Features

For decades, Reza Pahlavi was the polite face of the Iranian opposition in exile – a former fighter pilot who spoke of nonviolent resistance and secular democracy from his home in the United States.

But this weekend, the tone of the 65-year-old heir to the Peacock Throne and son of Iran’s last shah changed dramatically.

In a direct challenge to the Iranian government, Pahlavi called on Iranians to “seize city centres” and prepare for his imminent return, prompting what Iranian state media described as “armed terrorist attacks” across the country.

“Our goal is no longer merely to come into the streets,” Pahlavi declared in a statement released on his X account. “The goal is to prepare to seize city centres and hold them.”

From heir to exile

Pahlavi was born in Tehran on October 31, 1960, seven years after the US and the UK engineered a coup against Iran’s then-elected Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh, who had nationalised the assets of the Anglo-Persian oil company, now known as BP, in 1951.

Pahlavi was officially named crown prince at the age of seven. His path seemed destined for the throne until the 1979 revolution upended the region.

At 17, he left Iran for fighter pilot training in the US at Reese Air Force Base in Texas. While he was away, the repressive monarchy collapsed, and the current political system was established, barring his return.

Pahlavi completed his training and later earned a degree in political science from the University of Southern California. During the Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s, he famously volunteered to serve as a fighter pilot for his country but was rejected by the authorities in Tehran.

He has lived in exile ever since, residing in the US with his wife, Yasmine Pahlavi, and their three daughters.

‘Preparing to return’

For more than 40 years, Pahlavi advocated for a referendum and nonviolent change. However, his rhetoric has sharpened significantly in recent days.

On Saturday, he urged workers in key sectors — transport, oil, and gas — to launch nationwide strikes to “cut off the financial lifelines” of the state. He specifically called on the “youth of the Immortal Guard” — the erstwhile imperial forces — and security forces to defect.

“I, too, am preparing to return to the homeland so that at the time of our national revolution’s victory, I can be beside you,” he stated.

His call to action comes amid reports of the largest antigovernment protests in years. Pahlavi asked supporters to hoist the pre-1979 “Lion and Sun” flag, a symbol of his father’s rule, and to occupy public spaces starting from 6pm local time (14:30 GMT).

‘Terrorist’ accusations

The response from Tehran has been furious. On Sunday, state-affiliated media outlets labelled the protests as a “new phase of insecurity” and an “internal armed war”.

A report by the conservative Vatan-e Emrooz newspaper, cited by the Tasnim news agency, described Pahlavi’s call as cover for “terrorist nuclei” to attack police and Basij forces.

“Do not be mistaken; this is not merely a riot … these were armed terrorist attacks,” the report stated, claiming that dozens of security personnel had been killed.

Officials have linked Pahlavi’s escalation to foreign interference, specifically accusing the US and Israel. They claimed the unrest is a “Plan B” by US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu following the conclusion of the 12-day war between Israel and Iran in May last year.

‘Opposition against the opposition’?

While Pahlavi has found renewed popularity on the streets, he faces sharp criticism from within the fractured Iranian opposition.

Alireza Nader, an Iran expert, argued in a recent article that Pahlavi’s political activities have become divisive. Critics accuse his circle of attacking other prominent dissidents, such as Nobel Peace Prize winner Narges Mohammadi, labelling them “leftists” or “terrorists”.

“Pahlavi has doubled down on his advisors despite others’ unease about them,” Nader wrote, questioning whether the prince has become “the opposition against the opposition”.

There are also concerns about manipulation. Nader noted that Pahlavi’s online support is partly driven by cyber-armies linked to the Iranian government, designed to sow discord, raising questions about “who is co-opting whom”.

Despite these internal rifts, Pahlavi remains the most visible figurehead for the current wave of unrest. With the Trump administration maintaining a hands-off approach — asserting it is “up to Iranians to choose their own leaders” — and the streets of Tehran burning, the exiled prince appears to be making his final gamble for the throne he lost 47 years ago.

REPORTER’S NOTEBOOK

Al Jazeera’s Resul Serdar Atas recounts scenes from Aleppo amid escalating clashes between the Syrian army and SDF forces.

I arrived in Aleppo early on Wednesday morning after receiving reports of serious clashes between the Syrian army and the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). What I encountered was far worse than I expected.

Heavy artillery shelling was constant, extreme. My team came under attack four times; one bullet hit our equipment.

This round of clashes, we quickly understood, would not be easily contained like earlier bouts over the past year.

The root of the conflict is the government’s demand for the SDF, which has tens of thousands of troops, to integrate into state institutions, as per an agreement reached between the two sides last March. But there are numerous disputes over how that should happen, including the number of SDF troops that will join the army.

‘Overwhelming sense of despair’

Fighting has centred in heavily populated parts of Aleppo, specifically the districts of Ashrafieh and Sheikh Maqsoud. In total, these areas have about 400,000 inhabitants. Within 24 hours of fighting erupting, 160,000 fled their homes. It was like an exodus.

On Thursday, when the fighting peaked, people struggled to make their way through the streets without being caught in the crossfire. Children screamed and cried in panic. Families held each other’s hands and clothes in order to not lose track of each other.

One elderly man said he had seen enough after nearly 15 years of civil strife: “May God take my soul so I can rest,” he said.

An elderly woman, barely able to walk, fell to the ground amid the crowd and several people trampled over her. I saw her son break into tears as he tried to pull her from the ground.

The last time I saw scenes like this was in 2014, when ISIL (ISIS) attacked Syria’s Kurdish-majority town of Kobane. There was an overwhelming sense of despair, helplessness, and a feeling that everything was ending.

Short-lived ceasefire

On Friday, the warring parties agreed to a morning ceasefire and the SDF leadership agreed its fighters would lay down their heavy weapons and leave the area. However, when buses arrived to take them, more fighting broke out. When the buses came back later, the same thing happened. Our sources told us this was due to divisions within the SDF, with more radical factions resisting the calls to lay down their arms.

The back and forth ended with the Syrian government setting a deadline of 6pm (15:00 GMT) on Friday for remaining civilians to flee, after which it would restart military operations against SDF targets. Heavy fighting has since resumed in Sheikh Maqsoud.

The government, careful to avoid the perception of demographic engineering, has said that once it clears the area of SDF fighters, everyone will be able to come home. It has stressed that this is not a fight between Arabs and Kurds, but between government forces and a non-state force.

Meanwhile, people from Aleppo are sitting between hope and fear. On the one hand, they hope an agreement is finally reached between the SDF and Syrian army so they can return to their homes. But on the other hand, after 15 years of civil war, they fear that history could be repeating itself.

Landing at Aden International Airport on a trip in late 2017, the plane had two flags visible as it moved along the tarmac. One was the flag of the former South Yemen, resurrected as a symbol of Yemen’s secessionist southern movement. The other was of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the movement’s primary backer.

Passing one checkpoint after another on the road out of Aden, the flag of the actual Republic of Yemen wasn’t visible, and only made an appearance towards the city of Taiz, to the north.

The UAE-backed secessionist Southern Transitional Council (STC) had been formed a few months earlier, in May 2017. Headed by Aidarous al-Zubaidi, it made clear that its ultimate goal was separation from the rest of Yemen, even if it found itself on the same side as the Yemeni government in the fight against the Houthi rebels occupying the Yemeni capital Sanaa.

By 2019, the STC and the Yemeni government fought in Aden and other areas of the south. The STC emerged on top, forcing the government out of Aden – the former capital of South Yemen and the city the government had designated as a temporary capital during the conflict against the Houthis.

Momentum continued to be on the STC’s side for the next few years, as it seized more territory. Even after al-Zubaidi joined the Saudi-backed Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) as a vice-president, officially making him a member of the Yemeni government, it was clear that on the ground, the STC had de facto control over much of the former South Yemen.

Al-Zubaidi must have felt close to achieving his goals when he found himself at the United Nations General Assembly in September. Speaking to the international media, he said that the “best solution for Yemen” was a “two-state solution”.

But then he went too far. His move last month to push STC forces into the eastern governorates of Hadhramout and al-Mahra, effectively securing control over all of the former South Yemen, was a red line for Saudi Arabia.

The STC leader is on the run, forces now loyal to the Yemeni government are in control of the majority of southern Yemen, and many of his allies have changed sides.

The UAE, meanwhile, appears to have accepted that Saudi Arabia is the primary foreign actor in Yemen, and has taken a step back – for now.

What now for South Yemen?

In a matter of weeks, secession has gone from a de facto reality to seemingly further away than it has been since the early days of Yemen’s war in the mid-2010s.

It was only last Friday that al-Zubaidi announced a two-year transitional period before a referendum on the independence of southern Yemen and the declaration of the state of “South Arabia”.

A week later, the STC looked divided – with Abdul Rahman al-Mahrami, a PLC member also known as Abu Zaraa, now in Riyadh, appearing to position himself in the Saudi camp.

The Yemeni government, with Saudi support, is attempting to reorganise the anti-Houthi military forces, with the aim of moving them away from being a divided band of groups under different commands to a force unified under the umbrella of the government.

Nods to the “southern issue” – the disenfranchisement of southern Yemen since the country’s brief 1994 north-south civil war – continues, with plans for a conference on the issue in Riyadh.

But the ultimate goal of hardline southerners – secession – is off the table under current circumstances, with consensus instead forming around the idea of a federal republic allowing for strong regional representation.

The Yemeni government also sees an opportunity to now use the momentum gained in the recent successes against the STC to advance against the Houthis, who control Yemen’s populous northwest – even if that remains an ambitious goal.

Of course, this is Yemen, and the winds can always change once again.

Support for the secession of southern Yemen remains strong in governorates like Al-Dhale, where al-Zubaidi is from. Hardcore STC supporters, those who have not been coopted, will be unlikely to simply give up, sowing the seeds for a potential insurgency.

And President Rashad al-Alimi will have to show that his power does not simply rest on Saudi Arabia’s military strength. One of the major tests of his legitimacy is whether he will be able to return with his government to Aden, and finally be based in Yemen for the first time in years.

That will be the ultimate challenge for the Yemeni government. Is it truly capable of being in control once again? Or are current events just a temporary setback for the STC and the cause of southern secession, waiting for the opportunity to rise up again?

Malam Fatori, Nigeria — It’s been more than 10 years since Isa Aji Mohammed lost four of his children in one night when Boko Haram fighters attacked their home in northeast Nigeria’s Borno State.

Maryam, who was 15 at the time, was killed alongside her brothers Mohammed, 22, and Zubairu, who was only 10. Yadoma, 25 and married with children, who had returned home to her parents’ house for a visit, also died in the attack.

“We ran with nothing,” said 65-year-old Isa, standing on the parched soil of his farm in the Lake Chad village of Malam Fatori, to which he recently returned. “For more than 10 years, we slept in relatives’ homes. I felt like a stranger in my own country.”

Before the deadly attack, Isa, a farmer, produced hundreds of bags of rice, maize and beans annually, enough to feed his family and sell in markets in neighbouring Niger.

After that night, he fled and spent the next decade in displacement camps across the border.

But last year, he joined thousands of other former residents who have relocated back to Malam Fatori and other towns as part of a resettlement programme initiated by the government.

The village sits on the edge of Nigeria’s northeastern frontier, close to the border with Niger, where the vast, flat landscape stretches into open farmland and seasonal wetlands.

A decade ago, homes there were intact and full, their courtyards echoing with children’s voices and the steady rhythm of daily life. Farms extended well beyond the town’s outskirts, producing grains and vegetables that sustained families and supported local trade.

Irrigation canals flowed regularly, and the surrounding area was known for its productivity, especially during the dry season. Markets were active, and movement between Malam Fatori and neighbouring communities was normal, not restricted by fear.

Today, the town carries the visible scars of conflict and neglect, with much of it lying in ruin.

Rows of mud-brick houses stand roofless or partially collapsed, their walls cracked by years of abandonment. Some homes have been hastily repaired with scrap wood and sheets of metal, signs of families slowly returning and rebuilding with whatever materials they can find.

The farms surrounding Malam Fatori are beginning to show faint signs of life again. Small plots of millet and sorghum are being cleared by hand, while irrigation channels – once choked with sand and weeds – are gradually being reopened.

Many fields, however, remain empty, overtaken by thorny bushes and dry grass after years without cultivation. Farmers move cautiously, working close to the town, wary of venturing too far into land that was once fertile but has long been unsafe.

For returnees like Isa, walking through these spaces means navigating both the present reality and memories of what once was. Each broken wall and abandoned field tells a story of loss, while every newly planted seed signals a quiet determination to restore a town that violence nearly erased.

Between ‘two pressures’: Boko Haram and the army

For the Borno State administration, the returns are a success. “There are 5,000 households of returnees in Malam Fatori, while the town’s total population now exceeds 20,000 people,” Usman Tar, Borno State commissioner for information and internal security, told Al Jazeera last year.

As we toured the town, the security presence was visible. Armed patrols, checkpoints and observation posts were stationed along major routes and near public spaces, reflecting ongoing efforts to deter attacks and reassure residents.

Families interviewed said they were subjected to frequent security checks and strict movement controls, measures they understand as necessary but which also disrupt daily routines and limit access to farms, markets and neighbouring communities.

Residents and local officials say the threat remains close. Fighters from Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), another armed group active in the area, are believed to be operating from swampy areas approximately two kilometres from the town, using the difficult terrain as cover.

Although the town itself is under heavy military protection, surrounding areas continue to experience attacks, kidnappings and harassment, particularly along farming routes and access roads.

These persistent security incidents reinforce a climate of fear and uncertainty among returnees. While many families have chosen to remain and rebuild despite the risks, they say the proximity of armed groups and the ongoing violence in nearby communities make long-term recovery fragile.

“Here in Malam Fatori, we live under two pressures,” said resident Babagana Yarima. “Boko Haram dictates our safety, and the military dictates our movement. Both limit how we live every day.”

