruin Christmas, even though she is absolutely heartbroken by it

Insider

Days later, David’s mum Sandra left a comment under a festive social media post Brooklyn had shared. In it, he was seen wrapping up a bottle of his own hot sauce brand, Cloud23, to which Sandra replied, “That for me” alongside a heart emoji.

Her question went unanswered, but followers flocked to the comment section begging Brooklyn to reach out to his family before it’s too late.

One raged: “Go and see your parents . . . you only get one set and that’s it,” while another simply said, “Ring your mother!”

Victoria may be famous for not smiling, but now, in a bid to keep the family’s spirits up, she’s plastering on a big one.

Our source said: “Brooklyn spent so much time with her parents Jackie and Tony for the first few years of his life and they had such a special bond, while Sandra looked after him so much growing up. It’s awful they no longer have that close relationship.

“Harper really misses her big brother and Nicola. Victoria is hoping that Brooklyn at least calls his grandparents over Christmas. She’s given up on him calling her.”

We are told that, as usual, the family will spend Christmas Day surrounded by loved ones at their £12million Cotswolds pile.

“They feel it’s a case of the more, the merrier, as it’s then less obvious that Brooklyn isn’t there,” our source revealed.

It’s safe to say that no one could have predicted how bitter things would get this time last year. Granted, there had been simmering tensions between Brooklyn and Nicola and his family since their wedding in 2022.

At the time, there was confusion over Nicola’s decision to wear a Valentino gown instead of one designed by her mother-in-law. It was later claimed Victoria offered to dress her son’s bride, then backed out.

Deafeningly silent

Nicola was also apparently devastated at the reception when the Beckhams’ pal, singer Marc Anthony, referred to Victoria as “the beautiful woman in the room”.

Despite the rumoured tension that followed, Nicola and Brooklyn continued to represent the family brand for a while. But that support is gone.

In May, Brooklyn and Nicola — who live in a $16million Los Angeles mansion — failed to attend David’s birthday celebrations or even acknowledge his 50th online.

She won’t let it get her down over the festive period as she needs to be strong, especially for Harper, as well as her parents and David’s parents

Insider

Brooklyn also did not wish his mum a happy birthday a month earlier, but posted gushing tributes to Nicola, including the pointed comment: “I always choose you, baby.”

Likewise, he stayed deafeningly silent when David was finally awarded his knighthood in June, and snubbed November’s investiture.

Brooklyn also failed to give a nod to Victoria’s Netflix documentary, Victoria Beckham, which came out in October. That month, she debuted her spring 2026 collection at Paris Fashion Week, again without her eldest son’s backing.

But by all accounts, Brooklyn’s biggest two-fingered salute to his parents had to be his very lavish, very loud, vows renewal in August.

According to insiders, he did not even tell them about the event, which was held at his in-laws’ mega-mansion in New York.

Nicola’s billionaire father Nelson Peltz presided over it, and the bride wore her mother Claudia’s wedding dress. The message was clear: They’ve officially jumped off the Beckham bandwagon.

To that end, there have even been whispers in recent weeks that Brooklyn and Nicola — who both go by double-barrelled Peltz-Beckham — are planning to drop the Beckham from their surname.

Nepo baby Brooklyn has long capitalised from his famous family name — and Nicola, who was not that well known before marrying him, has benefitted from it, too.

They don’t need the Beckham name any more and they would like any future babies to be Peltzes

Insider

Her family’s wealth, estimated at $1.7billion, may eclipse the Beckhams’ £500million fortune, but her in-laws’ social cache in showbiz circles has opened myriad doors to the aspiring actress and model.

But now it is feared they are determined to cut ties for good.

‘Ultimate insult’

An insider told Heat magazine: “They both feel their double-barrelled name is associated with the feud and they want to move on.

“They don’t need the Beckham name any more and they would like any future babies to be Peltzes.

“Obviously, it would be the ultimate insult to David and Victoria — they’ve spent nearly 30 years building up Brand Beckham and, if Brooklyn dropped the family name, there would be no going back.

“It feels like he’d be making their current estrangement permanent.”

Ironically, despite the documentary, plus TV and podcast chats, showing Victoria’s more authentic side, she is having to stay tight-lipped about her personal anguish.

However, amid the turmoil, she has been wowing the US, popping up on late-night talk show Watch What Happens Live and featuring on podcast Call Her Daddy.

The Beckhams famously lived in LA when David played football there but, while well received by the celebrity jet-set, they never fully found their footing, with Victoria still carrying the mantle of a WAG.

Now, though, the US is taking her seriously as a fashion designer, beauty impresario and a pop icon with a wicked sense of humour, which she would no doubt love to celebrate with her whole family.

After Christmas, we are told the Beckhams will head to Bath for Holly Ramsay and Adam Peaty’s wedding on the 27th.

They are long-time pals with the bride’s family — Gordon Ramsay, and his wife Tana, plus their six children. But while the Ramsays were all there to see Brooklyn and Nicola say “I do”, it’s unlikely they’ll return the favour.

The fact Olympian Adam’s mum Caroline is banned from the nuptials amid a fallout will no doubt resonate with David and Victoria.

Still, some Beckham fans reckon there is still hope of a reconciliation. Firstly, Brooklyn’s stocking on his grandma’s fireplace proves that he will always have a place in the family.

Then, Cruz’s memories of the siblings as kids may hint he is mellowing after backing his parents and, along with brother Romeo, unfollowing Brooklyn on Instagram.

He has also lashed out at whispers the row erupted as Romeo was dating Brooklyn’s ex, Kim Turnbull — rumours she strongly denied.

Still, the question remains: Will Brooklyn take his cue and bury the hatchet for good? All signs so far point to a stubbornness that’s set to continue into the new year.

Brooklyn has made it clear that Nicola is his priority and, with her also showing little interest in a reconciliation, Victoria knows rooting for a reunion could be futile.

Then again, there’s always hope of a Christmas miracle.

WHEN Helen Flanagan and Scott Sinclair split after 13 years, they vowed to keep things amicable for the sake of their young kids.

But it was not long before the dynamic of the celebrity couple’s co-parenting soon began to show signs of strain.

The former Corrie actress blamed petty squabbles and communication issues, yet still remained tight-lipped about her ex.

But overnight, tensions between the pair appear to have hit DEFCON 1.

Helen, 35, flipped her lid when she spotted photos of Scott, 36, living the high life at the Grand Prix in Abu Dhabi, skipping their four-year-old son’s Christmas nativity play.

Lashing out online at the retired Bristol Rovers footballer, she raged: “You really are a piece of s**t,” ­sharing Scott’s Instagram post.

“How dare you not turn up to ­Charlie’s nativity,” she added.

Scott had posted snaps from his VIP weekend in the United Arab Emirates where he watched Lando Norris secure his maiden Drivers’ Championship title.

Standing in front of a huge F1 sign, he posed gleefully, tagging the post “What a weekend — Abu Dhabi F1.” He added: “Happy Days, blurry nights.”

Meanwhile, Helen shared a sweet snap of her cuddling their young son, captioning it: “Loved Charlie’s nativity. My star, my heartbeat.”

But when she spotted Scott’s jet- setting post, her blood boiled.

Now sources have told The Sun that Helen’s ex’s decision to skip ­Charlie’s school performance was just the tip of the iceberg — a culmination of bad behaviour that has left the telly star fuming.

The former couple share daughters Matilda, ten, Delilah, seven, and four-year-old son Charlie.

Yesterday Helen was spotted looking stony-faced while heading to her latest panto performance in Liverpool, where she is starring as The Wicked Queen in a production of Snow White.

A pal told The Sun: “Helen’s livid with Scott’s behaviour. He’s thinking about himself, not his children.

“She said, ‘I’m done letting him treat his family like this’. At the end of the day Helen is the mother of his kids. He needs to show more respect.”

Another pal said: “Helen is working full-time at the moment in panto so was expecting Scott to cover the nativity and go for her, as she has a lot on her plate and he is retired.

“When he didn’t bother, she wasn’t happy and took to her social media to vent her frustration and make a point.

“Their relationship is difficult at times — co-parenting is hard.”

Boys’ trips

Meanwhile another source close to the couple blames newly single Scott for embracing his “Hot Boy Winter” moment, leaving his family to ­suffer.

“Ever since Scott became single again things started to go downhill,” the source said.

“It’s been an incredibly testing few months for Helen, who feels like she is busting a gut and Scott doesn’t seem to get it.

“To make matters worse he is having the children for Christmas this year, which is another blow.”

Last year The Sun told how Scott was dating family friend Lauren Davies, 32, who is from his home city of Bath.

Things were going well up until the start of this year, when they are said to have decided they were better off as friends.

The source said: “Helen really liked Lauren and thought she was really good for Scotty.

You really are a piece of s***. How dare you not turn up to ­Charlie’s nativity

Helen on Instagram

“She has great values and felt it was important that Scott sees his kids and she wanted everyone to get along.

“But since their split, Scott hasn’t been present. He is constantly showing off his wealth online — with his extravagant boys’ trips. It’s a bit of a kick in the teeth.”

According to pals, tensions between Helen and Scott are so bad that the pair have blocked each other on WhatsApp, only communicating through family members.

The Sun also understands Scott wants to sell the £1.5million family home near Bolton and move Helen and the kids into a smaller property.

The eight-bedroom house went on the market in June, but Helen is standing firm. One pal said: “Scott is trying to sell the family home, but Helen has moved six times since Matilda was born.

“And because she is refusing to uproot the children, he’s stopped some of the money he was giving her for the kids. She’s fuming.

“The house is right next to her mum and dad, who take care of the kids while Helen works.

“Scott’s retired so he could have them, but he’s swanning around in Dubai and London and flashing it all over Instagram.

“At the same time he is claiming he can’t afford to give her the money, but he goes and blows £20,000 on the F1.”

Helen’s livid with Scott’s behaviour. He’s thinking about himself, not his children

A pal

The pal said Christmas will be particularly hard for Helen without her kids.

They said: “She is working full-time at the panto and dealing with the kids, with no help from Scott.

“Then he’ll have them at Christmas and post it all over Instagram, claiming to be dad of the year. He’s picking and choosing when he wants to help, but parenting doesn’t work like that.

“Helen has supported him for his whole football career and moved all over the country, but she’s adamant that she doesn’t want to uproot the kids and cause more disruption in their lives.”

This comes after Helen signed up to star in reality TV show Celebrity Ex On The Beach, in which she intends to “cause fireworks”.

Last month we revealed she was abroad filming scenes — and will not be holding back when it comes to getting what she wants.

Number blocked

It is not the first time the couple’s co-parenting relation- ship has been tested, with Helen previously saying Scott had her number blocked on his phone.

In October 2024 she told a podcast: “I’m on block at the moment on Scott’s phone. I really am. I’m on block.” However, she later said that the couple were on speaking terms so that they could co-parent their brood.

To make matters worse he is having the children for Christmas this year, which is another blow

Source

But in recent months things appear to have taken a turn again, as Helen hinted at trouble.

Earlier this month she told The Sun: “He lives in Somerset and I live in Lancashire. So we live so far away from each other, which is really difficult when you’ve got three young children.

“I hate calling it co-parenting because I don’t really feel like a co-parent, to be honest with you.”

Reflecting on their split in 2024, Helen told The Sun: “It was a mutual decision and personally, I felt as a mum that this was the best thing for my children.

“I want them to see healthy relationships and to be in healthy environments. I think if you’re unhappy then that projects on to them.”

She added: “I love Scott and I know that he loves me, but I suppose we just don’t like each other very much at the moment.

“We don’t really speak and there’s no point in pretending that we’re the best of friends when we’re not.”

Both Helen and Scott were approached for comment.

Yemen’s separatist Southern Transitional Council (STC) is trying to create facts on the ground with its recent advances in the country’s eastern governorates of Hadramout and al-Mahra.

Its military push this month highlights that Yemen’s conflict – ongoing for more than a decade – cannot be reduced to one simply between the internationally recognised government and the Houthis. Instead, an overlapping map of influence is evident on the ground with de facto authorities competing over security, resources and representation.

At the heart of these changes is the STC, backed by a regional power, which now stands as the most powerful actor in Yemen’s south and parts of its east at a time when the government’s ability to impose unified administration over the whole country is distant and the economy is suffering.

In this context comes what the Yemeni government has said is the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF’s) decision to suspend activities in the country. While the IMF has not publicly commented on the topic, President Rashad al-Alimi, the head of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council, warned on Sunday that the decision was a “wake-up call” and an early signal of the cost of the STC’s security and military escalation in Hadramout and al-Mahra.

Al-Alimi stressed that Yemen’s economic circumstances – the country is the poorest in the region and has suffered immensely during the war – cannot withstand any new tensions. He added that the security instability in eastern Yemen would immediately affect the distribution of salaries, fuel and services and international donor confidence.

The solution, according to al-Alimi, is for the withdrawal of forces who have arrived in Hadramout and al-Mahra from outside the two governorates, calling it a necessary step to contain tensions and restore a path of trust with the international community.

But that economic warning cannot be understood in isolation from the shift in power in eastern Yemen, where competition for influence has become a direct factor in generating tension that leaves donors wary.

A new balance of power

The STC is clear that its goal is ultimately the secession of the territories in Yemen – its south and east – that formerly made up the country of South Yemen before unification in 1990.

It is opposed to the Houthis, who control Yemen’s capital, Sanaa, and much of Yemen’s populous northwest, and the STC’s leader, Aidarous al-Zubaidi, has a seat on the government’s Presidential Leadership Council, officially as one of its vice chairmen.

The STC and government forces have previously fought, most notably in 2018 and 2019, in Aden and its surrounding governorates.

Its current expansion eastwards, focused on government forces and those affiliated with them, is part of that ongoing division in the anti-Houthi camp but one that redraws the balance of power within it, turning resource-rich Hadramout and al-Mahra into a multiparty arena of competition.

There are three concurrent trends that are emerging as a result: the expansion of STC forces with regional support, a desire by local and tribal forces – independent of the STC – to solidify their presence and the clearly limited tools the government has to confront its rivals.

The result is the further fragmentation of the state on three interconnected levels.

Politically, there is fragmentation within the same anti-Houthi camp with multiple decision-making centres. The government and regional actors are finding it more difficult to unify security and administrative policies, and the idea of a single “chain of command” controlling territory under anti-Houthi control has been eroded.

Geographically, new lines of contact have now been formed. Whereas lines of control were previously between the Houthis and government forces, they are now between Houthi and STC forces as well as grey areas contested by local and tribal forces and multiple military groups.

And then there is fragmentation on the representative level with mounting disputes over who actually speaks for the south and Hadramout and the practical decline of the concept of a single state as a sovereign framework for managing resources and institutions.

In Hadramout and al-Mahra, the fragmentation is particularly sensitive as both governorates include important border crossings with Saudi Arabia and Oman and also have a long coastline with routes tied to trade, smuggling and irregular migration.

Any imbalance here does not remain local; it quickly spills over into the region.

Economy hostage to security

The IMF’s suspension of activities carries not only financial implications but also a political reading that the security and institutional environments no longer provide sufficient conditions for sustaining support programmes.

The Yemeni state relies heavily on its own limited resources and fragile external support, so any disruption in resource areas, ports or supply routes translates into immediate pressure on livelihoods.

The latest military developments increase pressure on the exchange rate and the government’s ability to meet its financial obligations and widen the trust gap between society and the state, prompting non-institutional alternatives based on levies and loyalties.

And it will shrink the room for the government to manoeuvre, meaning the government has to take into account the cost of any escalation because any military move increases an economic bill that it cannot pay and drains what remains of the government’s ability to manage services.

Now that the impression has taken root that Yemen has turned into “islands of influence”, some external actors may be inclined to deal directly with de facto local authorities at the expense of the government, weakening the political centre rather than helping it to strengthen.

That is why the latest developments are so important if not existential to the government and al-Alimi. His call for the withdrawal of outside forces from Hadramout and al-Mahra is part of an attempt to stop the deterioration of trust in Yemen and to present the government once again as capable of controlling the other parties in the anti-Houthi camp if reasonable political and economic conditions are provided.

Houthis gain while rivals stay divided

The Houthis, who overthrew the government in Sanaa in a coup in 2014, have benefitted from the developments in Hadramout and al-Mahra even without being directly involved.

Every struggle for influence in areas outside the group’s control gives it clear gains, including the disintegration of the front opposing it and its rivals being preoccupied by internal conflicts rather than by the Houthis themselves.

In the anti-Houthi camp, the notion of a united front recedes every time a military confrontation between its components takes place, and the discussion shifts from confronting the Houthis to disputes over power and resources within the same camp.

The divisions within the anti-Houthi camp and the regional dimension to them also allow the Houthis to reinforce their narrative that their rivals are working within competing foreign agendas, as opposed to the Houthis, who portray themselves as independent actors able to carry out their own decisions.

Moreover, the recent conflict and its consequences ultimately improve the Houthis’ negotiating position now that the other side is even more fragmented and weak. The Houthis will enter any upcoming settlement from a more cohesive organisational and administrative position, raising the ceiling of their conditions.

The Houthis may have their own economic and social tensions, but divisions among their enemies give them extra time to sustain the war economy and their instruments of control over it and over the people they rule.

Rising risks, domestic and regional

The current course of events in Yemen elevates a number of overlapping risks.

Domestically, there is the possibility of front lines turning into actual borders between adjacent entities, the expansion of security vacuums and declining prospects for producing a unifying social contract.

Regionally, there could be an expansion of the areas considered lawless along the borders with Saudi Arabia and Oman, increasing the risks of smuggling and leading to higher costs for managing border security.

Internationally, the growing need for global powers to communicate with multiple parties in Yemen prolongs the crisis and increases the chances that the conflict is internationalised through competition over ports, resources and shipping routes.

However, the picture painted does not mean there will be a decisive victory for any side and instead makes a mosaic of authorities, all needing external sponsorship, more likely. Inevitably, that will weaken the prospect of establishing a stable state.

A way out?

Lowering tensions by making partial deals on redeployments of forces is not enough. Instead, the path forward needs a broader approach based on three interlinked pillars.

First, the national project needs to be redefined by drafting a vision of the state that guarantees fair partnership for all the regions of Yemen within a viable federal framework and redefines the political centre as a guarantor of rights and services.

Second, security must be based on a model of local forces under a national umbrella. In Hadramout and al-Mahra, this should be done by building professional local forces within a clear national and legal framework with practical arrangements for withdrawing outside forces and ensuring that security decision-making in state institutions is uniform.

Third, an economic deal is necessary to restore trust by concluding a transparent agreement on managing resources in the governorates that produce them, the fair distribution of revenues and the linking of international support to an implementable reform plan with a clear commitment to protecting sovereign facilities under central management.

In the absence of these steps, Yemen will continue towards a gradual model of disintegration from the peripheries in which the most cohesive armed entities advance and contested margins expand.

If that continues, the economy will be the first victim of fragmentation, making conditions even more difficult for millions of Yemenis.

And the governance crisis will eventually turn into a prolonged stability crisis, the repercussions of which will be difficult to contain locally and perhaps even regionally.

Saeed Thabit is the Al Jazeera Media Network’s bureau chief for Yemen

Washington, DC – For the past two years, weekdays for Susanna have meant thumbing through picture books, organising cubby holes and leading classroom choruses of songs.

But her work as a pre-school teacher came to a screeching halt in October, when she found out her application to renew her work permit had been denied.

Susanna, who uses a pseudonym in this article for fear of reprisals, is one of the nearly 10 percent of teachers in the United States who are immigrants.

But while the US has increasingly looked abroad to fill teacher shortages, some foreign-born teachers say the deportation push under President Donald Trump has threatened their livelihoods — and risks traumatising their students.

Susanna, an asylum applicant who fled violence in Guatemala nearly a decade ago, said that losing her permit meant she had to stop working immediately.

She recalls breaking the news to her students, some of whom are only three years old. Many were too young to understand.

“In one week, I lost everything,” Susanna told Al Jazeera in Spanish. “When I told the kids goodbye, they asked me why, and I told them, ‘I can only tell you goodbye.’ There were kids that hugged me, and it hurt my heart a lot.”

Looking abroad for teachers

Estimates vary as to how many foreign-born teachers currently work in the US. But one 2019 report from George Mason University found that there were 857,200 immigrants among the country’s 8.1 million teachers, in roles ranging from pre-school to university.

For the 2023-2024 school year alone, the US government brought 6,716 full-time teachers to the country on temporary exchange visas to fill openings in pre-kindergarten, primary and secondary school education.

Many hailed from the Philippines, as well as countries like Jamaica, Spain and Colombia.

The uncertainty for immigrants under Trump’s second term, however, has proven disruptive to schools that rely heavily on foreign-born teachers.

That is the case for the pre-school where Susanna worked, CommuniKids, which offers language immersion programmes in Washington, DC.

Cofounder and president Raul Echevarría estimates that immigrants — both citizens and non-citizens working with legal authorisation — comprise about 90 percent of CommuniKids’s staff.

But Echevarría told Al Jazeera that the push to rescind legal pathways to immigration has jeopardised the employment of several faculty members.

Five other teachers at the school have seen their ability to work affected by changes to the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) programme.

All five, Echevarría explained, were originally from Venezuela. But in October, the Trump administration ended TPS status for more than 350,000 Venezuelan citizens, including the teachers at CommuniKids.

Their authorisation to work legally in the US will expire on October 2, 2026, according to the US Citizenship and Immigration Services website.

“These teachers lost their ability to make a living,” Echevarria said, noting that his school requires educators with expertise in languages like Spanish, French and Mandarin.

‘Strong bonds’

For the schools themselves, the losses can be devastating. Every state in the US has reported teacher shortages to the federal government.

But advocates say the high stress and low pay of education make teachers difficult to recruit and keep.

That leads some states to look abroad for education workers. In North Carolina, for example, 1,063 foreign nationals worked full-time as grade-school teachers on temporary J-1 visas during the 2023-2024 school year.

The top destinations for such recruits were all southern states: North Carolina was followed by Florida with 996 teachers on J-1 visas, and Texas with 761.

But Echevarria said some of the biggest impacts of the deportation drive are felt by the students themselves.

“Our students develop strong bonds with their teachers, and all of a sudden, overnight, they lost their teachers,” said Echevarría.

“Their number one superpower”, he added, “is their ability to empathise and to create strong, effective bonds with people from any background”.

But when those bonds are broken, there can be mental health consequences and setbacks for educational achievement, particularly among younger children.

A 2024 study published by the American Educational Research Association found that, when teachers leave midyear, children’s language development takes a measurable hit.

In other words, the loss of a familiar teacher — someone who knows their routines, strengths and fears — can quietly stall a child’s progress. The consequences extend to a child’s sense of self and stability.