Farmers wait up to eight hours at military checkpoints when transporting produce. Curfews prevent evening farm work. Access to agricultural land beyond the town requires military permits or armed escorts.

“Insecurity and military restrictions limit access to farmlands, forcing farmers to cultivate smaller areas than before,” said Bashir Yunus, an agrarian expert at the University of Maiduguri who also farms in the region.

Fishing, previously a major food source and income generator from Lake Chad, has become dangerous and requires permits to leave the town boundaries.

“Movement beyond the town’s boundaries now requires military permits. Militant attacks in isolated areas continue,” said Issoufou.

The United Nations has raised concerns about the government’s resettlement programme, citing potential protection violations. Mohamed Malick, UN resident and humanitarian coordinator in Nigeria, said during an interview with journalists in Maiduguri that “any returns or relocations must be informed, voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable”.

Malick added that the return of refugees to Malam Fatori and other insecure areas must be carefully evaluated against established safety and humanitarian standards, and must only take place if conditions allow for basic services and sustainable livelihoods.

‘A man without land is a man without life’

Settled back on his land, Isa wakes before dawn each day, leaving his home in the quiet hours before the town stirs.

He walks to the fields that once yielded fertile harvests, now choked with weeds and debris. The land that once fed his family and supported their livelihood now demands relentless effort just to coax a small crop from the exhausted soil.

‎With each turn of the hoe and careful planting of seeds, he is determined to reclaim a fragment of the life that was disrupted by conflict.

‎He also participates in community farming initiatives, joining neighbours in collective efforts to restore agricultural production for the returning population and aid the town’s slow recovery.

‎However, the area he personally cultivates is far smaller than what he once managed, constrained by limited access to tools, seeds and water, as well as by the lingering insecurity in the region.

‎”A man without land is a man without life,” he said.

‎‎Most families in Malam Fatori now eat only twice a day, a sharp contrast to life before the conflict. ‎Their meals typically consist of rice or millet, often eaten with little or no vegetables due to cost and limited availability. ‎

Food prices have risen dramatically, placing further strain on households already struggling to recover. ‎A kilogramme of rice now sells for about 1,200 naira (approximately $0.83), nearly double its previous price, making even basic staples increasingly unaffordable for many families.

‎Fish, once plentiful and affordable thanks to proximity to Lake Chad, have become scarce and expensive. Insecurity, restricted access to fishing areas, and disrupted supply chains have severely reduced local catches.

‎At the local market and at aid distribution points, women queue before dawn, hoping to secure small quantities of dried fish, groundnut oil or maize flour when supplies arrive.

‎Deliveries are irregular and unpredictable, often selling out within hours. Many women say they return home empty-handed after waiting for hours, compounding daily stress and uncertainty about how to feed their families.

‎Local health workers warn that malnutrition remains a serious concern, particularly among children under the age of five.

Basic services remain inadequate across town. Roads are poor, and schools and health clinics operate with minimal resources.

“Security risks and inaccessible routes through surrounding bushland continue to restrict humanitarian access, preventing aid agencies from reaching several communities. Basic services such as clean water, healthcare and quality education remain inadequate,” Kaka Ali, deputy director of local government primary healthcare, told Al Jazeera.

Despite ongoing challenges, residents of Malam Fatori are steadily working to rebuild their community and restore livelihoods disrupted by years of conflict.

‎Across the town, women have organised themselves into small cooperatives, producing handmade mats and processing groundnut oil for household use and local sale.

‎Fishermen, once central to the local economy, now operate cautiously in small groups in line with security regulations. Along riverbanks and storage areas, they repair damaged canoes and carefully mend fishing nets that were abandoned or destroyed during the conflict.

‎At the same time, teams of bricklayers are reconstructing homes destroyed during the violence, using locally sourced materials and shared labour to rebuild shelters for returning families.

The town’s clinic, staffed by six nurses, is overstretched. Vaccinations, malaria treatment and maternal health services are rationed. Power outages and equipment shortages compound the challenges. But it is a lifeline.

At Malam Fatori Central Primary School, children from the town and surrounding communities are being taught with the few resources available.

There are only 10 functional classrooms for hundreds of pupils, so some learn outdoors, under trees or in open spaces. There is a shortage of teachers, so some educators brave the conditions and travel long distances from the southern parts of Borno State.

In another, more unusual arrangement, soldiers stationed in the town occasionally step in to teach basic civic education and history lessons.

While not a replacement for trained teachers, community leaders say their involvement provides pupils with some continuity in education. The presence of soldiers in classrooms, they say, also reassures parents about security and underscores a shared effort to stabilise the town and rebuild essential services.

‘This land contains our future’

‎Amid all of the returning and rebuilding, security remains a dominant feature of daily life in Malam Fatori.

‎Soldiers remain stationed throughout the town, at markets and other public spaces to deter attacks.

Meanwhile, former Boko Haram members who have enrolled in a government-led deradicalisation and repentance programme also assist in protecting farmers working on the outskirts of the town, helping to rebuild trust between civilians and security structures.

Abu Fatima is a former Boko Haram fighter who joined the repentance programme. ‎“Troop patrols are constant, curfews dictate daily life,” he said about the security arrangements in Malam Fatori.

Although residents welcome the security provided by the soldiers’ presence in the town, “many say they feel trapped – unable to fully rebuild the lives they had before Boko Haram, yet unwilling to abandon a homeland that defines them”, he said, echoing the tension felt by many returnees.

‎Bulama Shettima has also lived through the personal cost of the fighting that has devastated northeast Nigeria. Two of the 60-year-old’s sons joined ISWAP, a tragedy that left the family with deep emotional scars. After years of uncertainty and fear, one of his sons was later deradicalised through a government rehabilitation programme. This has allowed his family to heal and reconcile. Coming back to Malam Fatori is also part of that.

“Returning wasn’t about safety,” he said. “It was about belonging. This land contains our history. This land contains our grief. This land contains our future.”

‎Today, Bulama is focused on rebuilding his life and securing a different future for his children.

‎He works as a farmer, cultivating small plots of land under difficult conditions, while also running a modest business to supplement his income. ‎

‎Despite his losses, Bulama places strong emphasis on educating his other children, saying that their schooling is a form of resistance against the cycle of violence that once tore his family apart. It will also allow them to grow up with choices, he says.

As many displaced families remain in Niger or live in limbo in Maiduguri, fearing a return to towns where armed men operate not far away, those now in Malam Fatori consider it a move worth making.

For Isa, the decision to return represents a calculated risk.

“We are caught between fear and order,” he said. “But still, we must live. Still, we must plant. Still, we must hope.”

This piece was published in collaboration with Egab.

For years, Aidarous al-Zubaidi has been the undisputed strongman of southern Yemen, a former air force officer who transitioned from a rebel leader to a statesman courted by Western diplomats.

But on Wednesday, his political trajectory took a drastic turn.

In a decree that has shaken the country’s fragile power-sharing arrangement, the chairman of the Presidential Leadership Council (PLC), Rashad al-Alimi, removed al-Zubaidi from his post as council member, stripping him of his immunity and referring him to the public prosecutor on charges of “high treason”.

The decree accuses al-Zubaidi of “forming armed gangs”, “harming the Republic’s political and military standing”, and leading a military rebellion.

Simultaneously, the Saudi-led coalition announced that al-Zubaidi had “fled to an unknown destination” after failing to answer a summons to Riyadh—a claim the Southern Transitional Council (STC) vehemently denies, insisting their leader remains in Aden.

So, who is the man at the centre of these rapid developments in Yemen?

The ‘rebel’ officer

Born in 1967 in the Zubayd village of the mountainous Al-Dale governorate, al-Zubaidi’s life has mirrored the turbulent history of southern Yemen.

He graduated from the air force academy in Aden as a second lieutenant in 1988. However, his military career was upended by the 1994 civil war, in which northern forces under then-President Ali Abdullah Saleh crushed the southern separatist movement.

Al-Zubaidi fought on the losing side and was forced into exile in Djibouti.

He returned to Yemen in 1996 to found Haq Taqreer al-Maseer (HTM), which means the Movement of Right to Self-Determination, an armed group that carried out assassinations against northern military officials. A military court sentenced him to death in absentia, a ruling that stood until Saleh pardoned him in 2000.

After years of a low-level rebellion, al-Zubaidi re-emerged during the Arab Spring in 2011, when his movement claimed responsibility for attacks on Yemeni army vehicles in Al-Dale.

From governor to secessionist chief

The Houthi takeover of Sanaa in 2014 and their subsequent push south in 2015 provided al-Zubaidi with his biggest opening.

Leading southern resistance fighters, he played a pivotal role in repelling Houthi forces from Al-Dale and Aden. In recognition of his influence on the ground, President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi appointed him governor of Aden in December 2015.

However, the alliance was short-lived. Tensions between Hadi’s government and southern separatists boiled over, leading to al-Zubaidi’s dismissal in April 2017.

Less than a month later, al-Zubaidi formed the Southern Transitional Council (STC), declaring it the legitimate representative of the southern people. Backed by the United Arab Emirates, the STC built a formidable paramilitary force that frequently clashed with government troops, eventually seizing control of Aden.

In April 2022, in a bid to unify the anti-Houthi front, al-Zubaidi was appointed to the eight-member Presidential Leadership Council (PLC).

A vision of ‘South Arabia’

Despite joining the unity government, al-Zubaidi never abandoned his ultimate goal: the restoration of the pre-1990 southern state.

In interviews with international media, including United Arab Emirates state-run newspaper The National and Al Hurra, al-Zubaidi outlined a vision for a federal “State of South Arabia”. He argued that the “peace process is frozen” and that a two-state solution was the only viable path forward.

He also courted controversy by expressing openness to the Abraham Accords.

“If Palestine regains its rights … when we have our southern state, we will make our own decisions and I believe we will be part of these accords,” he told The National in September 2025.

Most recently, on January 2, 2026, al-Zubaidi issued a “constitutional declaration” announcing a two-year transition period leading to a referendum on independence – a move that appears to have triggered his dismissal.

The final rupture

The events of January 7 mark the collapse of the fragile alliance between the internationally recognised government and the STC.

Brigadier General Turki al-Maliki, spokesperson for the coalition, stated that al-Zubaidi had been distributing weapons in Aden to “cause chaos” and had fled the country after being given a 48-hour ultimatum to report to Riyadh.

Al-Maliki also confirmed “limited preemptive strikes” against STC forces mobilising near the Zind camp in Al-Dale.

The STC has rejected these accounts. In a statement issued on Wednesday morning, the council claimed al-Zubaidi is “continuing his duties from the capital, Aden”.

Instead, the STC raised the alarm about its own delegation in Riyadh, led by Secretary-General Abdulrahman Shaher al-Subaihi, claiming they have lost all contact with them.

“We demand the Saudi authorities … guarantee the safety of our delegation,” the statement read, condemning the air strikes on Al-Dale as “unjustified escalation”.

With “high treason” charges on the table and air strikes reported in the south, al-Zubaidi’s long game for independence appears to have pushed Yemen into a dangerous new phase of conflict.

THEY have barely aged in 20 years and can still fit into the hotpants that turned them into overnight stars.

Now, Cheeky Girls Monica and Gabriela Irimia, who first ­wiggled their way into the public eye on 2002 TV show Popstars: The Rivals, have revealed their secret to defying time at 43.

Gabriela said with a laugh: “People always ask us our secret to looking good. We have a few strict rules — no eating after 7pm, exercise every day . . . and lots of sex.”

Gabriela was famously engaged to ex-Liberal Democrat MP Lembik Opik, prior to meeting partner Adam Zubek seven years ago.

She said: “I’m really happy in my life now. Lembik was a ­genuine guy, we had a great relationship. But there was a lot of pressure from all sides, including from his party.”

Monica married building contractor Shaun Taylor in 2016.

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Their catchy Cheeky Song (Touch My Bum) co-written by their mum, Hungarian former midwife Margrit, was voted the “worst pop record of all time” in a 2004 Channel 4 poll.  

Yet it sold 1.2million copies worldwide, reaching No2 in the UK charts.

And bookings are hotter than ever for the twins, who also work in the motoring trade, due to the famous track ­taking off on social media and TikTok.

Monica, who is younger by ten ­minutes, said: “People ask us if we’re now ‘cheeky women’ but no, we’re still cheeky girls.

We haven’t had any work done — except our boobs and our teeth, which were a 40th ­birthday present to ourselves.

“We’re proof that, at 43, you can still be sexy, have two successful careers and also have fun.

‘Best of both worlds’

“We’ve performed at some of the biggest festivals, tiny gigs and at old people’s homes and student unions, and we love every minute of it.

“Our smallest gig was for three people at a hunting lodge for a multi- millionaire on a shooting weekend. Our strangest was for a room of deaf people who danced to the vibrations.”

As for those shiny silver hotpants, two years after Kylie Minogue rocked hers in Spinning Around?

Monica said: “The hotpants still fit. I think the bums have got a tiny bit bigger. We’re a little bit curvier, but in a good way.”

The hotpants still fit. I think the bums have got a tiny bit bigger. We’re a little bit curvier, but in a good way

Part of the siblings’ appeal these days is they cock a light-hearted snook at woke cancel culture.

Gabriela said: “Society is now becoming so serious. You can’t say this, you can’t do that . . . Where’s the novelty? Where’s the fun?

“But you can’t cancel us for being cheeky or you’d have to cancel Kylie Minogue and her hotpants, too.”

At the height of their fame, the girls mingled with A-list celebs and ­Gabriela claimed Robbie Williams once tried to charm her when they were both single.

She said: “Robbie was my teenage crush and I was privileged to meet him at an after-party for the Ant And Dec TV show.

“He chatted me up and I chatted him up. He was single, I was single. He told me, ‘You’re beautiful’. I ­fancied him. But it stopped there, unfortunately. Nothing happened.”

And they revealed their biggest celebrity fan was none other than heavy-metal legend Alice Cooper.