Mental health consequences

For parents like Michelle Howell, whose child attends CommuniKids, the loss of teachers has also made the classroom environment feel fragile.

“The teachers there aren’t just teachers for these young kids,” Howell said of CommuniKids. “They’re like extended family.

“They hug them, they hold them, they do the things a parent would do. When those people disappear, it’s not just hard for the kids. It’s hard for everyone.”

Howell, who is Chinese American, said the sudden disappearances reminded her of her own family’s history.

“I used to read about things like this happening in China, the place my family left to find safety,” she said. “It’s very disturbing to know that what we ran from back then is our reality now. People disappear.”

School psychologist Maria C, who asked to remain anonymous to protect her work in the Texas public school system, has noticed the children she works with struggling with instability caused by the deportation push.

The disappearance of a loved one or mentor — say, a favourite teacher — could flood a child’s body with cortisol, the hormone meant to protect them in moments of danger, she explained.

But when that stress becomes chronic, the same hormone starts to hurt more than it helps. It interferes with memory, attention and emotional regulation.

“For some, it looks like anxiety. For others, it’s depression or sudden outbursts,” Maria said. “They’re in fight-or-flight mode all day.”

She added that selective mutism, an anxiety disorder, is on the rise among the children she sees, who range in age from five to 12.

“It used to be rare, maybe one case per school,” she said. “Now I see it constantly. It’s a quiet symptom of fear.”

Preparing for the worst

Back at CommuniKids, Echevarría explained that he and other staff members have put together contingency plans, just in case immigration enforcement arrives at the pre-school.

The aim, he said, is to make both employees and students feel safer coming to class.

“We put those steps in writing because we wanted our staff to know they’re not alone,” he said. “We have attorneys on call. We’re partners with local police. But above all, our job is to protect our children.”

But as an added precaution, teachers are advised to carry their passports or work permits with them.

Even Echevarría, a US citizen born in Virginia, said he carries his passport wherever he goes. The fear of deportation has a way of lingering.

“I’m bilingual and of Hispanic descent,” he said. “Given how things are, I want to be able to prove I’m a citizen if anyone ever questions it.”

When armed soldiers in the small West African nation of Benin appeared on national television on December 7 to announce they had seized power in a coup, it felt to many across the region like another episode of the ongoing coup crisis that has seen several governments toppled since 2020.

But the scenes played out differently this time.

Amid reports of gunfire and civilians scampering to safety in the economic capital, Cotonou, Beninese and others across the region waited with bated breath as conflicting intelligence emerged. The small group of putschists, on the one hand, declared victory, but Benin’s forces and government officials said the plot had failed.

By evening, the situation was clear – Benin’s government was still standing. President Patrice Talon and loyalist forces in the army had managed to hold control, thanks to help from the country’s bigger neighbours, particularly its eastern ally and regional power, Nigeria.

While Talon now enjoys victory as the president who could not be unseated, the spotlight is also on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The regional bloc rallied to save the day in Benin after their seeming resignation in the face of the crises rocking the region, including just last month, when the military took power in Guinea-Bissau.

This time, though, after much criticism and embarrassment, ECOWAS was ready to push back against the narrative of it being an ineffective bloc by baring its teeth and biting, political analyst Ryan Cummings told Al Jazeera.

“It wanted to remind the region that it does have the power to intervene when the context allows,” Cummings said. “At some point, there needed to be a line drawn in the sand [and] what was at stake was West Africa’s most stable sovereign country falling.”

Is a new ECOWAS on the horizon?

Benin’s military victory was an astonishing turnaround for an ECOWAS that has been cast as a dead weight in the region since 2020, when a coup in Mali spurred an astonishing series of military takeovers across the region in quick succession.

Between 2020 and 2025, nine coup attempts toppled five democratic governments and two military ones. The latest successful coup, in Guinea-Bissau, happened on November 28. Bissau-Guineans had voted in the presidential election some days before and were waiting for the results to be announced when the military seized the national television station, detained incumbent President Umaro Sissoco Embalo, and announced a new military leader.

ECOWAS, whose high-level delegation was in Bissau to monitor the electoral process when the coup happened, appeared on the back foot, unable to do much more than issue condemnatory statements. Those statements sounded similar to those it issued after the coups in Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Guinea. The bloc appeared a far cry from the institution that, between 1990 and 2003, successfully intervened to stop the civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone, and later in the Ivory Coast. The last ECOWAS military intervention, in 2017, halted Gambian dictator Yahya Jammeh’s attempt to overturn the election results.

Indeed, ECOWAS’s success in its heyday hinged on the health of its members. Nigeria, arguably ECOWAS’s backbone, whose troops led the interventions in Liberia and Sierra Leone, has been mired in insecurity and economic crises of its own lately. In July 2023, when Nigeria’s President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was the ECOWAS chair, he threatened to invade Niger after the coup there.

It was disastrous timing. Faced with livelihood-eroding inflation and incessant attacks by armed groups at home, Nigerians were some of the loudest voices resisting an invasion. Many believed Tinubu, sworn in just months earlier, had misplaced his priorities. By the time ECOWAS had finished debating what to do weeks later, the military government in Niger had consolidated support throughout the armed forces and Nigeriens themselves had decided they wanted to back the military. ECOWAS and Tinubu backed off, defeated.

Niger left the alliance altogether in January this year, forming the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) with fellow military governments in Mali and Burkina Faso. All three share cultural and geographic affinities, but are also linked by their collective dislike for France, the former colonial power, which they blame for interfering in their countries. Even as they battle rampaging armed groups like Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the three governments have cut ties with French forces formerly stationed there and welcomed Russian fighters whose effectiveness, security experts say, fluctuates.

But Benin was different, and ECOWAS appeared wide awake. Aside from the fact that it was one coup too far, Cummings said, the country’s proximity to Nigeria, and two grave mistakes the putschists made, gave ECOWAS a fighting chance.

The first mistake was that the rebels had failed to take Talon hostage, as is the modus operandi with putschists in the region. That allowed the president to directly send an SOS to his counterparts following the first failed attacks on the presidential palace at dawn.

The second mistake was perhaps even graver.

“Not all the armed forces were on board,” Cummings said, noting that the small group of about 100 rebel soldiers had likely assumed other units would fall in line but had underestimated how loyal other factions were to the president. That was a miscalculation in a country where military rule ended in 1990 and where 73 percent of Beninese believe that democracy is better than any other form of government, according to poll site Afrobarometer. Many take particular pride in their country being hailed as the region’s most stable democracy.

“There was division within the army, and that was the window of opportunity that allowed ECOWAS to deploy because there wasn’t going to be a case of ‘If we deploy, we will be targeted by the army’. I dare say that if there were no countercoup, there was no way ECOWAS would have gotten involved because it would have been a conventional war,” Cummings added.

Quickly reading the room, Benin’s neighbours reacted swiftly. For the first time in nearly a decade, the bloc deployed its standby ground forces from Nigeria, Ghana, the Ivory Coast, and Sierra Leone. Abuja authorised air attacks on rebel soldiers who were effectively cornered in a military base in Cotonou and at the national TV building, but who were putting up a last-ditch attempt at resistance. France also supported the mission by providing intelligence. By nightfall, the rebels had been completely dislodged by Nigerian jets. The battle for Cotonou was over.

At least 14 people have since been arrested. Several casualties were reported on both sides, with one civilian, the wife of a high-ranking officer marked for assassination, among the dead. On Wednesday, Beninese authorities revealed that the coup leader, Colonel Pascal Tigri, was hiding in neighbouring Togo.

At stake for ECOWAS was the risk of losing yet another member, possibly to the landlocked AES, said Kabiru Adamu, founder of Abuja-based Beacon Security intelligence firm. “I am 90 percent sure Benin would have joined the AES because they desperately need a littoral state,” he said, referring to Benin’s Cotonou port, which would have expanded AES export capabilities.

Nigeria could also not afford a military government mismanaging the deteriorating security situation in northern Benin, as has been witnessed in the AES countries, Cummings said. Armed group JNIM launched its first attack on Nigerian soil in October, adding to Abuja’s pressures as it continues to face Boko Haram in the northeast and armed bandit groups in the northwest. Abuja has also come under diplomatic fire from the US, which falsely alleges a “Christian genocide” in the country.

“We know that this insecurity is the stick with which Tinubu is being beaten, and we already know his nose is bloodied,” Cummings said.

Revelling in the glory of the Benin mission last Sunday, Tinubu praised Nigeria’s forces in a statement, saying the “Nigerian armed forces stood gallantly as a defender and protector of constitutional order”. A group of Nigerian governors also hailed the president’s action, and said it reinforced Nigeria’s regional power status and would deter further coup plotters.

Not yet out of the woods

If there is a perception that ECOWAS has reawakened and future putschists will be discouraged, the reality may not be so positive, analysts say. The bloc still has much to do before it can be taken seriously again, particularly in upholding democracy and calling out sham elections before governments become vulnerable to mass uprisings or coups, Beacon Security’s Adamu said.

In Benin, for example, ECOWAS did not react as President Talon, in power since 2016, grew increasingly autocratic, barring opposition groups in two previous presidential elections. His government has again barred the main opposition challenger, Renaud Agbodjo, from elections scheduled for next April, while Talon’s pick, former finance minister Romuald Wadagni, is the obvious favourite.

“It’s clear that the elections have been engineered already,” Adamu said. “In the entire subregion, it’s difficult to point to any single country where the rule of law has not been jettisoned and where the voice of the people is heard without fear.”

ECOWAS, Adamu added, needs to proactively re-educate member states on democratic principles, hold them accountable when there are lapses, as in the Benin case, and then intervene when threats emerge.

The bloc appears to be taking heed. On December 9, two days after the failed Benin coup, ECOWAS declared a state of emergency.

“Events of the last few weeks have shown the imperative of serious introspection on the future of our democracy and the urgent need to invest in the security of our community,” Omar Touray, ECOWAS Commission president, said at a meeting in the Abuja headquarters. Touray cited situations that constitute coup risks, such as the erosion of electoral integrity and mounting geopolitical tensions, as the bloc splits along foreign influences. Currently, ECOWAS member states have stayed close to Western allies like France, while the AES is firmly pro-Russia.

Another challenge the bloc faces is managing potential fallout with the AES states amid France’s increasing closeness with Abuja. As Paris faces hostility in Francophone West Africa, it has drawn closer to Nigeria, where it does not have the same negative colonial reputation, and which it perceives as useful for protecting French business interests in the region, Cummings said. At the same time, ECOWAS is still hoping to woo the three rogue ex-members back into its fold, and countries like Ghana have already established bilateral ties with the military governments.

“The challenge with that is that the AES would see the intervention [in Benin] as an act not from ECOWAS itself but something engineered by France,” Adamu said. Seeing France instigating an intervention which could have benefitted AES reinforces their earlier complaints that Paris pokes its nose into the region’s affairs, and could push them further away, he said.

“So now we have a situation where they feel like France did it, and the sad thing is that we haven’t seen ECOWAS dispel that notion, so the ECOWAS standby force has [re]started on a contentious step,” Adamu added.

Some define time as linear, some see it as a block. Others refer to it as something spent, in the present, or the future. Meanwhile, others consider it to be supernatural or holy, or something to twist, tame or traverse.

As someone who has been sentenced to a lifetime behind bars, time is both abstract and defined. When you have so much time, it is all you have, yet, inside, you have almost no control over how to spend it.

Every day, I can hear it: tick, tick, tick. It’s torturous, like that dripping faucet in my cell.

So to quiet the sound, I study. I learn. I try to build something meaningful from the minutes.

At the time of my arrest in 2002, I was a 25-year-old entrepreneur who had started a successful business. I was enrolled in college, working towards my degree in Information Technology, when my world collapsed. Once in New Jersey State Prison (NJSP) in Trenton, I had a simple choice: either give up on all of my dreams, or fight for them alongside my efforts to prove my innocence. So, I decided to use my time to complete my education.

My father had brought our family to the United States from Pakistan so his two sons could have access to higher education. He passed away this past January, and it is because of him I keep studying, to fulfil the dream he carried across an ocean.

Yet on the inside, that dream has been hard to chase.

‘You guys aren’t going anywhere’

Prison life is an insidious thing. The environment is conducive to vice and illicit activities. Drugs and gambling are easy to find; doing something constructive, like education, well, that can be a monumental task.

The NJSP’s education department only offers GED-level (high-school level) education. Prisoners can also enrol in outside correspondence courses, also known as independent study. These include certifications, like in paralegal studies, costing about $750 to $1,000.

For-profit “correspondence schools” advertise mail-order college degrees, but most, costing anywhere from $500 to $1,000, are unaccredited – selling paper, not knowledge. Some men collect a bachelor’s, master’s, and even a doctorate in a single year. I could not bring myself to do that. For me, an accredited degree is something that cannot be dismissed, and would make me feel on par with those in the free world.

But the options for college degrees from reputable accredited universities can run into the thousands – a non-starter for most of those imprisoned. So I began with a prison paralegal training course taught by fellow prisoners helping others with their legal battles.

Later on, I watched a PBS documentary about the Bard Prison Initiative in New York, a real college programme, accredited and rigorous, for men and women in the state’s prisons. Inspired, I decided to write dozens of letters to reputable universities across the country, asking them to take me as a test case to do a degree. None replied.

Then I learned about NJ-STEP, a programme offering college courses to prisoners at East Jersey State Prison. But when I asked to enrol, the NJSP’s education supervisor replied that it was not offered at our prison. When I appealed to the administration, a security major told me, “Why should I bring the NJ-STEP here? You guys aren’t going anywhere.”

His words echoed, as if a sentence within a sentence.

The myth of higher education

Thomas Koskovich, 47, has spent nearly three decades in NJSP, where he is serving a life sentence.

When I asked him about the opportunities for higher education in the prison, he scoffed.

“What college programme?” he blurted.

“The only thing they let us do is something called independent study, and by the way, you pay for everything yourself. The prison doesn’t help you. They just proctor [meaning they provide someone to administer] the tests.”

Thomas works as a teacher’s aide, a prison job detail, in the Donald Bourne School, named after a policeman who was killed by a prison inmate in 1972. The teachers come from the outside, while aides like Thomas assist them and also tutor students requiring extra support. He helps men earn their GEDs while knowing there is no path offered beyond that to further higher education.

“I’ve seen guys stuck in GED classes for 15 years,” he said.

Prisoners get stuck for different reasons: classes get cancelled because of emergencies, or sometimes the men have little education to begin with and require years to learn to read and write. Students also get paid $70 a month to attend, so some consider it a job – particularly as prison jobs are scarce – and deliberately fail so they can stay at the school for longer.

Of the two dozen or so students, “the school averages maybe five to 10 graduates a year”, Thomas explained.

He earns about $1,500 a year, far less than the $20,000 he would need to afford an accredited correspondence degree. But he chooses to help others in the same school where he got his GED because, as he put it, “Most people in here aren’t career criminals. They just got caught in bad situations.”

He added, “If given half a chance, they’d choose a legal, meaningful life.”

Thomas sees education as key to self-betterment. It was a book, Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Paulo Freire, a Brazilian Marxist educator, given to him by an activist friend that showed him the power of education, he says.

Education equips us to “better handle stressful situations” and nurture creativity and “artistic expression”, he reflected. “But most importantly, we can develop skills that will allow us to earn a living legally and contribute to society in a positive way.”

The Department of Corrections may store bodies, but it does not nurture minds, though many will eventually be freed back into society after serving their terms, while others could win their freedom in court or through clemency.

And education can only help with transitioning into life on the outside. According to the Prison Policy Initiative, a research and advocacy nonprofit, limited access to education in prisons remains a major barrier to rehabilitation and reentry into society. Decades of studies support the idea that education in prison reduces recidivism – a RAND meta-analysis found a 43 percent lower likelihood of reoffending among inmates who pursued studies.

Kashif Hassan, 40, from Brooklyn in New York City, has been imprisoned for 15 years. Serving a life-plus-10-year sentence, he has earned multiple degrees, including two PhDs, one in business administration and one in criminal justice, through university distance education.

Unlike other prisoners, Kashif was fortunate in that his family could afford the tens of thousands in accredited college tuition fees.

“I have two sons,” he told me, “and I want to show them that no matter the circumstances, even here, you can keep learning.”

He laughed when I asked about support from the NJSP’s education department. “None,” he said. “They even cancelled the college correspondence roster [a list that allowed students enrolled in long-distance education to access the prison law library and school computers to type and print]. They say it’s for security, but really, it’s about control.”

Kashif has also been on the waiting list for a paralegal course for 10 years.

“Education is a powerful tool,” he said. “It helps you understand your rights, navigate the system, and articulate yourself better. Especially in here, it’s the difference between feeling powerless and feeling empowered.”

A door where there was a wall

In 2023, I learned of a glimmer of progress. The Thomas Edison State University (TESU) in Trenton – ranked among the state’s top 20 public institutions – launched a new programme enabling men in NJSP to pursue accredited college degrees.

In 2024, I began taking TESU courses for a liberal arts degree. My tuition is paid for by grants and scholarships. The programme runs independently from the NJSP’s education department, which only proctors exams. For those of us long shut out of higher learning, it felt revolutionary. As if a door opened where there had only been a wall. It has made me feel free and given me purpose.

For Michael Doce, 44, another student in the programme who is serving a 30-year sentence, the door is narrow but precious. “I want to stick it to the NJDOC, to say, ‘Look what I did all on my own.’”

Michael studied engineering at Rutgers University before he was imprisoned. Now he is earning a communications degree.

“My family buys used textbooks,” he said. These are mailed to the prison, but security checks mean they can take weeks to reach him.

“But the prison just banned used books,” he added. “Depending on how much new ones cost, I might not be able to continue.”

Al Jazeera requested clarification from the New Jersey Department of Corrections about the cancellation of the roster and the banning of used books, but did not receive a response.

Michael shrugged and gave a wry smile. “If too many guys signed up, they’d probably cancel the whole thing. I’m being funny, but not really.”

He maintains top grades and dreams of becoming a journalist. “A criminal conviction closes a lot of doors,” he told me. “I’m just trying to open new ones.”

‘Doing his own time’

There is a couplet from the 18th-century Urdu poet Mir Taqi Mir that goes:

Yaarān-e deyr o Ka‘bah, donon bulā rahe hain

Ab dekhen Mir, apnā jānā kidhar bane hai

My heart is torn between two calls – the world of love and the house of God.

Now it is a test to see which way my soul will turn.

Perhaps that captures the prisoner’s daily dilemma: between despair and determination; between giving up and growing. In the absence of rehabilitation, every man must choose his own path – “doing his own time,” as the popular prison phrase goes – towards light or darkness.

Men like Thomas, Kashif, Michael, and many others choose light. They choose education.

The Department of Corrections may store bodies, but it cannot own the will to grow. Education here is not charity. It is resistance. It is the one realm where we can still choose, and in choosing, we stay human and free.

Because in the end, freedom does not begin with release. It begins with the decision to grow. It begins with the mind.

And in this place, where time is both enemy and companion, every page turned, every lesson learned, is a way to quiet the endless ticking, a way to remind ourselves that even behind bars, time can still belong to us.

Tick. Tick. Tick.

This is the final story in a three-part series on how prisoners are taking on the US justice system through law, prison hustles and hard-won education.

Read more from the series:

How I’m fighting the US prison system from the inside

Tailors and corner stores: The hustles helping prisoners survive

Tariq MaQbool is a prisoner at New Jersey State Prison (NJSP), where he has been held since 2005. He is a contributor to various publications, including Al Jazeera English, where he has written about the trauma of solitary confinement (he has spent a total of more than two years in isolation) and what it means to be a Muslim prisoner inside a US prison.

Martin Robles is also a prisoner at NJSP. These illustrations were made using lead and coloured pencils. As he has limited art supplies, Robles used folded squares of toilet paper to blend the pigments into different shades and colours.

Dublin, Ireland – When I was accepted to Trinity College Dublin, I imagined a fresh start, new lectures, late-night study sessions and a campus alive with possibility.

The plan was clear: begin my studies in September 2024 and finally step into the future I had worked so hard for.

But when September came, the borders of Gaza were shut tight, my neighbourhood was being bombed almost every day, and the dream of university collapsed with the buildings around me. Trinity sent me a deferral letter, and I remember holding it in my hands and feeling torn in two.

I didn’t know whether to feel relieved or heartbroken. That letter became a strange symbol of hope, a reminder that maybe, someday, my life could continue. But everything else was falling apart so quickly that it was hard to believe in anything.

My family and I were displaced five times as the war intensified. Each time, we left something behind: books, clothes, memories, safety.

After the first temporary truce, we went home for a short time. But it no longer felt like the place we had built our lives. The walls were cracked, windows shattered, and floors coated in dust and debris.

It felt haunted by what had happened.

I knew I had to go

I’m the middle child among three siblings. My older sister, Razan, is 25, and my younger brother, Fadel, is 23.

You might think being a middle child spares you, but during the war, I felt responsible for them. On nights when bombings shook the building and fear crept into every corner, I tried to be the steady one. I tried to comfort them as I trembled inside.

Then, in April 2025, my name appeared on a small, restricted list of people allowed to leave Gaza. About 130 people could cross at that time, dual-nationality holders, family reunification cases and a handful of others. My name on that list felt unreal.

The morning I approached the crossing, I remember the long, tense line of people waiting, gripping documents, holding bags, clutching their children’s hands. No one talked.

When two IDF officers questioned me, I answered as steadily as I could, afraid that something, anything, might go wrong and they’d send me back.

When they finally waved me through, I felt relief and guilt at the same time.

I didn’t call home until I got to Jordan. When my mother heard my voice, she cried. I did, too. I told her I was safe, but it felt like I had left a part of my heart behind with them.

My family is now in Khan Younis, still living through the chaos.

I arrived in Amman on April 18, my heart heavy with the weight of what I had escaped. The next morning, I boarded a flight to Istanbul, with nothing around me feeling real.

The sounds of normalcy, laughter, announcements, and the rustle of bags were jarring after the constant bombardment. I had been living in a world where every sound could signal danger, where the air was thick with fear and uncertainty.

I felt like a ghost, wandering through a world that no longer belonged to me.

Finally, after hours of flying, waiting, being screened and watching departure boards, I landed in Dublin. The Irish air felt clean, the sky impossibly open. I should’ve been happy, but I was engulfed by crushing guilt, the joy overshadowed by the pain of separation.

I wasn’t completely alone. A Palestinian colleague from Gaza had arrived in April 2024, and two friends were also in Ireland. There was an unspoken understanding between us.

“You recognise the trauma in each other without saying a word,” I often tell people now. “It’s in the way we listen, the way we sit, the way we carry ourselves.”