Monica said: “When we met Alice Cooper, who is our idol and an iconic artist, he said ‘Oh my god, girls. I love you!’ We were like, ‘Alice Cooper, a fan?’ That made our year.”

We’ve still got it and we are loving every moment

Now, 23 years on from their breakthrough hit, the Romanian twins both work in Audi car showrooms by day — Gabriela in York and Monica in Boston, Lincs — and insist: “There’s always a cheeky deal to be had.”

But people still sing the lyric, “We are the Cheeky Girls” at them in the supermarket or shout, “Cheeky, cheeky!” on the street.

Senior car saleswoman Gabriela said: “By day, we are suited and booted working for Audi cars, but we perform as the Cheeky Girls in ­hotpants by night.

“So we have the best of both worlds. We’ve still got it and we are loving every moment.”

Monica revealed that when customers come in, some do a double take, while others struggle to place how they know the pair.

She revealed: “All the time, customers say to us, ‘Do I know you from somewhere?’. We joke, ‘Do you want a cheeky deal?’.

“You see them frantically scrolling on their phones to check if it’s really us. Others say, ‘Oh, I don’t want to be cheeky, but can I have £1,000 off?’ — then you know they know!

“I’ll joke, ‘Maybe that’s a little too cheeky, but I can definitely offer you a great deal . . .’

“Both of us are petrolheads who love prestige cars, so we love our career as much as we love being pop stars.

“The only thing that could top it would be if we were invited to present Top Gear or appear on Strictly Come Dancing.”

To celebrate the release of their new song Drive, inspired by their day job, they have performed a tongue-in-cheek version of the Cheeky Song (Touch My Bum), instead singing “touch my bumper”, exclusively for Sun on Sunday readers to watch online.

The twins revealed that Love Island bosses had begged them to appear on the show — but they refused.

Gabriela said: “We did get an invitation to go to Love Island but it’s not our thing.

“We wouldn’t want to be seen ­having sex on camera or kissing boys. It’s tacky. If we were to go to Love Island, we’d be boring!”

We are available, 23 years on! We reckon we’d take Britain to glory again

They also insisted they will never do OnlyFans.

Gabriela said: “Twenty years ago, we did magazine covers, including FHM. We’d still be up for that. But you’ll never find us on OnlyFans. If anyone claims to be a Cheeky Girl on there, it’s not us.”

One gig the girls would love to land is Eurovision.

Louis Walsh, who was a judge on the show that shot them to fame, wanted the duo to represent ­Britain in the contest with a version of ­Baccara’s 1977 hit, Yes Sir, I Can ­Boogie.

Gabriela revealed: “At the time, we had the dilemma: would we represent Romania or the UK? But we’d do it now for the UK.

“So Louis, call us. We are available, 23 years on! We reckon we’d take Britain to glory again.”

‘Loss of control’

As well as the highs that come with scoring hit singles, including Take Your Shoes Off and (Hooray Hooray) It’s A Cheeky Holiday, there have been crushing lows.

It all nearly came crashing down as their record label, Telstar, collapsed — reportedly owing them more than £1million. They were declared ­bankrupt in 2009.

Monica recalled: “We are ­talking huge bills. Where do you go? What do you do?”

The pressures led them to spiral into an eating disorder. At one point, they each weighed just 6.5st.

Monica added: “It started with loss of control over everything. You feel like you want to take control of something and the only thing you can control is what you put in your mouth and do with your body.”

While both have now recovered, they are open about their battle to let other sufferers know there is hope.

Monica said: “We recovered many years ago. But we speak openly about this to raise awareness because of the pressures young people feel, ­particularly with social media.

“It also taught us a really important lesson — to stay positive.”

The twins both felt pressure to have boob jobs, after being sidelined for a bustier woman in their music video for Cheeky Holiday.

Gabriela’s first operation was a ­disaster, and she said: “My body rejected the implant. One boob was up, one boob was down.”

She has had a series of operations to correct it.

In 2017, one of her sister’s implants ruptured in two places.

But Monica said they now love their bodies, adding: “When I was in my 20s, you’re not that confident.

“I’ve now reached a stage where I feel I’m completely confident. I feel really sexy. We both feel that way.”

The twins hope to continue juggling their day jobs and singing careers.

Gabriela said: “Due to social media and TikTok, a whole new generation is coming to see us. It’s amazing.

“As long as the phone keeps ringing, the Cheeky Girls are going to be around.

“It’s worked for 23 years, we hope it will work for another 23. Who knows, we may even end up performing one day as the Cheeky Grandmas!”

AS celebrity weddings go, few have been more scandal-hit than the nuptials of Adam Peaty and Holly Ramsay.

From the bride not inviting her future mother-in-law to her hen do and the Olympian uninviting his family, to Adam’s aunt posting her feelings about the whole tawdry affair online, it has been the showbiz gossip gift that keeps on giving.

And to top it all off, the groom went the full Brooklyn Beckham by changing his name to Adam Ramsay Peaty,

But the marriage of swimmer Adam to Gordon Ramsay’s daughter Holly isn’t the first celeb wedding to be filled with scandal.

From Hollywood bigamy and a bride having to pee in a bucket, to stag do misdemeanours, celebrity weddings have more drama than an Eastenders Christmas special.

Here we take a look at some of the wedding scandals that engulfed some of showbiz’s biggest stars.

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Meghan Markle and Prince Harry

The world was thrilled when Prince Harry and American actress Meghan announced their engagement.

But things quickly soured with allegations that Meghan had made Princess Catherine cry over Charlotte’s bridesmaid dress and that the bride was demanding to wear a particular Royal tiara on her big day.

And it was going to go from bad to worse as Meghan’s dad Thomas Markle started to speak to the press.

He was then promptly cut off by his daughter.

In the end the only member of the bride’s family to attend the Royal wedding was Meghan’s mother Doria Ragland – with all the Markles crossed off the guest list.

The King then ended up giving his future daughter-in-law away.

But as we all know the wedding wasn’t the last scandal to hit the newlyweds as they chose to step away from Royal life, flee the UK, and appear to have a strained relationship with the rest of the Royal family.

Brian McFadden and Kerry Katona

Westlife star Brian and Atomic Kitten Kerry seemed like a match made in pop heaven.

The showbiz couple said ‘I do” in a grand ceremony at Slane Castle, Ireland, in 2002.

But behind their glitzy bash, which was said to have cost £100,000, Brian was keeping a secret.

Newlywed Kerry later discovered that her husband had cheated on her with a stripper on his stag do.

The couple divorced after two years together and Kerry later said she was ‘mortified’ by Brian’s infidelity. 

“I only found out after we got married. The girl he had cheated on me with was a lap dancer and he had made her sign an NDA and paid her 15 grand to keep her mouth shut,” she explained.

Blake Lively and Ryan Reynolds

It wasn’t long after tying the knot with Ryan Reynolds that actress Blake Lively found herself having to avert disaster – but not the romantic kind. 

Distracted by Florence Welch singing at her reception, it took some time for her to notice that a sparkler had burnt a hole into the front of her one of a kind Marchesa silk gown.

“I look down and my wedding dress has a big burn mark from one of the sparklers. Right on the front! And it was just so heartbreaking to me,” she told Vogue.

But new hubby Ryan turned it into a positive, later telling her the burn was “beautiful” adding: “You’ll always remember that moment with Florence singing and the sparklers. You have that forever, right there, preserved.”

She told Vogue: “Now that’s my favourite part of the dress.”

Bill Wyman and Mandy Smith

When the former Rolling Stone first met Mandy she was just 13 years old and he was 47.

Wyman wrote in his 1990 autobiography: “She took my breath away…she was a woman at thirteen.”

The relationship only became public two-and-a-half years later, when she reached the age of 16.

Despite the controversy around their relationship they wed in 1989 when Mandy was 18.

But she moved out just weeks after the wedding and they divorced two years later.

Even so, the scandal kept on rolling. In 1993, in a bizarre twist, Wyman’s 30-year-old son from his first marriage, Stephen, married Mandy’s mother, Patsy, who was then aged 46. However, they split after two years.

Bethenny Frankel and Jason Hoppy

When you gotta go, you gotta go. And during her 2010 wedding to Jason Hoppy, entrepreneur and TV star Bethenny Frankel got the call of nature that just could not wait. 

Frankel, who was seven and a half months pregnant at the time, was wearing a form-fitting gown and could not easily make the trek to a proper bathroom without being seen by guests.

Her wedding planner, Shawn Rabideau, retrieved a silver champagne bucket for her to use. 

So Frankel peed in the bucket while her assistant and her wedding planner held up the dress. 

And the special moment was captured for posterity by the TV cameras for her reality show Bethenny Getting Married.

Britney Spears and Jason Alexander

Fans were shocked when Britney and her childhood friend Jason Alexander tied the knot at the Little White Wedding Chapel in Las Vegas in 2004.

Britney later said she was just ‘drunk and bored’ after a while night out with Alexander.

The horrified Spears team quickly arranged for an annulment, claiming she lacked understanding of her actions, which was granted within 55 hours. 

But the drama would come back to haunt her years later.

On the day of Britney’s 2022 wedding to Sam Asghari, Alexander showed up at her home, livestreaming on Instagram as he tried to “crash” the event.

He was arrested, charged with trespassing, battery, and vandalism, and received a restraining order from Spears. He served around two months in jail.

Liz Taylor and Eddie Fisher

Where do we start with Liz? She is the undisputed queen of weddings having walked down the aisle no less than eight times.

But her most scandalous is undoubtedly her 1959 union with Eddie Fisher who she began an affair with after the death of her husband Mike Todd.

The only problem was that Fisher was still married to Debbie Reynolds.

Then in 1962 Taylor started having an affair with Richard Burton – while still married to Fisher.

Andy Carroll and Billi Mucklow

The footballer was all set to marry TOWIE star Billi in 2022 when photos emerged of Carroll passed out with two women in a Dubai hotel room on his stag do.

Heartbroken Billi promptly whipped off her engagement ring and moved out. 

But the two women involved came forward to say that nothing sexual had occurred and in fact Andy had been a complete gent.

So Billi forgave Andy and they wed at the five-star Four Seasons Hotel in Hampshire.

But their happiness was short-lived and they split in 2024.

Olivier Sarkozy & Mary Kate Olsen

Most brides spend months agonising over the perfect theme, colour scheme and decorations for their big day.

But it seems Mary-Kate Olsen wanted to keep it simple for her wedding to Olivier Sarkozy. 

According to the New York Post, the couple opted to adorn their reception room with “bowls and bowls filled with cigarettes”.

How romantic.

Shania Twain’s ultimate revenge

When country star Shania’s first husband Mutt Lange had an affair with her best friend and assistant Marie-Anne Thiebaud she was understandably devastated.

It was Marie-Anne’s husband Frédéric who first discovered the affair.

According to the Daily Mail, he found strange hotel receipts, phone bills, and even a lingerie set in his wife’s suitcase.

Shania and Frederic turned to each other for support during their marriage breakdowns – and ended up falling in love themselves.

They married on New Year’s Day 2011 – in the ultimate revenge act.

IT’S fair to assume Will Smith had high hopes for a better year ahead after a disastrous stretch of career lows and romance woes.

But as 2026 rang in, the fallen Oscar-winner and rapper was slapped with a lawsuit amid claims of sexual harassment and wrongful termination.

Violinist Brian King Joseph, who performed on Will’s 2025 tour, Based On A True Story, accuses the A-lister of “grooming” him while they worked together.

And he alleges that when he reported things to management, he was kicked off the tour and “shamed” by the powers that be.

According to Brian, who reached the top three on America’s Got Talent in 2018, he was hired by Will in 2024 after auditioning for him at his home.

Will apparently told him: “You and I have a special connection.”

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Then, while touring with him in Las Vegas last March, he says he came back to his hotel room at 11pm and found it had been “unlawfully entered” by an “unknown person”, who had left a handwritten note, as well as random items including wipes, a beer bottle, an earring and a bottle of HIV medication.

The note read: “Brian, I’ll be back no later [sic] 5:30, just us” with a drawn heart, and signed: “Stone F.”

In legal filings, Brian says he reported the incident to hotel security and Will’s management out of fear someone would return to his room to “engage in sexual acts” with him.

But after doing so, he alleges, he was “shamed” by tour management and given the boot, causing him “severe emotional distress, economic loss, reputational harm and other damages” as well as “PTSD and other mental illness”.

‘Lost all self-control’

According to the lawsuit, a member of Will’s tour management told Brian, “Everyone is telling me that what happened to you is a lie, nothing happened, and you made the whole thing up”, court documents state.

Though not naming Will, 57, as the unknown person who entered his room, court papers say the “facts suggest” the star was “deliberately grooming and priming Mr Joseph for further sexual exploitation”.

He is now demanding a jury trial.

Will denies all allegations, with his attorney Allen B. Grodsky slamming Brian’s claims as “false, baseless and reckless”.

He added: “They are categorically denied, and we will use all legal means available to . . . ensure that the truth is brought to light.”

A court battle would be an ugly circus for Will at a time when he could really use some good news in the public eye.

After all, things have ostensibly gone from bad to worse for the former blockbuster king over the past few years.

It’s now approaching the four-year anniversary of the Oscar slap that was heard around the world, when an irate Will stormed the stage at the 94th Academy Awards and hit comedian Chris Rock across the face.

The incident was sparked after Chris made a joke about Will’s wife Jada Pinkett Smith’s bald head, which was a result of her alopecia, and amid Will’s calls to “keep my wife’s name out of your f***ing mouth!”.

It was supposed to be Will’s night of triumph as he finally received an Oscar for his critically acclaimed performance in King Richard.

Instead, it went down in infamy as the night he lost all self-control.

He was duly given a seven-year ban from all Academy, Grammy, Tony and Emmy events and, in the aftermath, shirked the spotlight.

Since then, things haven’t gone smoothly.

In fact, his road to redemption has been paved with constant knocks and embarrassing detours, personally and professionally.