Back in Gaza, my daily life had shrunk to pure survival: running, hiding, rationing water, checking who was alive. Bombings hit every day, and nighttime was the worst. Darkness makes every sound feel closer, sharper.

You don’t sleep during war. You wait.

Those nights, the silence was deafening, punctuated by the distant echoes of explosions. I would lie awake, straining to hear danger.

The darkness wrapped me like a suffocating blanket, amplifying every creak of the building, every whisper of the wind.

During the day, people on the street moved quickly, eyes darting, alert.

Water was a precious commodity; we would line up for hours at distribution points, often only to receive a fraction of what we needed. It was never enough.

No human should live like that

Five times, we fled in search of safety, packed in minutes, hearts racing with fear.

In one building where dozens of displaced families stayed, people slept on thin mattresses, shoulder to shoulder. Children cried quietly, adults whispered, trying to comfort one another, but every explosion outside sent ripples of panic through the rooms.

No human being should have to live like that, but millions of us did.

As I sit in Dublin, I carry the weight of my family’s struggles with me, a constant reminder of the life I left behind.

The guilt of survival is a heavy burden, but I hold onto hope that one day, I can return and help rebuild what has been lost.

Even now, far from Gaza, I feel it. You don’t leave war behind; you carry it with you like a second heartbeat.

Watching a world I’m not part of yet

I often stop in the campus courtyards. Not just because they’re beautiful, though they are, but because I need those moments to remind myself that I survived.

The laughter of children here feels foreign, a reminder of joy that has been stolen from so many.

Walking through Trinity College today feels surreal. Students laugh over coffee, rush to lectures and complain about assignments. Life moves so seamlessly here.

I message my family every day. Some days, they reply quickly. Other days, hours pass with no response. Those silent days feel like torture.

But I’m determined. Being here is about rebuilding a life, about honouring the people I left behind.

Survival comes with weight.

I carry the dreams of those who couldn’t leave. That responsibility shapes the way I move through the world; quieter, more grateful, more aware.

I hope someday I can bring my family to safety. I hope to finish my studies, rebuild my life and use my voice for people still trapped in war.

I want people to know what it takes to stand in that line at the border, to leave everything behind, to walk into a future alone.

Monterrey, Mexico – In April, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum announced the country’s aerospace industry could see sustained annual growth of as much as 15 percent over the next four years, and attributed the sector’s expansion to a robust local manufacturing workforce, increasing exports, and a strong presence of foreign companies.

But with the review of the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) coming up – the free-trade treaty between the three countries that helped Mexico’s aerospace sector to grow and flourish – the industry’s future is no longer certain.

Stakeholders warn that ensuring investment stability and strengthening labour standards are essential to protecting the sector’s North American supply chain.

Mexico is striving to become one of the top 10 countries in aerospace production value, a goal outlined in Plan Mexico, the country’s strategic initiative to enhance global competitiveness in key sectors.

As the sixth-largest supplier of aerospace parts to the US, the industry has benefited significantly from the USMCA, which fostered regional supply chain integration, said Monica Lugo, director of institutional relations at the consulting firm PRODENSA.

However, the integration is no guarantee of business continuing to grow as the country is at an “unprecedented moment” with US President Donald Trump and his wide-ranging tariff policies.

Lugo, a former USMCA negotiator, said that recent tariffs on materials like steel and aluminium — critical to the aerospace sector— have eroded trust in the US as a reliable partner. She predicts that if current conditions continue, the sector risks losing capital, investments and jobs.

“Having this great uncertainty – one day it’s on, the next it’s off, who knows tomorrow – and based on no specific criteria, but rather on the president’s mood, creates chaos and severely damages the country and the economy,” she said.

On December 4, Trump suggested the US might let the USMCA expire next year, or negotiate a new deal. This follows comments by US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer to US news outlet Politico that the administration is considering separate deals with Canada and Mexico.

A booming aerospace sector

The Mexican aerospace market is valued at $11.2bn, and is expected to more than double to $22.7bn by 2029, Sheinbaum said, citing data from the Mexican Aerospace Industry Federation (FEMIA). Home to global companies like Bombardier, Safran, Airbus, and Honeywell, Mexico has established itself as a key player in the global aerospace market and is now the world’s twelfth-largest exporter of aerospace components.

Marco Antonio Del Prete, secretary of sustainable development in Queretaro, attributes this success in part to heavy investment in education and training. In 2005, the Queretaro government promised Canada’s Bombardier that it would invest in education and set up the Aeronautical University, which now offers programmes ranging from technical diplomas to master’s degrees in aerospace manufacturing and engineering.

“Since Bombardier’s arrival, an educational and training system was created that allows us to develop talent in a very efficient way, let’s say, fast track,” Del Prete told Al Jazeera.

Bombardier has served as an anchor, propelling Queretaro’s rise as a high-skilled manufacturing hub for parts and components.

While the Bombardier plant in Queretaro originally focused on wiring harnesses, it has evolved to specialise in complex aerostructures, including the rear fuselage for the Global 7500, Bombardier’s ultra-long-range business jet, and key components for the Challenger 3500, the mid-sized business jet.

Marco Antonio Carrillo, a research professor at the Autonomous University of Queretaro (UAQ), pointed out that the area’s wide educational offerings have cultivated a powerful workforce, which has gained significant attention from aeroplane makers, mainly from the US, Canada and France.

“This development [of Queretaro] has been, if you look at it in terms of time, truly explosive,” Carrillo said.

Mexico also aims to join France and the US as the third country capable of fully assembling an engine for Safran.

But the International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers (IAM) Union, which represents more than 600,000 workers in Canada and the US, is worried that progress could lead to more advanced manufacturing and assembly work to eventually shift to Mexico, given the local investment in aeronautical universities and training.

“Right now they’re [Mexican workers] doing more entry-level type things, but our concern is that later on, larger pieces of the aerospace operation will go to Mexico,” Peter Greenberg, the IAM’s international affairs director, told Al Jazeera.

High-skilled, low-cost workforce

Of the three countries in the USMCA agreement, Mexico’s biggest attraction has been its low-cost manufacturing.

Edgar Buendia and Mario Duran Bustamante, economics professors at the Rosario Castellanos National University, cite Mexico’s low labour costs and geographical proximity to the US as the country’s key advantages. This is partly why the US has intensified pressure on the Mexican government, including during the initial USMCA negotiations in 2017, to raise wages to level the playing field and reduce unfair competition.

“Most US companies have incentives to move their production here in Mexico, given the [low] wages and the geographic location. So, to prevent that from happening, the United States is pressuring Mexico to raise labour standards, ensure freedom of association, and improve working conditions,” Buendia told Al Jazeera, things that will benefit Mexican workers even as employer-dominated labour groups worry that they may lose their advantage.

The IAM originally opposed the USMCA’s predecessor, NAFTA. Greenberg said that while they acknowledge USMCA will continue, US and Canadian workers “would probably be perfectly happy” if the agreement ended as the NAFTA deal had led to plants being shuttered and workers being laid off as jobs moved from the US and Canada to low-cost Mexico.

“There is a need for stronger incentives to keep work in the United States and Canada. We want to see the wages in Mexico go up so that it doesn’t become automatically a place where companies go to because they know they will have lower wages and workers who do not have any bargaining power or strong units,” Greenberg added.

Under Sheinbaum’s Morena party, Mexico has raised the minimum wage from 88 pesos ($4.82) in 2018 to 278.8 pesos ($15.30) in 2025, with the rate in municipalities bordering the US reaching 419.88 pesos ($23). On December 4, Sheinbaum announced a 13 percent rise in the minimum wage — and 5 percent for the border zone— set to begin in January 2026.

Despite these increases and the competitiveness of wages in the aerospace sector, researchers agree that a significant wage gap persists between Mexican workers and their US and Canadian counterparts.

“The wage gap is definitely abysmal,” said Javier Salinas, a scholar at the UAQ Labor Center, specialising in labour relations in the aerospace industry. “The [aerospace] industry average is between 402 [Mexican pesos] and 606, with the highest daily wage being 815. [But] 815, converted to US dollars, is less than $40 for a single workday.”

By contrast, Salinas estimates that a worker in the US earns an average of about 5,500 pesos, or $300, per day.

‘Protection unions’

The USMCA required Mexico to end “protection unions”, a longstanding practice where companies sign agreements with corrupt union leaders — known as “sindicatos charros” — without the workers’ knowledge. This system has been used to prevent authentic union organising, as these sindicatos often serve the interests of the company and government authorities rather than the workers.

Salinas argues that despite the 2019 labour reform, it remains difficult for independent unions to emerge. Meanwhile, “protection unions” continue to keep wages low to maintain competitiveness.

“But imagine, a competitiveness based on precarious or impoverished working conditions. I don’t think that’s the way forward,” Salinas said.

Even with new labour courts and laws mandating collective bargaining, organising in Mexico remains dangerous. Workers attempting to create independent unions frequently face firing, threats, or being blacklisted by companies.

Humberto Huitron, a lawyer specialising in collective labour law and trade unionism, explains that Mexican workers, including in the aerospace sector, often lack effective representation. “There’s discrimination during hiring or recruitment. They don’t hire workers who are dismissed for union activism,” he said.

Beyond demanding that Mexico enforce its labour reform, the IAM is calling for the expansion and strengthening of the Rapid Response Mechanism (RRM), which allows the US to take action against factories if they fail to uphold freedom of association and collective bargaining rights.

While not in the aerospace sector, the US recently invoked the RRM against a wine producer in Queretaro. Previous such actions in the state had been limited to the automotive sector.

“No one knows exactly what is going on in all of the factories in Mexico,” Greenberg said.

According to FEMIA, there are 386 aerospace companies operating in 19 states. These include 370 specialised plants that generate 50,000 direct jobs and 190,000 indirect jobs.

Del Prete, however, assured Al Jazeera that, in Queretaro, unions are independent and “they have their own organisation.”

Salinas points out that in Queretaro, there has not been a strike in decades, adding, “Imagine the control of the workforce: 29, 30 years without a single strike in the private sector.”

Domino effect

Chile has nearly 15.8 million registered voters, and this year, for the first time since 2012, all of them are required by law to vote in the presidential race.

Kast is believed to have the upper hand in Sunday’s run-off.

Though he came in second place during the first round of voting in November, he is expected to sweep up additional support from conservative candidates who did not make the cut-off for the second vote.

But some voters expressed scepticism about the emphasis on crime in this year’s race.

Daniela Ocaranza, a mother who lives in a low-income neighbourhood in Santiago, considers the heightened focus on crime to be a ploy.

She volunteers at an organisation that fights for affordable housing, and she thinks politicians are leveraging the uptick in crime to convince the voters to put more resources into security.

“Crime has increased,” Ocaranza acknowledged. “But this happens in all countries.”

She said the media is partly to blame in raising fears. It shows “you the same crime 30 times a day — morning, noon and night — so the perception is that there is more”.

“But there are many other things that are more important,” Ocaranza stressed, pointing to issues like education, healthcare and pensions. They are areas that she sees best addressed by Jara, whom she will be voting for on Sunday.

For his part, Johnson said politicians draw up hardline policies to appease residents who want urgent action taken.

But he noted that research has shown punitive measures don’t typically produce results. In the meantime, he warned that the outsized fears about crime can have real-world ramifications.

“Today, there are fewer people consuming art, going out to see theatre, going out to restaurants. So it doesn’t just limit someone’s quality of life but also economic development,” Johnson said.

“Fear is extremely harmful. It might even be more hurtful than the actual crime.”

IN one of my encounters with Pink Floyd’s Nick Mason, he cast his mind back to his first dealings with the “crazy diamond”.

This would have been late 1964, early ’65, when the band still called themselves The Tea Set because they rehearsed in a basement tearoom at Regent Street Polytechnic in London.

The drummer recalled with great affection the addition to their ranks of Syd Barrett with his mop of dark curls and pop star good looks.

Mason, Roger Waters and Richard Wright had found themselves not just a singer and a guitarist but a charismatic frontman, all set to “shine on”.

“Syd was the most delightful man, absolutely charming,” Mason told me. “He wrote wonderful, whimsical, pastoral English music.”

Barrett, a childhood friend of Waters in Cambridge, came up with Floyd’s first single, the eyebrow-raising Arnold Layne, about a pervert whose hobby was stealing women’s underwear from washing lines.

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He composed the top ten follow-up, See Emily Play, a classic slice of Sixties psychedelia, and most of the debut album The Piper At The Gates Of Dawn.

But then, fuelled by psychoactive drugs, most notably LSD, Barrett’s world fell apart.

Before the second album, A Saucerful Of Secrets, was even completed, the troubled star had no choice but to leave and guitarist David Gilmour was already in place.

“It’s still not entirely clear what happened with Syd,” Mason continued. “There is a belief that maybe he didn’t want to be a pop star. You have to know that, in 1967, the rest of us DID want to be on Top Of The Pops.

“Maybe Syd realised it wasn’t what he wanted, but didn’t know how to get out of it.”

As students of Pink Floyd know, the band crossed paths with Barrett several years later in haunting, uncomfortable circumstances.

On June 5, 1975, a shambling figure — shaven-headed, overweight, largely incoherent and clutching a plastic shopping bag — pitched up at EMI Studios (Abbey Road), stomping ground not just of The Beatles but also Floyd.

Years later, keyboard player Wright described the scene: “I remember going in and Roger was already in the studio working.

“I came in and sat next to Roger. After ten minutes, Roger said to me, ‘Do you know who that guy is?’

“I said: ‘I have no idea. I assumed it was a friend of yours.’ Suddenly I realised it was Syd!”

Art director Storm Thorgerson, responsible with Aubrey “Po” Powell for the band’s iconic album covers, also witnessed the scene.

“Two or three people cried,” he said. “Syd sat around and talked for a bit, but he wasn’t really there.”

On that very day, the band were mixing their nine-part, 26-minute homage to Barrett, Shine On You Crazy Diamond.

To many, it ranks as the band’s greatest single composition, matching Gilmour’s elegant, fluid guitar, Wright’s serene keyboards and Mason’s perfectly weighted drumming to some of Waters’ most touching lyrics.

“You were caught in the crossfire of childhood and stardom. Blown on the steel breeze.”

The song would be split into two sections, Parts 1-5 and Parts 6-9, to bookend Wish You Were Here, the follow-up to a cultural phenomenon, The Dark Side Of The Moon.

Now, to mark its 50th anniversary, the album is appearing in expanded formats, adding alternate takes to the original release.

Poet Laureate and Floyd superfan Simon Armitage has written a stream-of-consciousness love letter to the band and, in particular, Wish You Were Here.

I’m very sad about Syd. I wasn’t for years. For years, I suppose he was a threat because of all that was written about him and us

Roger Waters

It has no capital letters or punctuation, but these lines give you the drift: “it’s the forty four minute five second guide to eternity — it’s infinity measured in five songs.”

And for the first time, Shine On You Crazy Diamond is also presented as one continuous piece thanks to a new remix by James Guthrie.

It stands as an emotional remembrance of Barrett, who died a recluse in 2006, aged 60, at his home in Cambridge.

Poignantly, as the track fades to nothing, you hear strains of the See Emily Play keyboard melody.

Waters once reflected: “I’m very sad about Syd. I wasn’t for years. For years, I suppose he was a threat because of all that was written about him and us.

“Of course, he was very important and the band would never have started without him but, on the other hand, it couldn’t go on with him.”

As for Shine On, he added: “It is not really about Syd. He’s just a symbol for the extremes of absence some people have to indulge in because the only way they can cope with how sad it is — modern life — is to withdraw completely.”

On the song’s scale in musical terms, Mason likened it to another lengthy set piece, Echoes, from 1971’s Meddle album. “Echoes,” he said, “was Shine On’s grandfather.”

Now let’s rewind to 1974 when Pink Floyd set about devising an album in the wake of the juggernaut that The Dark Side Of The Moon had already become.

Their initial attempt, using everyday objects as instruments, was not very encouraging, to say the least.

When I reminded Mason of it, he replied: “Some things I’ve been trying to obliterate from my brain — and I’m afraid you just brought that one up!

“The problem was that we ended up spending an awful lot of time grinding away, developing the sounds.

“We hadn’t even got any real music. Things like plucking rubber bands slowed down to quarter-speed.”

He added: “It was a fantastically fruitless exercise, really a way of putting off the ghastly business of what the hell were we going to do next.”

So, did the whole band buy into the daft idea? I ventured.

“We did,” Mason sighed. “If only two people at least had had the gumption to go, ‘F*** this! Let’s work on a record’.”

One of the extra Wish You Were Here tracks, Wine Glasses, offers listeners a taste of the project that became known as Household Objects.

And, as Mason reported, “The wine glasses did make it on to the beginning of Shine On.” (Listen carefully and you’ll hear the tinkling sound.)

So what about the three tracks, further exploring themes of absence and alienation, which were sandwiched between Shine On’s lengthy sections?

Synthesiser-heavy Welcome To The Machine was a product of Floyd’s infatuation with latest technology, and the others came with fascinating back stories.

If Barrett had been a surprise visitor to the Abbey Road sessions, so were two virtuoso violinists just as Floyd were recording the album’s title track, Wish You Were Here.

Mason picked up the story: “If someone was down the hall recording at Abbey Road, it was OK to pop in and say, ‘Hello’.

“Suddenly the door opened and Yehudi Menuhin and Stephane Grappelli were standing there, going, ‘Hello boys’.”

Menuhin, an American-born Brit, was widely regarded as one of the greatest 20th Century classical violinists. Grappelli, a French jazz violinist, was noted for an intuitive, more improvisational approach.

Mason added with English understatement: “By ’75, we were reasonably well known and Grappelli being French would have heard about us because we always had a standing in France.

“I think we invited them both to play with us. Menuhin wanted to but wasn’t comfortable improvising, whereas Grappelli could do it like stepping off a log.”

So the Frenchman went up to one of Pink Floyd’s mics and added gorgeous violin flourishes to a take of the acoustic guitar-led Wish You Were Here.

Ultimately, his contribution didn’t make the finished album, but it can be heard on the expanded editions.

Mason said: “I’m really astonished by it. We thought it had been recorded over, that we’d lost it for ever. I don’t know why we didn’t use it — it would have enhanced the record, but maybe it sounded too folky.

“Or maybe, in a pre-Euro world, we thought, ‘It’s a bloody Frenchman and he shouldn’t have anything to do with it!’”

Grappelli was paid £300 (a princely sum in those days), but went to his death in 1997 oblivious to this unlikely footnote to the Wish You Were Here story.

People did say to us: ‘Which one’s Pink?’ They thought Pink Floyd was the lead singer!

David Gilmour

Another outsider at the sessions — Floyd’s friend, folk-rock troubadour Roy Harper — felt “hard done by” when it came to payment for his lead vocals on Have A Cigar.

After numerous failed attempts by Waters to nail his withering put-down of music industry executives “on the gravy train”, he turned to a singer who loaded his delivery with the perfect sneering tone.

“Roy was recording in the studio anyway,” remembered Waters, “and was in and out all the time. I can’t remember who suggested it, maybe I did, probably hoping everybody would go, ‘Oh no Rog, you do it’, but they didn’t!

“They all went, ‘Oh yeah that’s a good idea’. And he did it and everybody went, ‘Oh, terrific!’ So that was that.”

We know how single-minded Waters can be and he still gave it one final go — but to no avail.

Tape engineer John Leckie recalled Waters saying to Harper that they should reward him for his efforts.

“And Roy said: ‘Just get me a season ticket for life at Lord’s.’ He kept prompting Roger, but it never came.”

Many years later in 2013, when Harper released his comeback album Man & Myth, I met him for coffee near Lord’s, just before the avid cricket fan watched England play Australia for The Ashes.

Best known for When An Old Cricketer Leaves The Crease, he bemoaned his lack of payment for Have A Cigar but talked about his close ties to three of Britain’s biggest rock bands.

“I was an interloper really,” he said. “I was the one who didn’t have a band. I drifted between Led Zeppelin, Pink Floyd and The Who basically.

“At the time, they were big and here was this strange interloper moving between all three.

“One thing I never did, for which I deserve credit, was to transfer what one said about the other. Keep it discreet!”

On the recording Have A Cigar, he said: “I listened to the song at home for a night. I came back the following day and didn’t quite nail it. But then, on the day after that, I did — and they had a song.”

The track’s most memorable line is, “Oh by the way, which one’s Pink?”

Gilmour once admitted: “People did say to us: ‘Which one’s Pink?’ They thought Pink Floyd was the lead singer!”

As you may have gathered, Wish You Were Here comes with a rich history and timeless, captivating music.

Emerging as it did from the mighty shadow cast by The Dark Side Of The Moon, it still shines on 50 years later.

PINK FLOYD
Wish You Were Here
50th Anniversary

★★★★☆

AT the age of 66 – with 200million record sales behind him and millions in the bank – Simon Cowell could be forgiven for taking his foot off the pedal.

But six years after collecting his bus pass – and he loves buses – the music mogul is back, and on a mission.

His new Netflix show, aptly titled The Next Act, will see him scouring the country in the hope of discovering the planet’s biggest boyband.

Over the years, Simon has sat through hundreds of interviews, painstakingly answering the same, insipid questions.

But having been pals with him for 20 years, I wanted to do something a little bit different.

So we celebrated my 35th (plus a few years) birthday together at a McDonald’s after Si discovered I’d never visited a drive-thru before. His driver, Tony, took us in Simon’s decked-out Lexus, which comes complete with mini-bar and plasma-screen TV.

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While there, I grilled Simon – who has son Eric, 11, with partner Lauren Silverman – in a hilarious game of “Ask Me Anything”.

In a chat that won’t be winning me a Pulitzer any time soon, Simon cheerily answered a raft of, erm, probing questions.

From bathing FOUR times a day and having all his filler dissolved, to how he has lost three stone thanks to a 600-calorie-a-day regime, no question was off limits.

Here, in his own words, is Simon as you’ve never seen him before.

SIMON’S DIET & LIFESTYLE

FIVE years ago, Mr Cowell cut a very different figure.

By his own admission, he was “puffy” and unhappy with his appearance.

To overcome it, he dramatically upped his workout regime — he trains or cycles daily now — and slashed his calories to less than 1,000 a day (bar today’s “cheat day”).

CM: Do you have a gastric band?

SC: No! I did have a LINX band put in though which stops the acid going up into my chest.

And I cut out sugar, dairy, red meat, gluten . . . I had the diet of a school boy, and was told by a dietician it was the worst diet he’d ever seen.

I have four 90-calorie beers a day, but pour half the beer out and make it a shandy.

I basically eat the same things every day. Breakfast is a green, protein smoothie with fruits, a lot of blackcurrants, porridge and tea, and lunch is half a hot cross bun.

I eat dinner at about 4.30pm and because I wake up at 9.30, 10am, I can go 17 hours without eating: Intermittent fasting.