In particular, his unconventional relationship with Jada, 54, has been the subject of much scrutiny and confusion.

Having long been pegged as one of Hollywood’s golden couples, the pair hit headlines in 2020 when they revealed during an episode of Jada’s Facebook series Red Table Talk that she’d had an affair a few years before with singer August Alsina.

At the time, Jada described it as an “entanglement”.

As a result, she and Will had even more of a point to prove when they stepped on to the red carpet at that fateful 2022 Oscars.

But a year later, Jada dropped a motherlode of truth bombs about their relationship in her 2023 memoir, Worthy.

In the book, and on its promo trail, she revealed that — despite putting on a united front in public — she and Will had been separated for seven years and no longer lived together.

According to Jada, she’d kept up the facade because Will “wasn’t ready” to tell the world.

So instead, she said, she took the bullet, painting herself as “the adulterous wife” in the “false narrative” they created.

While the pair had no intention of divorcing — and still have not done so — Will was reportedly “humiliated” by Jada’s candidness.

They used to live by their famous slogan, paraphrased from Will’s movie Bad Boys: “We ride together, we die together, bad marriage for life.”

But Jada’s revelations apparently left Will feeling more isolated than ever — which, insiders said at the time, was a bitter pill to swallow after he defended her at the Oscars.

Crashed and burned

As things stand, Will and Jada still have no plans to officially end their 28-year marriage.

They came together to wish their daughter Willow a happy birthday in October, and have since been reportedly pictured together in public.

But as news spread of Brian’s lawsuit against Will, Jada stayed noticeably quiet.

She previously said that, at some stage, they’ll live together again, but only because, “it’s getting apparent to me that [Will’s] gonna need someone to take care of him” — making her ex sound more like a burden.

Meanwhile, Will’s attempt to reclaim his place on the A-list have seen things go from bad to worse.

In late 2023, as the dust settled on Jada’s marriage revelations, Will was accused of previously having sex with his Fresh Prince of Bel-Air co-star Duane Martin.

In an interview with internet personality Tasha K, Brother Bilaal — who described himself as Will’s ex-personal assistant — said he’d walked in on the alleged act.

A court battle would be an ugly circus for Will at a time when he could really use some good news in the public eye

On podcast Unwine with Tasha K, he also compared the size of Will’s manhood to a “pinky toe”.

In response, Will’s spokesperson slammed the claims as “completely fabricated” and said they were considering taking legal action.

No action was taken, but Brother Bilaal hasn’t gone quietly.

In fact, he’s since filed a $3million lawsuit against Jada, alleging “emotional distress”.

Neither Will nor Jada have commented, but a hearing is scheduled for March 9, inevitably casting another shadow over them.

Then, of course, there is Will’s damp squib of an attempt to reignite his music career that crashed and burned with last year’s tour.

In late 2023, as the dust settled on Jada’s marriage revelations, Will was accused of previously having sex with his Fresh Prince of Bel-Air co-star Duane Martin

Having long proven himself as a multi- hyphenate entertainer, it should have been a safe bet for Will to return to his rapper roots after his Oscar disgrace.

That way, he could continue to make us miss him on the big screen, while still connecting to his fans and making up for a few years of lost income.

So, his comeback tour, Based On A True Story, really was supposed to be an all-out triumph.

‘Used to be cool’

However, promotional footage started going viral for all the wrong reasons, after fans accused the star of using AI in crowd reactions.

In the film — which was posted to Will’s YouTube channel — there were a whole host of bizarre visual errors, including blurred faces, oddly shaped hands and one sign that read “FR6SH CRINCE”.

As one fan said: “Imagine being this rich and famous and having to use AI footage of crowds and bot comments on your video. Tragic, man. You used to be cool.”

Will looked a shadow of his former self as he kicked off the European leg of his tour in front of 6,000 fans in Scarborough at TK Maxx Presents . . . last summer, followed by Wolverhampton Civic Hall and the O2 Academy in Brixton.

Let’s remember, this is a former superstar who performed in front of more than half-a-million people at the Live 8 event in Philadelphia in 2005.

Imagine being this rich and famous and having to use AI footage of crowds and bot comments on your video. Tragic, man. You used to be cool

A fan

The same year, he set a Guinness World Record after attending an unprecedented three movie premieres in one day.

He hightailed it across the UK to promote romcom Hitch in Manchester, Birmingham and London.

Back then, he was untouchable, with two US No1s under his belt and the ability to command leading- man status in films including Men In Black (and its sequels), as well as Ali, The Pursuit Of Happyness and I Am Legend.

But nothing lasts for ever, and Will’s much more modest tour last year was a reminder of how far he’s fallen from grace.

He put on a brave face, but the online comments spoke for themselves.

One fan called him “pathetic” and told him to “enjoy” his retirement instead of seeking his former glory.

Now, as the former Hollywood icon begins the year facing a lawsuit, it’s fair to say he is staring down the barrel of yet another challenging 12 months.

Having always relied on his family to support him, the world will be watching to see if he steps out with Jada and their children, Jaden, 27, and Willow, 25 — plus his older son Trey, 33, from a previous marriage.

But as things stand, all parties had yesterday remained silent.

It may be early days for 2026, but Will has certainly taken a sharp detour from the golden road he trod for so long.

With no movies on the docket, he’s hanging his hat on upcoming National Geographic docu-series, Pole To Pole With Will Smith.

Protests about the soaring cost of living in Iran have entered their sixth day after the rial plunged to a record low against the United States dollar in late December.

After a number of deaths as a result of clashes between protesters and security services, the government of President Masoud Pezeshkian appealed for unity and blamed economic pressure on what he said are Tehran’s “enemies”. Despite government promises to enact economic reforms and put more effort into tackling corruption, the protests have continued.

So far, at least seven people have been killed and 44 people have been arrested since shopkeepers in Tehran first shuttered their businesses on Sunday to protest against Iran’s economic crisis.

The tide of protest has continued to rise with economic demonstrations morphing into political protests as unrest has spread across the country.

How significant is the current round of protests, how real are the protesters’ grievances and where might this end? Here are five things you should know:

Worries about the cost of living are very real

Iran is one of the most sanctioned countries in the world. A range of international restrictions means that Tehran is struggling to access international financial markets and frozen foreign assets. The country’s increasing reliance on imports is exacerbating the situation and fuelling inflation.

On Sunday, the Iranian rial dropped to 1.42 million against the US dollar – a 56 percent drop in value in just six months. The plummeting currency has driven inflation with food prices soaring by an average of 72 percent compared with last year.

“If only the government, instead of just focusing on fuel, could bring down the price of other goods,” taxi driver Majid Ebrahimi told Al Jazeera. “The prices of dairy products have gone up six times this year and other goods more than 10 times.”

These protests are large

What began as a single protest about the collapse of the Iranian economy by shopkeepers in Tehran’s Grand Bazaar on Sunday had spread to 17 of Iran’s 31 provinces by New Year’s Eve with students and demonstrators from across Iranian society joining the wave of demonstrations.

Thousands of people have mobilised across the country with security forces responding forcefully in some places.

On Thursday, Iran’s semiofficial Fars news agency reported that three people had died in confrontations between security forces and protesters in Lordegan in southwestern Iran. A further three deaths were reported in Azna and another in Kouhdasht, both in central Iran.

“Some protesters began throwing stones at the city’s administrative buildings, including the provincial governor’s office, the mosque, the Martyrs Foundation, the town hall and banks,” Fars reported of protests in Lordegan, adding that police had responded with tear gas.

It’s hard to know how the government will respond

Tehran’s previous hardline responses to public unrest have been marked by the deaths of protesters. However, so far, despite a number of isolated clashes between protesters and security forces, Pezeshkian’s government has held back from an outright crackdown and appears ready to listen to the “legitimate demands” of protesters.

In an effort to address protesters’ concerns, the government appointed a new governor of the central bank on Wednesday. Abdolnaser Hemmati has pledged to restore economic stability after the rial’s dramatic collapse.

On Tuesday, the Ministry of Higher Education removed campus security managers from the University of Tehran and two other major universities. Local media reported that their removal was due to “a record of misconduct and failure to properly handle recent student protests”.

Speaking at a ceremony in Tehran on Thursday to mark the assassination of senior Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps commander Qassem Soleimani in a US drone attack five years ago, Pezeshkian also took the opportunity to emphasise his government’s commitment to economic reforms and addressing corruption.

“We are determined to eradicate all forms of rent-seeking, smuggling and bribery,” he told attendees. “Those who benefit from these rents will resist and try to create obstacles, but we will continue on this path.”

“We must all stand together to solve the people’s problems and defend the rights of the oppressed and the underprivileged,” he added.

Protecting people’s livelihoods is a “red line” for his government, he declared.

Mass protests have happened before

Mass protests erupted across Iran in 2022 after the death in custody of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini, who was arrested in September that year for not wearing her hijab correctly.

Demonstrations first broke out after Amini’s funeral in the western city of Saqqez when women ripped off their headscarves in solidarity with the dead woman before they spread across much of the country.

Iran’s brutal response to the unrest involved the arbitrary arrest of tens of thousands of people, the extensive use of tear gas, the firing of live ammunition and, according to human rights organisations, the unlawful deaths of hundreds of people.

A 2024 investigation by United Nations experts into the government’s response found that its actions amounted to “crimes against humanity”, a claim rejected by authorities in Tehran as “false” and “biased”.

The so-called morality police were briefly suspended in December 2022 after the protests before being reinstated the following year. However, their enforcement of dress codes has since become notably more relaxed although many women still fear a resurgence.

These protests could escalate

On Thursday, US President Donald Trump – who in 2018 unilaterally withdrew the US from a nuclear deal with Iran that limited Iran’s nuclear development in return for sanctions relief – commented on the unrest. He posted on his Truth Social platform: “If Iran shots [sic] and violently kills peaceful protesters, which is their custom, the United States of America will come to their rescue. We are locked and loaded and ready to go.”

On Thursday, the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs posted on its Farsi social media account pre-revolutionary Iranian images of a lion and a sun with the lion’s paw resting on an hourglass featuring the country’s current flag. The post read: “The rise of Iranian lions and lionesses to fight against darkness”, continuing: “Light triumphs over darkness.”

In June, Israel and the US launched attacks on Iran during a 12-day war between Iran and Israel.

While that conflict ended with what the US claimed was a decisive strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities, speculation that Israel has been readying itself for further strikes has continued.

This week, the US news website Axios reported that Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu discussed further strikes on Iran as well as potentially targeting Tehran’s Lebanese ally Hezbollah.

Responding on social media, Pezeshkian wrote: “Answer of Islamic Republic of Iran to any cruel aggression will be harsh and discouraging.”

Belfast, Northern Ireland — On New Year’s Eve, as fireworks lit the Belfast sky, the city’s streets were abuzz — and not only in celebration.

Hundreds gathered in solidarity with activists from the Palestine Action group who are on hunger strikes in prison. Their chants echoed past murals that do not merely decorate the city, but testify to its troubled past.

Along the Falls Road, Irish republican murals sit beside Palestinian ones. The International Wall, once a rolling canvas of global struggles, has become known as the Palestinian wall. Poems by the late Palestinian writer Refaat Alareer, killed in an Israeli air strike in December 2023, run across its length. Images sent by Palestinian artists have been painted by local hands.

More recently, new words have appeared on Belfast’s famed walls. “Blessed are those who hunger for justice.” Painted alongside long-familiar images of Irish republican prisoners like Bobby Sands are new names now written into the city’s political conscience: the four pro-Palestinian activists currently on hunger strike in British prisons, their bodies weakening as the days stretch on.

“This is not a city that will ever accept any attempt to silence our voice or our right to protest or our right to stand up for human rights,” said Patricia McKeown, a trade union activist who spoke at the protest.

“These young people are being held unjustly and in ridiculous conditions – and they have taken the ultimate decision to express their views … and most particularly on what’s happening to people in Palestine – why would we not support that?” she asked.

A hunger strike reaches Belfast

The protest in Belfast is part of a growing international campaign urging the British government to intervene as the health of four detainees deteriorates behind prison walls. All are affiliated with Palestine Action and are being held on remand while awaiting trial, a process campaigners say could keep them imprisoned for more than a year before their cases are heard. With legal avenues exhausted, supporters say the hunger strike has become a last resort.

The Palestine Action members are being held over their alleged involvement in break-ins at the United Kingdom subsidiary of Elbit Systems in Filton near Bristol, where equipment was reportedly damaged, and at a Royal Air Force base in Oxfordshire, where two military aircraft were sprayed with red paint. The prisoners deny the charges against them, which include burglary and violent disorder.

The prisoners are demanding release on bail, an end to what they describe as interference with their mail and reading materials, access to a fair trial and the de-proscription of Palestine Action. In July, the British government of Prime Minister Keir Starmer banned Palestine Action under a controversial anti-terrorism law.

Heba Muraisi is on day 61 without food. Teuta Hoxha is on day 55. Kamran Ahmed on day 54. Lewie Chiaramello on day 41. Hoxha and Ahmed have already been hospitalised. Campaigners describe it as the largest hunger strike in Britain since 1981, one they say is explicitly inspired by the Irish hunger strikes.

In 1981, Irish Republican Army and other republican prisoners went on hunger strike in Northern Ireland, demanding the restoration of their political status. Ten men died, including their leader, Bobby Sands, who was elected to the British parliament during the strike. Margaret Thatcher took a hardline public stance, but behind the scenes, the government ultimately sought a way out as public opinion shifted.

One prisoner, 29-year-old Martin Hurson, died on the 46th day. Others, including Raymond McCreesh, Francis Hughes, Michael Devine and Joe McDonnell, died between days 59 and 61. Sands died after 66 days on a hunger strike.

Sue Pentel, a member of Jews for Palestine Ireland, remembers that period vividly.

“I was here during the hunger strike,” she said. “I went through the hunger strikes, marched, demonstrated, held meetings, protested, so I remember the callous brutality of the British government letting 10 hungers die.”

“The words of Bobby Sands, which are ‘Our revenge will be the laughter of our children’. And we raised our families here, and they’re the same people, this new generation who are standing in solidarity with Palestine.”

‘If this continues, some will die’

Standing beneath a mural of Bobby Sands, Pat Sheehan fears history is edging dangerously close to repeating itself. He spent 55 days on a hunger strike before it was called off on October 3, 1981.

“I was the longest on that hunger strike when it came to an end in 1981, so in theory I would have been the next person to die,” he said.

By that stage, he said, his liver was failing. His eyesight had gone. He vomited bile constantly.

“Once you pass 40 days, you’re entering the danger zone,” Sheehan said. “Physically, the hunger strikers must be very weak now for those who have been on hunger strike for over 50 days.”

“Mentally, if they have prepared properly to go on hunger strike, their psychological strength will increase the longer the hunger strike goes on.”

“I think if it continues, inevitably some of the hunger strikers are going to die.”

Sheehan, who now represents West Belfast as an MLA for Sinn Fein, believes that Palestine Action-linked hunger strikers are political prisoners, adding that people in Ireland understand Palestine in a way few Western countries do.

“Ireland is probably the one country in Western Europe where there’s almost absolute support for the Palestinian cause,” he said. “Because we have a similar history of colonisation; of genocide and detention.”

“So when Irish people see on their TV screens what’s happening in Gaza, there’s massive empathy.”

Ireland’s stance

That empathy has increasingly translated into political action. Ireland formally recognised the state of Palestine in 2024 and has joined South Africa’s case at the International Court of Justice, alleging genocide in Gaza, a charge Israel denies.

The Irish government has also taken steps to restrict the sale of Israeli bonds, while Ireland has boycotted the Eurovision Song Contest over Israel’s participation and called for its national football team to be suspended from international competition.

But many campaigners say the government’s actions have not gone far enough. They argue that the Occupied Territories Bill, which seeks to ban trade with illegal Israeli settlements, has been stalled since 2018, and express anger that United States military aircraft transporting weapons to Israel are still permitted to pass through Ireland’s Shannon Airport.

Meanwhile, in the northern part of Ireland that remains part of Britain, the war in Gaza has dominated domestic politics.

The Stormont Assembly was thrown into crisis after Democratic Unionist Party education minister Paul Givan travelled to Jerusalem on a trip paid for by the Israeli government, prompting a no-confidence vote amid fierce criticism from Irish republican, nationalist, left-wing and unaligned political groups.

Belfast City Hall’s decision last month to fly a Palestinian flag was also fervently opposed by unionist councillors before it was eventually approved.

For some loyalist and unionist groups, support for Israel has become entwined with loyalty to Britain, with Israeli flags also flying in traditionally loyalist parts of Belfast.

With a legacy of identity rooted along sectarian lines, the genocide in Gaza has at times been recast along the old fault lines of division.

‘Solidarity reaches Palestine’

Yet on the streets of Belfast, protesters insist their solidarity is not rooted in national identity, but in humanity.

Damien Quinn, 33, a member of the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement, said hunger strikes had always carried a particular weight in Ireland.

“We are here today to support the hunger strikers in Britain. But we are also here for the Palestinian people for those being slaughtered every single day,” he said.

Palestine Action, he said, “made it very clear they have tried signing petitions, they have tried lobbying, they’ve tried everything”.

“So when I see the way they are being treated in prison, for standing up against genocide, that’s heartbreaking.”

For Rita Aburahma, 25, a Palestinian who has found a home in Belfast, the hunger strike carries a painful familiarity.

“My people don’t have the luxury of speaking out, being in Palestine – solidarity matters,” she said.

“I find the hunger strikers are really brave – it’s always been a form of resistance. It does concern me, and many other people, how long it has taken the government to pay attention to them, or take action in any form.

“Nothing will save those people if the government doesn’t do something about them. So it is shocking in a way, but not that surprising because the same government has been watching the genocide unfold and escalate without doing anything.

“Every form of solidarity reaches the people in Palestine.”

Cape Town, South Africa – Lucy Campbell, with her long grey dreadlocks, stands animated in front of the thick stone walls of the Castle of Good Hope in Cape Town’s city centre, her small frame accentuated by their towering height.

The 65-year-old activist-turned-historian has a message for the 10 American students who have come to hear her version of the city’s history. Dressed in a black hoodie and blue jeans, Campbell is well-spoken but shows her disdain for Cape Town’s colonial past, often erupting in harsh language for those she blames for its consequences.

“This castle speaks to the first economic explosion in Cape Town,” she says at the beginning of her five-stop tour of the city. “It’s an architectural crime scene.”

Campbell refuses to enter the 17th-century castle, which she sees as a symbol of the violence and dispossession that the colonial era brought to South Africa’s second biggest city.

“That is where they used to hang people,” she says, pointing to one of the castle’s five bastions. It was built by the settlers of the Dutch East India Company, commonly known by its Dutch acronym, VOC. The VOC built the fortress as part of its efforts to establish a refreshment post between the Netherlands and other trade destinations in the East. The castle is now run by the South African military.

Campbell, an accredited tour guide, has been giving privately run tours like this for 17 years, starting at the castle and offering a scathing critique of the city’s monuments and museums for dozens of people each year.

She says most official tributes, such as the Slave Memorial erected in 2008 in Church Square, fail to do justice to the enslaved people who contributed to the construction of Cape Town and often neglect to acknowledge the Indigenous population that lived here for hundreds of years before the Dutch arrived in 1652, displacing them and introducing slavery to the Cape.

Campbell can still see clear echoes in the city of the “genocide” and dispossession of the Khoi people, the Indigenous herders who lived on this land for thousands of years. She remembers her mother’s stories about how this history personally affected her family, who are descendants of the famously wealthy Hessequa, a subset of the Khoi. The Hessequa lost their land and livestock to the Dutch.

Known as “the people of the trees”, the Hessequa lived for centuries in the farming area now known as Swellendam, about 220km (137 miles) east of Cape Town. The arrival of European settlers transformed them from land and cattle owners to peasant workers employed by white people, conditions that in many places persist to this day.

Land ownership in Cape Town and South Africa as a whole remains overwhelmingly in the hands of the white minority. Rights groups have also accused white farmers of sometimes abusing predominantly mixed-race agricultural workers and evicting them on a whim, a practice that has carried on since the colonial era.

“Many of them have worked there for generations, and they are just being evicted,” Campbell says. “There’s no pension. There’s nothing. So the ailments of the past [continue].”

The coloniality of the museum

With a resume that includes posts ranging from trade union administrator and mechanic’s assistant to historian, Campbell started her tours after working at the Groot Constantia estate of the VOC colonial Governor Simon van der Stel, now a museum. This is where she got her first taste for history.

When she started working on the estate as an information officer in 1998, she found that the history of enslaved and Indigenous people was largely erased on the property, including the “tot” system, the use of wine as payments to workers that dates back centuries and was still in use on some Cape Town farms years after the fall of apartheid in 1994.

Alarmed by this erasure of her ancestors at the estate, Campbell resigned and pursued a degree in history. Armed with a postgraduate degree specialising in the history of slavery in the Cape, Campbell established Transcending History Tours in 2008.

Her academic research uncovered the inherently colonial nature of museums globally. She discovered that human remains were held in museums, universities and in private ownership, especially in Europe. The South African Museum, founded in 1825, housed human remains that were used in studies that sought to reinforce racist ideologies, such as seeking to prove that non-Europeans were racially inferior. Even though these studies have been halted, the remains continued to be housed by these institutions.

Campbell would prefer that the museums she tours be decentralised and relocated to the Cape Flats, a mainly nonwhite working-class area where Campbell and most descendants of the Khoi and enslaved people live. She argues this would make the museums more accessible to these communities, bringing them closer to their personal histories and demonstrating that their current difficult living conditions and marginalisation are not natural or inevitable, but rather the result of a cruel past.

“At night, this place is filled with homeless people,” she says on a sunny morning in September as the tour leaves the castle.

A few steps away, past two lions perched on pillars at the castle’s entrance and a moat filled with fish and pondweed, a barefoot man is asleep on the sidewalk while a woman in a bra and camouflage pants scrounges for food in the shrubs. Like most of the unhoused on the wealthy city’s streets, they are people of colour.

The tour passes the Grand Parade, the city’s public square and oldest urban open space, where the mud and wood predecessor to the existing castle stood. For many years, it served as a training ground for the colonial garrison before becoming a marketplace, surrounded by striking buildings, such as the Edwardian City Hall.

The parade’s most famous moment in modern South African history was as the setting of Nelson Mandela’s first public speech after his release from prison in 1990. Today, traders still gather here to sell everything from brightly coloured dashikis (colourful, traditional garments) to kitchen electronics.

A ‘trailblazer’

A few blocks away, the group stops to look at a plaque in St George’s Mall dedicated to one of Campbell’s heroes, Krotoa, a Khoi woman known as the progenitor of Cape Town’s mixed-race population after her marriage to a Danish surgeon.

The plaque dedicated to her in this busy modern commercial area feels misplaced and superficial to Campbell, who says it fails to celebrate the woman’s historical significance. Campbell also dislikes the commonly used image of Krotoa on the plaque, which she says is fabricated.

“The Krotoa that I know, she’s a trailblazer. She’s an interpreter. She’s a negotiator,” Campbell says.

The niece of the Khoi chief Autshumato, Krotoa joined the household of the first Dutch governor in the Cape, Jan van Riebeeck, at about the age of 12. As one of the first Indigenous interpreters, she became a mediator between the Dutch and the Khoi, playing a key role in the cattle trade, which was vital to the settlers’ survival at the Cape. She also negotiated in the conflict that arose between locals and the settlers.

Krotoa’s influence in van Riebeeck’s government eventually led to her becoming the first Indigenous person to be baptised as a Christian in 1662 and adopting the name Eva. She married a Danish soldier, who was later appointed as the VOC surgeon, Pieter van Meerhof, in 1664, and the couple became the Cape’s first recorded interracial marriage.

In the end, though, Krotoa was a controversial figure: Khoi leaders criticised her for adopting colonial ways, and both they and Dutch officials accused her of being a spy for the other side.

“She went right into the kitchens of the Dutch,” Campbell says. “She used to tell them, ‘I know you. I know who you are. You can’t do anything for yourself. Slaves have to do everything for you.’”

Campbell says Krotoa was instrumental as a mediator in the first Khoi-Dutch war, which lasted from 1659 to 1660 and was sparked by a campaign led by local Khoi leader Nommoa, or Doman, to reclaim the Cape Peninsula. The Dutch were victorious against the two Khoi groups, the Gorinhaiqua and the Gorachouqua, and expelled them from the peninsula to mountain outposts about 70km (44 miles) away.

Asked what she would consider a fitting memorial for Krotoa, Campbell says: “Monuments are Eurocentric and hierarchic. Where her memorial should be, I am not sure. What I know is that her story and her memory should be a popular memory and part of our learning in schools and in other tertiary learning. She and her Danish husband van Meerhof were sent to Robben Island. She also spent lots of time at the first castle, which is today’s Golden Acre [shopping mall], and her so-called plaque in Castle Street is a humiliation of the contributions she made in resisting the colony in favour of her people.”

Profits over people

Around the corner from Krotoa’s memorial in Castle Street, Campbell stops at another VOC landmark – the cobbled walkway featuring the VOC’s bronze emblem framed by an outline of the castle’s five ramparts.

“I want you to see how the VOC is embedded right in the fabric of the city,” she says, pointing to the insignia emblazoned in the street.

Then she directs her tour’s attention to nearby skyscrapers, which she views as symbols of wealth rooted in VOC exploitation.

As she speaks, workers on their lunch breaks walk by while others sell beaded jewellery, paintings, leather handbags and other wares in stalls dotted along the mall. Most of these workers live in overcrowded townships far outside the city, which is famed for its French Riviera-like lifestyle and has often been voted one of the world’s top tourist destinations.

“For me, it’s important to speak of that company, the first company that came here,” Campbell says, explaining the origin of capitalism in the region.

“It comes from there – profits before people. It comes from history. … The VOC is alive and kicking in the city.”

Restoring memory

The most haunting stop on the tour comes next: the Slave Lodge. It stands on the doorstep of the parliament precinct and the gardens that the VOC established to provide fresh produce to ships journeying between the East and the Netherlands.

Thousands of enslaved people from as far away as Angola, Benin, Indonesia, India and Madagascar were housed here from 1679 to 1811. Converted into a museum, it contains artefacts, including shackles and the reconstructed hull of a slave ship as well as a plinth recording the names of the enslaved people – names assigned to them by slave owners when they arrived at the Cape.

Campbell objects to the pristine exhibits, saying they are in stark contrast to the building’s dark history as a place of suffering and violence. One of the most horrific aspects of life there was the sexual violence inflicted by soldiers on women, including rape and coercion into sex work, often with payments made to the VOC.

This violent culture has had lasting effects, contributing to today’s high levels of sexual crimes and domestic violence on the Cape Flats, according to Campbell.

“The Slave Lodge does not get the reflection that it should get,” Campbell tells her tour. “It is very much veneered and made palatable to the visitors. It doesn’t bring the voices of the women in.”

The tour ends in the street behind the Slave Lodge, where Campbell shows the tourists a macabre landmark they might otherwise miss. On a traffic island in the middle of Spin Street is the spot where the city’s slave auctions were once held. A tree that marked the spot was chopped down in 1916. In its place, a slab of stone was installed in 1953, inscribed with a fading and barely legible message about its historical significance.

“It looks like a drain,” Campbell says, noting the sharp contrast between this neglected memorial and the bronze statue of Afrikaner leader Jan Smuts, oddly situated in front of the Slave Lodge, where the plaque bearing his name has been restored to a brilliant gleam.