CM: Have you ever tried the fat jab?

SC: No, I’ve never been tempted, sorry.

CM: How many push-ups can you do?

SC: About 40 in one go. I have these two little bar things and every day I do somewhere between 300 and 600. If I’m really going for it, a thousand.

CM: Will you show us?

SC: No, Clemmie, I am not doing press-ups in McDonalds’.

CM: How much sleep do you get a night?

SC: Ten hours. I have these amazing blue light glasses for it and they’re incredible.

CM: Do you wear pyjamas?

SC: Yes.

CM: How many units of Botox have you had?

SM: Oh God, thousands.

CM: Have you had a facelift?

SC: No! Everyone always thinks I have but I haven’t. I used to have filler but then one day I saw a picture of myself and thought, “Oh God, I look like a real weirdo”.

So I had everything dissolved.

CM: How old would you like to be when you finally, you know, cark it?

SC: I said earlier this year that I age backwards. So instead of being 66, I consider myself to be 64. Next year I will be 62.

I think I can live to 100. If I can remove all my stress, carry on with the diet and, you know, we’re discovering new stuff all the time.

CM: Do you biohack?

SC: Well I’ve started on peptides now — I’m on NAD+ [an amino acid said to promote cell turnover and longevity] and am feeling really good for it. I also take Boots Dual Defence [nasal spray] daily and can’t remember the last time I had a cold.”

SIMON’S BITS & BOBS

CM: Have you had your dogs cloned?

SC: I love dogs, sometimes more so than humans. If you love them, they are so loyal and love you unconditionally back.

I have four now: Pebbles the Alsatian, Squiddly, Diddly and Daisy, who is a rescue from Barbados, so she really hates the winter months. They’re like my babies.

So, cloning isn’t as easy as I thought. They don’t just turn up as sweet little puppies in a box. There are ethical concerns so you have to get a donor dog and it’s essential you keep and look after that donor dog, which I absolutely would do.

Otherwise, it’s not right and people who are cruel to animals are the most disgusting people in the world. They are sickos. They deserve custodial sentences — it just upsets me so much.

CM: What’s the funniest thing you have ever read about yourself?

SC: Probably something you wrote about me.

CM: Do you read below-the-line comments?

SC: Absolutely not. I’ve a theory that the really bad comments, whoever posts them, if they’re guys, they have blue duvets with a lot of stains on them. Always dark blue. Living with their mum and dad with filthy duvets. So I refuse to read them.

CM: Ever been to Primark?

SC: Yes, yes. Eric got some PJs, which I promise you are the softest pyjamas I’ve ever touched in my life. And they’re really cute. They’re from Primark!

CM: Have you shopped at TX Maxx?

SC: What’s TK Maxx?

CM: Ever flown Wizz Air?

SC: No, but I flew easyJet to Spain once.

CM: Do you fly cattle?

SC: Um, well, I fly commercial. But in a flat-down bed. I don’t fly private jet.

CM: Do you pray?

SC: I pray every night, yeah. I believe that we have a guardian angel. I believe in God and in the powers of the universe. It’s all combined. And I’m definitely going to heaven. I hope so.

There’ll be my old dogs, all my old friends, my mum and dad.

CM: How many mirrors do you have in your house?

SC: Lots. But actually, I don’t really think I’m that vain.

CM: What’s the most embarrassing thing you’ve done?

SC: Like what?

CM: I don’t know, have you ever wet yourself?

SC: No Clemmie, I haven’t wet myself.

CM: What’s your biggest bugbear?

SC: People with bad breath.

CM: Have you found the new One Direction in your Netflix show?

SC: Well, I don’t know. All I know is that if people like them as much as I like them — and I really, really do have a bond with these boys — then I will be so happy.

They’re real, they’re not privileged, they have no leg-up, apart from this.

One of them is still working in a fast-food restaurant. They’re just lovely, funny boys.

SIMON’S QUIRKS

CM: Do you wear fresh pants every day?

SM: Yeah, of course. I’ve got them all lined up in a drawer, in their little white boxes. I think I have OCD.

CM: Do you wear lifts in your shoes?

SC: No! But yes, I do wear a Cuban heel which gives me an extra inch.

CM: Do you Google “Simon Cowell”?

SC: No because I read things like I wear boosters in my shoes. I probably last Googled myself seven or eight years ago.

CM: When did you last get the Underground?

SM: “Erm, probably not this century. But I do love a double-decker bus, the top deck.

CM: What jeans do you wear?

SM: I wear Giorgio Armani ones, and I’ve only got one pair. People don’t really think I have legs because they always see me sitting down.

CM: How many T-shirts do you own? And do you get a discount code on them?

SC: I have 200 identical charcoal grey Derek Rose T-shirts. I do get a pretty good deal on them actually, yes. I don’t have to think about anything then.

CM: What’s your most annoying habit?

SC: Apparently I snore. But actually, I chew gum really loudly and it drives everyone mad. It’s a chewing gum called CB12. It really irritates everyone.

CM: What irritates you the most?

SC: I have a thing about smells, and hygiene. You smell good by the way. So do you two in the front [points to Sophie, The Sun’s producer, and Tony, his long-term driver].

I want to make a new show actually called The Most Disgusting Show In The World to show people what we actually eat and breathe, and how disgusting we really are. Like, all the bed bugs in our beds, that freaks me out. Everything does.

I’m allergic to them so I have to get my mattress and carpets steamed all the time to get rid of the dust mites or whatever.

SIMON’S CHEAT McDONALD’S ORDER

A DOUBLE Filet-O-Fish and small fries – eaten only after sanitising his hands (and mine).

He says: “Excitingly, we’re going into unknown territories now with the double fish burger. This is quite new, so I am very eager to try it.”

He then proceeds to remove the bun, and cheese, and pick at two slivers of lightly-battered fish patties. And has three fries.

•  Simon Cowell: The Next Act is available to stream now on Netflix.

Mulanje and Lilongwe, Malawi — Ireen Makata sits in her white nursing uniform on a weathered bench at a health post in Malawi’s southern Mulanje district.

The facility is one of 13 in the district, located within a seminomadic, predominantly agricultural community 65km (40 miles) east of Blantyre, Malawi’s commercial capital, near the Mulanje mountain range.

The beige-painted facility stands out from the dozens of huts around it made of red bricks, with straw roofs. To the right of the main entrance is a supply room with diminishing medical supplies. On the other side is an ambulance that Makata says is now rarely used.

Health posts like this were set up to serve remote communities and alleviate pressure on district hospitals. They were crucial in providing communities with basic healthcare, antenatal care, family planning and vaccines.

The clinic in Mulanje used to see dozens of women a day, providing maternal care, including helping women give birth, dispensing medicines and, when needed, transport to the hospital. But now, since funds were cut, it is open only around once every two weeks, stretching its supplies for as long as it can and unable to regularly transport visiting healthcare workers.

Health posts like this are facing closure – 20 have already shuttered in the country – due to the Trump administration cutting United States Agency for International Development (USAID) funding in February. This is forcing the country’s health system to withdraw critical services, placing further stress on hospitals, and leaving thousands of women and children without needed care in a region burdened by poverty and long distances to hospitals.

Makata, a nursing officer specialising in maternal and newborn care, usually based at the district hospital, says she used to visit the post two or three times a week. Now she rarely comes and no longer sees most of the patients she used to care for.

“Most of the women who relied on this post now find the distance to access a district hospital too far,” she tells Al Jazeera.

It would take a large chunk of a day, travelling on the bumpy dirt roads of Mulanje district, to reach one. That long visit “takes them away from their day-to-day activities, which bring income or food to their table,” she explains.

Many cannot afford to do that and now go without care.

“They are failing to get the ideal treatment for antenatal care services, especially during the first trimester of pregnancy,” Makata says.

‘Baby and mother in jeopardy’

USAID funding was all-encompassing. It funded remote medical outposts, covering everything from the training of new staff and the provision of drugs and supplies for pregnant women to petrol for ambulances.

The US government provided close to 32 percent of Malawi’s total health budget before the cuts.

USAID funded the health posts through a programme called MOMENTUM in 14 of Malawi’s 28 districts, starting in 2022, helping strengthen existing clinics and set up new ones. As of 2024, there were 249 posts. The programme also provided medical outreach to communities and equipment. About $80m was being invested in the programme by Washington.

Early this year, US President Donald Trump issued stop-work orders on USAID-funded programmes as part of an executive order to pause and re-evaluate foreign aid.

With that move, MOMENTUM was shelved, and the two dozen mobile posts were shuttered as a result. Medical trainees were left in limbo, and life-saving equipment was sold off in fire sales by Washington.

The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) still provides technical and financial support to several remote districts for maternal and newborn health, but the available resources are not enough to cover the sites funded by MOMENTUM. There are fears that the UNFPA sites will run out of resources and supplies in the coming months.

In the wake of Trump’s funding cuts, health experts in Malawi have raised urgent concerns that new mothers and children will face the greatest impact, with many lives potentially lost as a result.

Makata has set up a WhatsApp group for women to contact her with concerns and questions, but she is frustrated that she cannot work as she used to.

“We would go to where people resided and give them permanent and long-term care,” she says, referring to the posts. “It’s not easy for me to see this. We can’t help those who need the services the most.”

Massitive Matekenya, a community leader for the Musa community in Mulanje district, dressed in a black blazer and oversized chequered-green tie, is at the vacant Mulanje health post.

These days, he says, it is hard to put on a brave face for the people he represents.

“Women in our community are now giving birth on the way to the district hospital since it’s such a long distance away,” says Matekenya. “That puts baby and mother in jeopardy with the potential of the mother bleeding out.”

Matekenya struggles to boost morale as he is constantly faced with community anger over the fact that medical outreach has ended.

He says a 40-year-old woman from his community recently died from malaria. “She had no quick referral to the nearest health facility due to issues of transport,” Matekenya says, noting that the community reached out to a politician but that his assistance came too late.

“I’m worried,” he says. “With family planning services not being offered any more, we are expecting to see a spike in pregnancies, and we are anticipating a possible rise in maternal deaths.”

Impact on fistula care

In a health clinic in Malawi’s capital, Lilongwe, a woman dressed in black with a golden brooch shuffles from hall to hall. Margaret Moyo is tending to her daily responsibilities as head coordinator at the Bwaila Fistula Centre.

Obstetric fistula occurs when a hole between the birth canal and bladder or rectum is formed during an obstructed and extended labour. Women who do not receive medical treatment can be left incontinent.

Beyond the physical pain, women suffering from obstetric fistula also face social stigma due to the constant leaking and are often ostracised from their communities.

The Bwaila Fistula Centre receives more than 400 patients a year from all over the country, as well as from districts in neighbouring Mozambique. It has 45 beds, one doctor and 14 specialised nurses, and some 30 patients were at the centre when Al Jazeera visited in August.

With fewer resources, individuals will not be seen as often during pregnancy, which could lead to undetected maternal health issues, including more cases of fistula, Moyo argues. She is also concerned that conversations around prevention and education will take a backseat.

“The focus should be on training midwives, access to care and education to delay pregnancy in younger women since they are often most at risk of fistula,” says Moyo.

Before the USAID cuts, Malawi’s government had already forecast a $23m shortfall for reproductive, maternal, and newborn health funding for 2025 owing to drops in foreign aid.

‘I am able to help them’

For the past five years, Moyo has been running what she calls an “ambassador” programme at her facility. Patients who undergo successful fistula repair and are reintegrated into their communities are trained and sent out into their communities.