In 2008, the city tried to rectify this oversight at the auction site, unveiling a commemorative art installation designed by prominent artists Gavin Younge and Wilma Cruise across the street. It consists of 11 granite blocks, roughly at knee height, inscribed with the assigned names of enslaved people and words that recall their tortured reality: “Suicide, infanticide, abscond, escape, flee.”

Activists have criticised the installation for being too cold and failing to convey the deep wounds left by nearly 200 years of slavery.

“Birds s*** on it, people sit on it, but they don’t know what it is,” Campbell says. “They have the names of the slaves that were held at the Slave Lodge, but there’s no story. … It’s a monument that only serves the master, at the end of the day, because it doesn’t bring out the pain of the people.

“I would have loved to see a high rise to bring out the memory of the people, … something more visible.”

Deir el-Balah and Nuseirat, Gaza Strip – In her tent made of fabric sheets with a roof covered in white plastic tarp, Sanaa Issa tries to steal a quiet moment with her daughters.

Sanaa spoke to Al Jazeera as the new year approached, and with a ceasefire officially in place in Gaza. But, lying on a wet blanket in a tent with rain pouring down, Sanaa doesn’t have a huge amount to be positive about.

“We didn’t know whether to blame the war, the cold, or the hunger. We’re moving from one crisis to another,” Sanaa told Al Jazeera, describing a harsh year she, and other displaced Palestinians like her, have faced in the Gaza Strip.

Amid worsening humanitarian conditions, the once-ambitious hopes of Palestinians in Gaza, dreams of a better future, prosperity, and reconstruction, are gone. In their place are basic human needs: securing flour, food and water, obtaining tents to shield them from the cold, accessing medical care, and simply surviving bombardments.

For Palestinians like Sanaa, hope for the new year has been reduced to a daily struggle for survival.

Sanaa is a 41-year-old mother of seven, who has been solely responsible for raising her children after her husband was killed in an Israeli strike in November 2024, at the end of the first year of Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza.

“Responsibility for the children, displacement, securing food and drink, making tough decisions here and there. Everything was required of me at once,” Sanaa, who fled with her family from al-Bureij to Deir el-Balah, both in central Gaza, said.

Sanaa’s biggest challenge in 2025 was securing “a loaf of bread” and getting her hands on even a kilogram of flour every day for her family.

“During the famine, I slept and woke up with one wish: to get enough bread for the day. I felt I was dying while my children were starving before me, and I could do nothing,” she said bitterly.

The search for flour eventually saw Sanaa decide to go to the US-backed GHF aid distribution points that opened at the end of May across Gaza.

“At first, I was scared and hesitant, but the hunger we live through can force you to do things you never imagined,” Sanaa said, describing her weekly visits to the aid points.

Visiting the sites, which the US and Israel supported as alternatives to long-established aid organisations, was inherently dangerous. More than 2,000 Palestinians were killed in and around GHF sites, according to the United Nations, before the GHF officially ended its mission in late November.

But going to the sites wasn’t just a risk to Sanaa’s life, it was a path that “took away her dignity”, leaving lasting scars.

On one occasion, Sanaa was hit by shrapnel in her arm while waiting for aid at the Netzarim distribution point in central Gaza, and her 17-year-old daughter was injured in the chest at the Morag point east of Rafah.

But her injuries didn’t stop her from trying again, although she began to go alone, leaving her children behind in relative safety.

Desperation

The war in Gaza led to severe interruptions in food and humanitarian aid, the last of which began in late March 2025, eventually leading to the declaration of a famine. It continued until October 2025, gradually easing after the ceasefire announcement.

During this period, the United Nations officially declared a state of famine, confirming that parts of Gaza had entered catastrophic hunger stages, with acute shortages in food, water, and medicine, and high rates of malnutrition among children and pregnant women.

Thousands of residents had to search for food using dangerous methods, including by waiting for long hours at the GHF sites.

“Hunger lasted a long time; it wasn’t a day or two, so I had to find a solution,” Sanaa said. “Each time, people crowded in their hundreds of thousands. Some would spend the night there, hundreds of thousands of displaced people – men, women, children, old and young.”

“The scenes were utterly humiliating. Bombing and heavy gunfire on everyone, not to mention the pushing and fighting among people over aid.”

The crowds meant that Sanaa often returned to her tent empty-handed, but the rare times she brought back a few kilos of flour felt like “a festival”, she recalled.

“One time, I got five kilos [11 pounds] of flour. I cried with joy returning to my children, who hadn’t tasted bread for days,” she added.

Sanaa divided the five kilos over two weeks, sometimes mixing it with ground lentils or pasta dough. “We wanted to recite a spell over the flour so it would multiply,” she said with dark humour.

A heavy silence followed as Sanaa adjusted the plastic tarp over her tent against the strong wind, then said:

“We witnessed humiliation beyond measure? All this for what? For a loaf of bread!” she added with tearful eyes. “If we were animals, perhaps they would have felt more pity for us.”

Despite the hardships she has endured and continues to face, Sanaa has not lost hope or her prayers for Gaza’s future.

“Two years are enough. Each year has been harder than the previous one, and we are still in this spiral,” she added. “We want proper tents to shelter us in winter, a gas cylinder to cook instead of burning wood, we want life and reconstruction.”

“Our basic rights have become distant wishes at year’s end.”

The only survivor

Sanaa’s husband was one of the more than 71,250 Palestinians killed by Israel during the war.

Twenty-year-old Batoul Abu Shawish can count her father, mother, two brothers and two sisters – her whole immediate family – among that number.

Batoul comes into the new year wishing for only one thing: to be with her family.

Her heartbreaking loss came just a month before the end of the year, on November 22.

Despite the ceasefire, an Israeli bomb struck the home her family had fled to in central Gaza’s Nuseirat refugee camp.

“I was sitting with my two sisters. My brothers were in their room, my father had just returned from outside, and my mother was preparing food in the kitchen,” she recalled, eyes vacant, describing the day.

“In an instant, everything turned to darkness and thick dust. I didn’t realise what was happening around me, not even that it was bombing, due to the shock,” Batoul added, as she stood next to the ruins of her destroyed home.

She was trapped under the debris of the destroyed home for about an hour, unable to move, calling for help from anyone nearby.

“I couldn’t believe what was happening. I wished I were dead, unaware, trying to escape the thought of what had happened to my family,” Batoul said.

“I called for them one by one, and there was no sound. My mother, father, siblings, no one.”

After being rescued, she was found to have severe injuries to her hand and was immediately transferred to hospital.

“I was placed on a stretcher above extracted bodies, covered in sheets. I panicked and asked my uncle who was with me: ‘Who are these people?’ He said they were from the house next to ours,” she recalled.

As soon as Batoul arrived at the hospital, she was rushed into emergency surgery on her hand before she could learn about what had happened to her family.

“I kept asking everyone, ‘Where is my mom? Where is my dad?’ They told me they were fine, just injured in other departments.”

“I didn’t believe them,” Batoul added, “but I was also afraid to call them liars.”

The following day, her uncles broke the news to Batoul that she had lost her mother and siblings. Her father, they told her, was still in critical condition in the intensive care unit.

“They gathered around me, and they were all crying. I understood on my own,” she said.

“I broke down, crying in disbelief, then said goodbye to them one by one before the funeral.”

Batoul’s father later succumbed to his injuries three days after the incident, leaving her alone to face her grief.

“I used to go to the ICU every day and whisper in my father’s ear, asking him to wake up again, for me and for himself, but he was completely unconscious,” Batoul said as she scrolled through photos of her father on her mobile phone.

“When he died, it felt as if the world had gone completely dark before my eyes.”

‘Where is the ceasefire?’

Israel said that it conducted the strikes in Nuseirat in response to an alleged gunman crossing into Israel-held territory in Gaza, although it is unclear why civilian homes in Nuseirat were therefore targeted.

According to Gaza’s Government Media Office and the Ministry of Health, around 2,613 Palestinian families were completely wiped out during the war on the Gaza Strip up until the announcement of the ceasefire in October 2025.

Those families had all of their members killed, and their names erased from the civil registry.

The same figures indicate that approximately 5,943 families were left with only a single surviving member after the rest were killed, an agonising reflection of the scale of social and human loss caused by the war.

These figures may change as documentation continues and bodies are recovered from beneath the rubble.

For Batoul, her family was anything but ordinary; they were known for their deep bond and love for one another.

“My father was deeply attached to my mother and never hid his love for her in front of anyone, and that reflected on all of us.”

“My mother was my closest friend, and my siblings loved each other beyond words. Our home was full of pleasant surprises and warmth,” she added.

“Even during the war, we used to sit together, hold family gatherings, and help one another endure so much of what we were going through.”

The understandable grief that has overtaken Batoul leaves no room for wishes for a new year or talk of a near future, at least for now.

One question, however, weighs heavily on her: why was her peaceful family targeted, especially during a ceasefire?

“Where is the ceasefire they talk about? It’s just a lie,” she said.

“My family and I survived bombardment, two years of war. An apartment next to our home in eastern Nuseirat was hit, and we fled together to here. We lived through hunger, food shortages, and fear together. Then we thought we had survived, that the war was over.”

“But sadly, they’re gone, and they left me alone.”

Batoul holds onto one wish from the depths of her heart: to join her family as soon as possible.

At the same time, she carries an inner resignation that perhaps it is her fate to live this way, like so many others in Gaza who have lost their families.

“If life is written for me, I will try to fulfil my mother’s dream that I be outstanding in my field and generous to others,” said Batoul, a second-year university student studying multimedia, who is currently living with her uncle and his family.

“Life without family,” she said, “is living with an amputated heart, in darkness for the rest of your life, and there are so many like that now in Gaza.”

Dhaka, Bangladesh – On Tuesday, the premises of Evercare Hospital in Bangladesh’s capital turned into a sombre focal point for a nation’s grief as news filtered out of the medical facility: Khaleda Zia, three-time prime minister and longtime leader of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), was dead.

Khaleda had been receiving treatment at the hospital since the night of November 23.

Supporters, party leaders and common citizens stood silently in front of the hospital gates, wiping away tears and offering prayers. “The news made it impossible for us to stay at home,” said BNP activist Riyadul Islam. “Since there is no opportunity to see her, everyone is waiting outside. There are tears in everyone’s eyes.”

Her funeral at Dhaka’s Manik Mia Avenue on Wednesday drew tens of thousands of BNP supporters from across the country, alongside leaders of other political parties, interim government head Muhammad Yunus and foreign diplomats – underscoring the imprint of Khaleda’s legacy, and how it extended well beyond Bangladesh’s borders.

But beyond the grief, Khaleda Zia’s death marks a decisive political rupture for the BNP at a critical moment, say political analysts.

With national elections scheduled for February 12, the party is entering the campaign without the leader who remained its ultimate symbol of unity, even during years of illness and political inactivity.

Her passing pushes BNP into a fully post-Khaleda phase, concentrating authority and accountability on her son and acting chairperson, Tarique Rahman, as the party seeks to consolidate its base and compete in a reshaped political landscape following the July 2024 upheaval and the subsequent banning of the Awami League’s political activities.

Legacy as anchor, absence as test

For decades, Khaleda Zia’s relevance extended beyond formal leadership.

Even when absent from front-line politics, she functioned as the party’s moral centre and final authority, helping to contain factionalism and defer leadership questions.

Mahdi Amin, adviser to Tarique Rahman, told Al Jazeera that Bangladesh had lost “a true guardian”, describing Khaleda Zia as a unifying symbol of sovereignty, independence and democracy.

He said the BNP would carry forward her legacy through its policies and governance priorities if elected.

“The hallmark of her politics was a strong parliamentary democracy – rule of law, human rights and freedom of expression,” Amin said, adding that the BNP aims to restore institutions and rights that, he claimed, were eroded during the Awami League’s 15-year rule, between 2009 and 2024, under then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, Khaleda’s longtime rival.

Amin insisted that Tarique has already emerged as a unifying figure, citing his role in coordinating the movement against Hasina and formulating a 31-point reform agenda aimed at restoring voting rights and institutional accountability.

Despite these assertions, however, analysts say Khaleda’s absence removes a critical layer of symbolic authority that long helped stabilise the BNP’s internal politics.

Writer and political analyst Mohiuddin Ahmed said Khaleda’s personal charisma played a key role in keeping the party energised and cohesive.

“That rhythm will be disrupted,” he said. “Tarique Rahman now has to prove his leadership through a process. His leadership remains untested.”

Ahmed noted that Khaleda herself was once an untested political figure, rising to national prominence during the mass pro-democracy movement of the 1980s that ultimately led to the fall of military ruler General Hussain Muhammad Ershad. Her husband, the then-President Ziaur Rahman, was assassinated in 1981 during a failed military coup.

Ahmed argued that the February election could play a similar defining role for Tarique Rahman: Success would validate his leadership, while failure would intensify scrutiny.

A tougher electoral terrain

BNP’s challenge is compounded by a transformed opposition landscape.

For more than three decades, Bangladesh’s electoral politics were shaped by a near-binary rivalry between the Awami League and the BNP, a pattern that emerged after the fall of military rule in 1990 and hardened through successive elections in the 1990s and 2000s.

With the Awami League now absent – its political activities banned by the Yunus administration – that two-party dominance has fractured, forcing BNP to compete in a more crowded field that includes a strong alliance led by the Jamaat-e-Islami, Bangladesh’s biggest Islamist force. The Jamaat coalition includes the National Citizen Party, launched by many of the youth leaders who drove the July 2024 mass movement that forced Hasina out of power and into exile in India.

“This will not be easy for BNP,” Ahmed said. “Post-July [2024] politics has changed the equation. New polarisation is emerging, and the dominance of two parties no longer holds,” he added.

Analysts also point to key uncertainties that linger: whether the election will be held on time, whether it will be peaceful, and whether major parties can ensure public confidence in the process.

Dilara Choudhury, a political scientist who observed both Khaleda and her husband closely, said Khaleda Zia functioned as a “guardian figure” for not just her party, but also the country, and that her death represents the loss of a senior stabilising presence in Bangladesh politics.

Tarique, Khaleda’s son, was in exile in the United Kingdom from 2008 until December 25, 2025, when he returned after a series of cases against him that were initiated by a military-backed government in power between 2006 and 2009, or by the subsequent Hasina government, were closed.

She argued that Tarique’s return to the country has reduced fears of internal division within the party and that his recent speeches – reaffirming Bangladeshi nationalism, rejecting authoritarianism and honouring victims of the 2024 July uprising violence – have reassured party supporters about ideological continuity.

“BNP and Awami League have both been personality-centred parties,” she said. “After Khaleda Zia, it is natural that Tarique Rahman occupies that space within the BNP.”

From legacy to verdict

Yet BNP leaders acknowledge that legacy alone will not determine the party’s future.

Allegations of extortion involving some party activists continue to surface – an issue that adviser Mahdi Amin described as mostly exaggerated, though he said the party plans to address it through stricter internal controls.

At the grassroots level, some party members say Tarique’s leadership transition will not be without challenges.

“It would be unrealistic to say there will be no difficulties,” said Kamal Uddin, senior joint secretary of the Chakaria upazila unit of Jubo Dal, the BNP’s youth wing, in Cox’s Bazar district. “In the past, there were disagreements with senior leaders who worked closely with Khaleda Zia – and even with Ziaur Rahman. That could be a challenge in decision-making. But I believe he will be able to manage.”

Kamal Uddin travelled with three other BNP activists from Cox’s Bazar, a coastal city on the Bay of Bengal about 350km (217 miles) south of Dhaka, to attend Khaleda Zia’s funeral on Wednesday.

Senior BNP leaders, however, dismiss doubts over Tarique’s authority.

Standing committee member Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury, who served as commerce minister in Khaleda Zia’s cabinet from 2001 to 2004, said Tarique’s leadership credentials were already established.

“His leadership has been proven,” Chowdhury told Al Jazeera earlier this month. “He is capable of leading the party effectively.”

As BNP prepares for the polls, analysts say the party’s ability to ensure discipline, project reform and contribute to a peaceful election will itself be a test of Tarique’s leadership.

A separate discussion has emerged on social media and among political rivals.

On November 29, ahead of his eventual return, Tarique wrote on his verified Facebook page that the decision to come home was not “entirely within his control” and not “under his sole control”. Critics interpreted this as raising questions about possible external influence – particularly India – on whether and when he would return.

BNP leaders rejected these claims, insisting his return was a political and legal matter tied to domestic realities rather than foreign negotiation, and that national interest would guide the party’s policy if it comes to power.

For many supporters, however, politics remains deeply personal.

Fifty-seven-year-old Dulal Mia, who travelled from the northeastern district of Kishoreganj to attend Tarique’s reception rally in Dhaka on December 25, still recalls the moment that made him a lifelong BNP supporter.

When he was a sixth-grader in 1979, he said, then-President Ziaur Rahman visited the paddy field where he was working and shook his hand. Ziaur Rahman is remembered for addressing drought by digging canals across the country and visiting remote areas barefoot, often without formal protocol.

“Tarique Rahman will have to carry the legacy of his parents,” Mia said. “If he doesn’t, people will turn away. The BNP’s politics is people’s politics – it began with Ziaur Rahman and was carried by Khaleda Zia for so long. I believe Tarique Rahman will do the same. Otherwise, it is the people who will reject him.”

“Bienvenue a Bamako!” The fixer, the minder and the men linked to the Malian government were waiting for us at the airport in Bamako. Polite, smiling – and watchful.

It was late December, and we had just taken an Air Burkina flight from Dakar, Senegal across the Sahel, where a storm of political upheaval and armed violence has unsettled the region in recent years.

Mali sits at the centre of a reckoning. After two military coups in 2020 and 2021, the country severed ties with its former colonial ruler, France, expelled French forces, pushed out the United Nations peacekeeping mission, and redrew its alliances

Alongside Burkina Faso and Niger, now also ruled by military governments backed by Russian mercenaries, it formed the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) in September 2023. Together, the regional grouping withdrew from the wider Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) bloc, accusing it of serving foreign interests rather than African ones.

This month, leaders from the three countries converged in Bamako for the Confederal Summit of Heads of State of the AES, the second such meeting since the alliance was formed. And we were there to cover it.

The summit was a ribbon-cutting moment. Leaders of the three countries inaugurated a new Sahel Investment and Development Bank meant to finance infrastructure projects without reliance on Western lenders; a new television channel built around a shared narrative and presented as giving voice to the people of the Sahel; and a joint military force intended to operate across borders against armed groups. It was a moment to celebrate achievements more than to sign new agreements.

But the reason behind the urgency of those announcements lay beyond the summit hall.

In this layered terrain of fracture and identity, armed groups have found room not only to manoeuvre, but to grow. Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), an al-Qaeda affiliate, has expanded from rural Mali, launching attacks across the region and reaching the coast of Benin, exploiting weak state presence and long-unresolved grievances.

As our plane descended toward Bamako, I looked out at an endless stretch of earth, wondering how much of it was now under the control of al-Qaeda affiliates.

From the airport, our minders drove us fast through the city. Motorbikes swerved around us, street hawkers peddled their wares, and Malian pop blared from speakers. At first, this did not feel like a capital under siege. Yet since September, armed groups have been operating a blockade around Bamako, choking off fuel and goods, the military government said.

We drove past petrol stations where long queues stretched into the night. Life continued even as fuel grew scarce. People sat patiently, waiting their turn. Anger seemed to have given way to indifference, while rumours swirled that the authorities had struck quiet deals with the very fighters they claimed to be fighting, simply to keep the city moving.

‘To become one country, to hold each other’s hand’

Our minders drove us on to the Sahel Alliance Square, a newly created public space built to celebrate the union of the three countries and its people.

On the way, Malian forces sped past, perhaps toward a front line that feels ever closer, as gunmen linked to JNIM have set up checkpoints disrupting trade routes to the capital in recent months. In September 2024, they also carried out coordinated attacks inside Bamako, hitting a military police school housing elite units, nearby neighbourhoods, and the military airport on the city’s outskirts. And yet, Bamako carries on, as if the war were taking place in a faraway land.

At Sahel Alliance Square, a few hundred young people gathered and cheered as the Malian forces went by, drawn by loud music, trivia questions on stage and the MC’s promise of small prizes.

The questions were simple: Name the AES countries? Name the leaders?

A microphone was handed to the children. The alliance leaders’ names were drilled in: Abdourahamane Tchiani of Niger. Ibrahim Traore of Burkina Faso. Assimi Goita of Mali. Repeated again and again until they stuck.

Correct answers won a prize: a T-shirt stamped with the faces of the alliance leaders.

Moussa Niare, 12 years old and a resident of Bamako, clutched a shirt bearing the faces of the three military leaders.

“They’ve gathered together to become one country, to hold each other’s hand, and to fight a common enemy,” he told us with buoyant confidence, as the government’s attempt to sell the new alliance to the public appeared to be cultivating loyalty among the young.

France out, Russia in

While Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger went through separate political transitions, the paths that brought them into a shared alliance followed a similar pattern.

Between 2020 and 2023, each country saw its democratically elected leadership removed by the military, the takeovers framed as necessary corrections.

In Mali, Colonel Goita seized power after months of protest and amid claims that President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita had failed to curb corruption or halt the advance of armed groups.

In Burkina Faso, the army ousted President Roch Marc Christian Kabore in early 2022 as insecurity worsened; later that year, Captain Traore emerged from a counter-coup, promising a more decisive response to the rebellion.

In Niger, soldiers led by General Tchiani detained President Mohamed Bazoum in July 2023, accusing his government of failing to safeguard national security and of leaning too heavily on foreign partners.

What began as separate seizures of power have since become a shared political project, now expressed through a formal alliance. The gathering in Bamako was to give shape to their union.

One of the key conclusions of the AES summit was the announced launch of a joint military battalion aimed at fighting armed groups across the Sahel.

This follows months of escalating violence, as regional armies assisted by Russian mercenaries push back against armed groups who have been launching attacks for over a decade.

Under the previous civilian governments, former colonial ruler France had a strong diplomatic and military presence. French troops, whose presence in the region dates back to independence, are now being pushed out, as military rulers recast sovereignty as both a political and security imperative. The last troops left Mali in 2022, but at its peak, France had more than 5,000 soldiers deployed there. When they withdrew, the country became a symbol of strategic failure for France’s Emmanuel Macron.

But even before that, French diplomacy appeared tone deaf, and patronising at best, failing to grasp the aspirations of its former colonies. The common regional currency, the CFA franc, still anchored to the French treasury, has become a powerful symbol of that resentment.

Now, French state television and radio have been banned in Mali. In what was once the heart of Francophone West Africa, French media has become shorthand for interference. What was lost was not only influence, but credibility. France was no longer seen as guaranteeing stability, but as producing instability.

Across the Sahel and beyond, anti-French sentiment is surging, often expressed in French itself – the language of the coloniser is now also the language of resistance.

‘Like a marriage of reason’

At the end of the summit, Mali’s Goita was preparing to hand over the AES’s rotating leadership to Traore of Burkina Faso.

Young, charismatic, and the new rock star of Pan-Africanism, Traore, in particular, has captured young audiences with help from a loose ecosystem of pro-Russian messaging and Africanist influencers. Across social media platforms, short videos circulate relentlessly: speeches clipped for virality, images of defiance, and slogans reduced to shareable fragments.

Meanwhile, in Burkina Faso, journalists and civil society actors who have criticised the military rules have been sent to the front line under a conscription policy introduced by Traore. Human rights groups outspoken about alleged extrajudicial killings say they have been silenced or sidelined. But much of it is dismissed as collateral, the price, supporters argue, of sovereignty finally reclaimed.

Before the ceremony, we met Mali’s finance minister. At first, he was confident, rehearsed, assured. But when pressed about financing for the ambitious infrastructure projects the three governments have laid out for the Sahel, his composure faltered and his words stuttered. This was a government official unaccustomed to being questioned. The microphone was removed. Later, away from the camera, he told me, “The IMF won’t release loans until Mali has ironed out its relations with France.”

The spokesperson, irritated by my questions, took me aside. As he adjusted the collar of my suit, slowly and patronisingly, he said he sometimes thought about putting journalists in jail “just for fun”.

He did not question the organisation I worked for. He questioned my French passport; my allegiance. I told him my allegiance was to the truth. He smiled, as if that answer confirmed his suspicions.

In the worldview of Mali’s military government – men shaped by years on the front line, living with a permanent sense of threat – journalists and critics are part of the problem. Creating safety was the challenge. The alliance, the spokesperson explained, was the solution to what they could not find within regional body, ECOWAS.

The half-century-old West African institution is a bloc that the three countries had once helped shape. Now, the AES leaders say its ageing, democratically elected presidents have grown detached, more invested in maintaining one another in office than in confronting the region’s crises. In response, they are promoting the AES as an alternative.

As the Sahel alliance grows, it’s also building new infrastructure.

At its new television channel in Bamako, preparations were under way. The ON AIR sign glowed. State-of-the-art cameras sat on tripods like polished weapons.

The channel’s director, Salif Sanogo, told me it would be “a tool to fight disinformation,” a way to counter Western, and more specifically French, narratives and “give voice to the people of the Sahel, by the people of the Sahel”.

The cameras had been bought abroad. The installation was overseen by a French production company. The irony went unremarked.

To defend the alliance, he offered a metaphor. “It’s like a marriage of reason,” he said. “It’s easier to make decisions when you’re married to three. When you’re married to 15, it’s a mess.” He was referring to the 15 member states of ECOWAS.

‘We will survive this, too’

Two years into the AES alliance, they have moved faster than the legacy regional bloc they left behind. A joint military force now binds their borders together, presented as a matter of survival rather than ambition. A mutual defence pact recasts coups and external pressure as shared threats, not national failures. A common Sahel investment and development bank, meant to finance roads, energy, and mineral extraction without recourse to Western lenders, offers sovereignty, they say, without conditions. A common currency is under discussion.

A shared news channel is intended to project a single narrative outward, even as space for independent media contracts at home. And after withdrawing from the International Criminal Court, they have proposed a Sahel penal court, one that would try serious crimes and human rights violations on their own terms. Justice brought home, or justice brought under control, depending on who you ask.

What is taking shape is not just an alliance, but an alternative architecture, built quickly, deliberately, and in full view of its critics.

Where ECOWAS built norms slowly, through elections, mediation, and consensus, AES is building structure. Where ECOWAS insists on patience, AES insists on speed.

To supporters, this is overdue self-determination, dignity restored after decades of dependency. To critics, it is power concentrated in uniforms, accountability postponed, repression dressed up as emancipation.

From the summit stage as he took over the alliance’s leadership, Traore redrew the enemy: Not al-Qaeda. Not ISIL. Not even France. But their African neighbours, cast as the enemy within. He warned of what he called a “black winter”, a speech that held the room and travelled far beyond it, drawing millions of viewers online.

“Why are we, Black people, trying to cultivate hatred among ourselves,” he asked, “and through hypocrisy calling ourselves brothers? We have only two choices: either we put an end to imperialism once and for all, or we remain slaves until we disappear.”

Away from the summit’s “black winter”, under a sunlit sky in Bamako, life moved on with a quieter rhythm. Music drifted through public squares and streets, carrying a familiarity that cut across the tension of speeches and slogans. It was Amadou and Mariam, Mali’s most internationally known musical duo, whose songs once carried the country’s everyday joys far beyond its borders. Amadou died suddenly this year. But the melody lingers.

Its lyrics hold the secret of the largest alliance of all. Not one forged by treaties or uniforms, but by people, across Mali and the Sahel, in all their diversity.

“Sabali”, Mariam sings.

“Forbearance.

“We have survived worse. We will survive this, too.”

A ‘great leap forward’

But Schwartz told Al Jazeera that the trend towards government data consolidation has continued in the decades since, under both Democratic leaders and Republicans.