So far, 120 fistula survivors have become patient ambassadors who educate through community outreach to bring in new patients for treatment.

One such ambassador is Alefa Jeffrey. Wearing a grey “Freedom from Fistula Foundation” T-shirt, the 36-year-old mother of four crosses her arms and gazes towards the floor as she talks about being ostracised after she gave birth and developed a fistula.

“I wasn’t allowed to go to church because the other girls made fun of me and said I smelled bad because I was leaking urine and stool,” she says. “My family told me to go to a traditional healer, but he wasn’t able to help.”

Jeffrey could deal with the physical pain, but she was tormented by the negative interactions with friends and family.

“I got used to dealing with fistula, but it was what people were saying that was giving me the most pain,” recounts Jeffrey, who says she even contemplated suicide.

But she also started looking for answers, asking the traditional healer and then eventually meeting an ambassador who came to her community to speak to women.

Having successfully undergone treatment, involving surgery and follow-up patient and educational care, Jeffrey now advocates for fistula education.

She has set up a WhatsApp group for people to chat with her for information about the condition. She has also brought in 39 mothers from her community to the clinic.

“I’m an expert now. I’m able to convince people to come, which isn’t easy,” says Jeffrey. “Some women have lived with a fistula for so long they don’t believe they can be repaired, and they have already given up, but I am able to help them.”

Lessons from the past: ‘We didn’t panic’

Although health experts are worried about the future of a system without USAID in a country where more than 70 percent of the population lives below the poverty line, government leaders say they have been there before.

Back in 2017, during his first presidency, Trump halted funding for the UNFPA and several groups that provided family planning. Malawi’s government approached NGOs and other countries to alleviate the gaps in funding.

Through community and grassroots innovations, they believe they can weather the storm again.

“We didn’t panic when we heard about the USAID cuts,” says Dr Samson Mndolo, Malawi’s secretary of health. “Instead, we looked at how to be more efficient and get more services for our money.

“We looked at areas where we could maximise resources, so for example if an officer goes to a community to do immunisations, they can now provide family planning services in the same trip too.”

Sitting in his office in the Lilongwe City Council building behind an organised desk, Mndolo discusses the challenges.

“As soon as the stop-work orders came out, we lost close to 5,000 health workers. The majority of these are what we call HIV diagnostic assistants,” he says, referring to the fallout from the USAID cuts. “We are looking now to push towards a health system that is more community-based and not necessarily hospital-based.” In such a system, doctors and health workers from central hospitals would be dispatched more to remote communities, and regular community outreach would become part of their remit, requiring them to perform a wider array of services.

Mndolo and his colleagues are setting up online initiatives and WhatsApp chat groups to field questions from remote patients. He remains optimistic about Malawi’s health system and says the worst thing the country can do now is to lose hope.

“Each crisis is an opportunity. This gives us a chance to strengthen the system and retrain our workforce and digital health systems,” he says.

“We are not naive. This will take some time, but once we get a hold of that as a nation, we can be better with time; that is the opportunity that is there for us.”

Despite such reassurance, those in remote communities say they feel isolated.

Tendai Kausi, a 22-year-old mother from the Musa community in the Mulanje district, still goes to the remote health post for help with her four-year-old son, Saxton. But because of the cuts and closures, many women from her community do not, and she has seen new mothers carry pregnancies in their isolated villages – far from healthcare and without routine checks.

“This is not good for the development of our country,” she says.

“My child will be affected because the services here will not get better,” Kausi says. “I feel very sad for my community.”

Surat, India – In 2018, Alpesh Bhai enrolled his three-year-old daughter in an English-language private school in Surat. This was something he never imagined possible while growing up in his village in the Indian state of Gujarat, where his family survived on small fields of fennel, castor and cumin, with their earnings barely enough to cover basic needs.

He had studied in a public school, where, he recalled, “teachers were a rarity, and English almost didn’t exist”.

“Maybe if I knew English, I would have been some government worker. Who knows?”, he said, referring to the dream of a majority of Indians, as government jobs come with tenure and benefits.

His finances improved once he joined the diamond cutting industry in Surat, a city perched along India’s Arabian Sea coast, where nearly 80 percent of the world’s diamonds are cut and polished. Monthly earnings of 35,000 rupees ($390) for the first time brought Alpesh a sense of stability, and with it, the means to give his children the education he never had.

“I was determined that at least my children would get the kind of private education I was deprived of,” he said.

But that dream did not last. The first disruption to business came with Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The sanctions on Russia hurt supply chains, as India sourced at least a third of its raw diamonds from Russia, leading to layoffs.

Alpesh’s earnings fell to 18,000 rupees ($200) a month, then to 20,000 rupees ($222). Soon, the 25,000 rupees ($280) annual school fee became unmanageable. By the time his older daughter reached grade three, just as his younger child started school, the pressure became impossible.

Earlier this year, he pulled both children out of private school and enrolled them in a nearby public one. A few months later, when new United States tariffs deepened the crisis as demand slumped further, his polishing unit laid off 60 percent of its workers, Alpesh among them.

“Seems like I’ve come back to where I started,” he said.

Surat, India’s diamond hub, employs more than 600,000 workers, and hosts 15 large polishing units with annual sales exceeding $100m. For decades, Surat’s diamond‑polishing industry has offered migrant workers from rural Gujarat, many with little or no education, higher incomes, in some cases up to 100,000 rupees ($1,112) a month, and a path out of agrarian hardship.

But recent shocks have exposed the fragility of that ladder, with close to 400,000 workers having faced layoffs, pay cuts, or reduced hours.

Even before Russia’s war on Ukraine began in February 2022, Surat’s diamond industry faced multiple challenges: disrupted supplies from African mines, weakening demand in key Western markets, and inconsistent exports to China, the second-largest customer. With the onset of the war, India’s exports of cut and polished diamonds in the financial year ending on March 31, 2024, fell by 27.6 percent, with sharp declines in its top markets – the US, China, and the United Arab Emirates.

The 50 percent tariffs imposed by US President Donald Trump have worsened the downturn.

Alpesh now works loading and unloading textile consignments for about 12,000 rupees ($133) a month, barely enough to cover food and rent.

“If I had kept them in the private school, I don’t know how I would have survived,” Alpesh said. “People here have killed themselves over debts and school fees. When you don’t have enough to eat, how will you think of teaching your children well?”

His daughters are still adjusting. “They sometimes tell me, ‘Pupa, the studies aren’t as good now’. I tell them we’ll put them back in the private school soon, but I don’t know when that will happen.”

‘An exodus’

Some workers have returned to their villages, as many migrant families in Surat can no longer afford rent or find alternative work.

Shyam Patel, 35, was among them. When exports slowed and US tariffs hit in August, the polishing unit where he worked shut down. With no other work available, he returned to his village in the Banaskantha district the following month.

“What other option was there?” he said. “In the city, there’s rent to pay even when there’s no work.”

He now works as a daily-wage labourer in cotton fields in his village. His son, who was in the final year of high school, dropped out after four months of the new academic session.

“We’ll put him back in school next year,” Shyam said. “The government school said they can’t take new students in the middle of the term. Till then, he helps me in the fields.”

Across the city, the disruption is evident in government data. More than 600 students left school mid-session last year as their parents lost work or returned to their villages, mostly in Saurashtra and north Gujarat.

“Most migrants come to Surat to settle – the city has entire [neighbourhoods] and housing clusters built for diamond workers,” said Bhavesh Tank, vice president of the Diamond Workers Union Gujarat. “An exodus in the middle of the year is unprecedented, and the drop in school enrolment suggests many are not coming back soon.”

The union estimates that about 50,000 workers have left Surat over the past 12 to 14 months.

The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), a Hindu nationalist group allied with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s governing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has been closely observing the diamond industry crisis in Surat.

“The number of dropouts has reached a point where even government schools are struggling to take in new students, said Purvesh Togadia, a VHP representative in the city. “The poor quality of education is making the transition even more disheartening for families.”

The poor quality of education in public schools is well established. In 2024, only 23.4 percent of grade three students could read at a grade two level, compared with 35.5 percent in private schools. By grade 5, the gap persisted – 44.8 percent in government schools versus 59.3 percent in private ones.

Kishor Bhamre, director at Pratham, an organisation working on children’s rights across education and labour, said the setback is not just academic but psychological.

“Children moving from private to government schools lose the environment they grew up in – their friends, familiar teachers, and a sense of community. For many, it also means shifting from an urban to a rural setting, which makes the adjustment even harder and affects their learning,” he said.

Al Jazeera reached out to the Surat Municipal Corporation and the state’s education minister for comment, but did not receive a response.

Limited help

The Diamond Workers Union has repeatedly appealed to the state government to provide an economic relief package and revise salaries in line with inflation. The union has also urged authorities to address the equally pressing situation of the growing number of school dropouts among workers’ children.

The Gujarat government in May introduced a special assistance package for affected diamond workers – a rare move in the industry.

Under the scheme, the state government committed to paying for one year of school fees for diamond polishers’ children, up to 13,500 rupees ($150) annually. To qualify, workers must have been unemployed for the past year and have at least three years of experience in a diamond factory. The fees will be paid directly to the schools.

The government received nearly 90,000 requests from diamond workers across Gujarat, including about 74,000 from Surat alone.  After a slow start – it had provided assistance to only 170 children by July – officials reported disbursing 82.8 million rupees ($921,000) towards school fees for 6,368 children of jobless diamond workers in Surat by mid-September.

But about 26,000 applicants were rejected, reportedly due to “improper details mentioned” in the forms, leading to frustration and anger among workers. In the past few days, nearly 1,000 diamond polishers have filed applications with the local government, demanding to know who rejected their forms and on what grounds, and alleging opacity in the process.

The scheme’s rigid eligibility criteria have also excluded workers.

“The scheme only covers those who have completely lost their jobs, but it leaves out many who are facing partial cuts or reduced work,” said Tank. “They’re struggling just as much and need support equally.”

Tank added that education remains one of the most common concerns among workers reaching out to the union’s suicide prevention helpline, which was set up by the Diamond Workers Union after Surat had already recorded at least 71 suicides among diamond workers by November 2024. It has received more than 5,000 calls so far.

Divyaben Makwana, 40, lost her 22-year-old son, Kewalbhai, who had been working as a diamond polisher for three years. On June 14, he died by suicide.

Kewalbhai had been under immense mental stress after losing his job in the diamond market, his mother told Al Jazeera.

“He was earning around 20,000 rupees ($220) a month, and when even that collapsed,” he took his life, she said. “We took him to the hospital and did everything we could. I borrowed 500,000 rupees ($5,560) from relatives and friends, but we couldn’t save him. Now, I don’t have a son – only a loan.”

She lives in Surat with her husband, who has been unable to work due to prolonged illness, and their younger son, Karmdeep, 18. With no means to return to their village in Saurashtra, Divyaben has begun working as a domestic worker to make ends meet. Karmdeep dropped out after grade 11, and now attends a local coaching centre, where he is learning diamond faceting while looking for work.

“Education has become so expensive,” Divyaben said. “At least with coaching, he’ll learn a skill. By the time the market recovers, if he’s trained as a craftsman, maybe we’ll be able to repay some of our debts.”

She paused, her voice low. “I don’t know if education, whether taken on loan or given free, can really change our fate. Our only hope is still the diamond.”

If you or someone you know is at risk of suicide, these organisations may be able to help.

You can access the Diamond Workers Union helpline at +91-92395 00009.