“Surveillance is bipartisan, unfortunately,” he said.

With Trump’s second term, however, the process hit warp speed. Schwartz argues that the Trump administration’s actions violate laws like the Privacy Act, marking a “dangerous” shift away from Nixon-era protections.

“The number-one problem with the federal government in the last year when it comes to surveillance is the demolition of the Watergate-era safeguards that were intended to keep databases separated,” he said.

Schwartz noted that Trump’s consolidation efforts have been coupled with a lack of transparency about how the new, integrated data systems are being used.

“Just as the current administration has done a great leap forward on surveillance and invading privacy, so it also has been a less transparent government in terms of the public understanding what it is doing,” Schwartz said.

Already, on March 20, Trump signed an executive order that called on government agencies to take “all necessary steps” for the dissolution of what he called “data silos”.

Shortly afterwards, in April, US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) inked a deal with the IRS to exchange personal information, including the names and addresses of taxpayers.

The memo was seen as an effort to turn private taxpayer data into a tool to carry out Trump’s goal of deporting immigrants.

A federal court in November paused the agencies’ data-sharing agreement. But other efforts continue.

In June, the Supreme Court ruled in favour of giving DOGE access to sensitive Social Security data. And just this month, the Trump administration pressured states to share information about the recipients of food assistance, or else face a loss of funding.

While immigrants appear to be one of the main targets of the data consolidation project, Venzke said that Americans of all stripes should not be surprised if their personal information is weaponised down the line.

“There is no reason that it will be limited to undocumented people. They are taking a system that’s traditionally limited to non-citizens and vastly expanding it to include all sorts of information on US citizens,” Venzke said.

“That was unthinkable just five years ago, but we’re seeing it happen now, and consequently, its potential abuses are widespread.”

Sapang Kawayan, Philippines – Two hours north of the capital, Manila, on the vast grounds of a former United States military base, the Philippine government is pushing ahead with plans for a multibillion-dollar “smart city” that President Ferdinand Marcos Jr hopes to turn into a future “mecca for tourists” and a “magnet for investors”.

The New Clark City, which is being built on the former Clark Air Base, is central to the government’s effort to attract foreign investment and ease congestion in Manila, where nearly 15 million people live.

To accompany the city’s development, the government has also laid out an ambitious slate of projects at a nearby airport complex — new train lines, expanded airport runways, and a $515m stadium that officials hope will be enticing enough to draw the global pop singer Taylor Swift.

Caught between the rising new city and the site of the proposed stadium lies the Indigenous Aeta village of Sapang Kawayan. For the roughly 500 families who live there, in houses of nipa grass and rattan, the developments spell disaster.

“We were here before the Americans, even before the Spanish,” said Petronila Capiz, 60, the chieftain of the Aeta Hungey tribe in Sapang Kawayan. “And the land continues to be taken from us.”

Historians say American colonisers, who seized the Philippines from Spain in 1898, took over the 32,000-hectare (80,000-acre) tract that became Clark Air Base in the 1920s, dispossessing the Aetas, a seminomadic and dark-skinned people thought to be among the archipelago’s earliest inhabitants.

Many were displaced, though some moved deeper into the jungle inside the base and were employed as labourers.

The US turned over the base to the Philippine government in 1991, some four decades after granting the country independence. Since then, the Bases Conversion and Development Authority, or BCDA, has managed the complex. Some 20,000 Aetas are thought to remain in the Clark area today, spread across 32 villages.

But most of their claims to the land are not recognised.

In Sapang Kawayan, residents fear the government’s development boom means they could be pushed out long before they can establish such claims. The community – along with other Aeta villages in Clark – is working with researchers from the University of the Philippines to expedite a long-pending application for a Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title, or CADT — the only legal mechanism that would allow them to assert rights to their territory and its resources.

In January, July and September, Aetas young and old gathered under makeshift wooden shelters in Sapang Kawayan, assembling family trees and sharing stories and photographs. Volunteers documented each detail in hopes of demonstrating that the community there predates colonial rule.

Their 17,000-hectare claim overlaps with nearly all of the 9,450 hectares designated for New Clark City, while 14 kilometres to the south is the airport complex where the new railway line, runway and stadium are slated to rise.

Together, the new city and airport complex “will eat up the fields where we farm, the rivers where we fish and the mountains where we get our herbs”, Capiz said.

‘Taylor Swift-ready’

The Philippine government first announced plans for New Clark City under then-President Rodrigo Duterte, promoting it as a solution to the crippling congestion in Metro Manila. The BCDA describes the development as a “green, smart and disaster-resilient metropolis”.

Construction began in 2018 with major roads and a sports complex that hosted the Southeast Asian Games in 2019.

Designed to accommodate 1.2 million people, the city is expected to take at least 30 years to complete.

The BCDA is now building three highways linking New Clark City to the airport complex, where the “Taylor Swift–ready” stadium is planned. Officials have hyped that the stadium, to be built by 2028, will lure Swift after she skipped the Philippines during the South Asian leg of her Eras tour last year.

“One of the main elements that make Clark so attractive to investors is its unmatched connectivity,” the BCDA’s president, Joshua Bingcang, said this year, citing the airport, a nearby seaport and major expressways. “But we need to further build on this connectivity and invest more in infrastructure.”

That expansion has come at a cost for Aeta communities.

Counter-Mapping PH, a research organisation, and campaigners estimate that hundreds of Aeta families have been displaced since construction of the city began, including dozens of families who were given just a week in 2019 to “voluntarily” vacate ahead of the Southeast Asian Games.

They warn that thousands more could be uprooted as development continues.

The BCDA has offered financial compensation of $0.51 per square metre as well as resettlement for affected families. In July, it broke ground on 840 housing units, though it is unclear whether they are intended for displaced Aetas.

The agency maintains that no displacement has occurred because Aetas have no proven legal claim to the area. In a statement to Al Jazeera, the BCDA said it “upholds the welfare and rights of Indigenous peoples” and acknowledges their “long historical presence” in central Luzon, where Clark is located. However, it noted that Clark’s boundaries follow “long-established government ownership” dating to the US military base, and that the New Clark City does not encroach on any recognised ancestral domains.

The BCDA also contended that it is the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) that deals with the applications for a Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title, and stressed that it respected “lands awarded to Indigenous peoples”.

The Clark International Airport Corporation, which oversees the airport complex, offered similar assurances, stating that “there are no households or communities existing in the said location”. The group added that while the extended Clark area has Aeta communities, none exist within the airport complex itself.

‘Since time immemorial’

Only a handful of Aeta tribes have been awarded CADTs.

Two certificates have been granted on the outskirts of Clark, while the application filed by Sapang Kawayan and other villages inside the base have languished since 1986.

Marcial Lengao, head of NCIP’s Tarlac office, told Al Jazeera that to grant Aetas in Clark a CADT they must “prove that they have been there since time immemorial”, meaning, during or before the arrival of the Spanish colonisers to the archipelago 400 years ago.

The commission, he said, specifies minimum requirements for a CADT: a genealogy of at least five clans dating back at least three generations or to the precolonial period, testimonies from elders, a map of the domain and a census of the current population.

Lengao said Sapang Kawayan’s application has yet to complete these.

But even if the application is granted, the village faces another unique hurdle. Because the BCDA owns land rights to Clark, any CADT approved by the commission in the area must then be deliberated by the executive branch or the president’s office.

“They will be responsible for finding a win-win solution,” Lengao said.

Activists, however, denounced the NCIP’s requirements as onerous and warned that the longer Aetas remain without a CADT, the more vulnerable they are to losing their lands.

“Without a CADT and without genuine recognition from the government, the Aetas will continue to be treated like squatters on their own land,” said Pia Montalban of Karapatan-Central Luzon, a local rights group.

‘Among the most abused Indigenous Filipinos’

The Aetas, who rely on small-scale subsistence farming, are among the most historically disenfranchised Indigenous peoples in the Philippines. No official data exists on the Aeta population, but the government believes them to be a small subset of the Philippines’s Indigenous peoples, numbering in the tens of thousands nationwide.

The Aeta Tribe Foundation describes them as among the “poorest and least educated” groups in the nation.

“They are among the most abused Indigenous Filipinos,” said Jeremiah Silvestre, an Indigenous psychology expert who worked closely with Aeta communities until 2022 while teaching at the Tarlac State University. “Partly because of their good-natured culture, many have taken advantage of Aetas. Worse, they live off a land that is continuously taken from them.”

Silvestre, too, described the CADT process as “unnecessarily academic”, saying it required Indigenous elders to present complete genealogies and detailed maps to government officials in what he likened to “defending your dissertation”.

Changes in government personnel can restart the entire process, he noted.

A World Bank report last year found that Indigenous peoples in the Philippines “often face insurmountable bureaucratic hurdles in their efforts to process CADTs”. The report called recognising and protecting Indigenous land rights a “crucial step in addressing poverty and conflict”.

For the families of Sapang Kawayan, experts fear the lack of formal recognition could lead to displacement and homelessness.

“There’s no safety net,” Silvestre said. “We may see more Aetas begging on the street if this continues. Systemic poverty will also mean the loss of an Indigenous culture.”

Victor Valantin, an Indigenous Peoples Mandatory Representative for Tarlac Province, which includes parts of Clark, fears that the territory for the Aetas in the former base is shrinking as the new projects accelerate.

“We’ll have to move and move,” he said. “Shopping centres won’t move for us.”

Valantin went on to lament what he sees as a familiar imbalance.

“BCDA projects happen so fast,” he said. “But anything for us will be awfully slow.”

A newfound ‘openness’

The trouble with prosecutorial independence, however, is that it has not been codified in US law.

Instead, it is a norm that has developed over more than a century, stretching back to the earliest days of the Justice Department.

While the role of the attorney general dates back to 1789, the Justice Department itself is a more recent creation. It was established in 1870, during the Reconstruction period following the US Civil War.

That period was marked by an increasing rejection of political patronage: the system of rewarding political allies with favours and jobs.

Reformers argued that, rather than having law enforcement officers scattered across various government agencies, consolidating them in one department would make them less susceptible to political influence.

That premise, however, has been tested over the subsequent decades, most notably in the early 1970s under then-President Richard Nixon.

Nixon courted scandal by appearing to wield the threat of prosecutions against his political rivals — while dropping cases that harmed his allies.

In one instance, he allegedly ordered the Justice Department to drop its antitrust case against the company International Telephone and Telegraph (ITT) in exchange for financial backing at the Republican National Convention.

Key Justice Department officials were also implicated in the Watergate scandal, which involved an attempted break-in at Democratic Party headquarters.

But Sklansky, the Stanford Law professor, noted that Nixon tended to operate through back channels. He avoided any public calls to prosecute his rivals.

“He believed that, if he called for that openly, he would’ve been pilloried not just by Democrats but by Republicans,” Sklansky said. “And that was undoubtedly true at the time.”

But Sklansky believes the second Trump administration has abandoned such discretion in favour of a public display of power over the Justice Department.

“Trump’s openness about the use of the Justice Department to go after his enemies is really something that is quite new,” he said.

FROM music legends like Ozzy to literary icons such as Jilly Cooper, 2025 saw the loss of many beloved celebrities.

Here The Sun remembers the stars we lost in 2025.

JANUARY

Wayne Osmond, 73, January 1

TALENTED member of Mormon boy band The Osmonds.

Played eight instruments including the saxophone and guitar, sang and also arranged the group’s harmonies.

Wrote worldwide hit Crazy Horses. Died from a stroke.

The Vivienne, 32, January 3

FIRST winner of RuPaul’s Drag Race UK in 2019.

STRICTLY KNEES-UP

Tess & Claudia plot boozy Strictly party to celebrate send off from show

GIRL PO-WAR

Dani Dyer left with bleeding nose after being punched by MAFS star on Celeb SAS

Born James Lee Williams, their stage name was inspired by a love of designer Vivienne Westwood.

Had a cardiac arrest after taking ketamine.

Found at home two days later.

Jean-Marie Le Pen, 96, January 7

WIDELY regarded as a racist, he made five failed bids for the French presidency.

Founded the National Front party in 1972 but was expelled in 2015 after a row with party leader Marine – his daughter.

Died in a care home.

Peter Yarrow, 86, January 7

FOLK singer who formed Peter, Paul and Mary.

Their version of Bob Dylan’s Blowin’ In The Wind became a US civil rights anthem.

Also had hits with If I Had A Hammer and Leaving On A Jet Plane.

Died from bladder cancer.

Tony Book, 90, January 13

MAN CITY legend captained the side in the late 60s and early 70s, winning four trophies in three years after being signed by Malcolm Allison at the age of 31.

Also managed City to ’76 League Cup win.

Died peacefully.

Tony Slattery, 65, January 14

STANDOUT star of Channel 4’s Whose Line Is It Anyway?

His manic humour masked the pain of depression and addiction.

At the age of 36 suffered a drink and cocaine-induced breakdown.

Died from a heart attack.

Linda Nolan, 65, January 15

THE wildest of the Nolan Sisters singing group dubbed herself the “naughty Nolan”.

Appeared with sister Anne on The Nolans Go Cruising and Coleen on Loose Women.

Died from pneumonia while living with incurable cancer.

Paul Danan, 46, January 15

TROUBLED former Hollyoaks star who played Sol Patrick in the Channel 4 soap.

Had battled with addiction since his early twenties.

His death was ruled as “misadventure” after he took a combination of drugs including heroin.

Dame Joan Plowright, 95, January 16

STAGE and screen star whose career spanned more than six decades.

Married to Laurence Olivier, who she met when playing his daughter in play The Entertainer in 1957.

Won two Golden Globes and an Olivier Award.

David Lynch, 78, January 16

US-born director responsible for cult films Dune, Blue Velvet and Mulholland Drive, and Nineties TV hit Twin Peaks.

Nominated three times for the best director Oscar.

Died from emphysema after a lifetime of smoking.

Denis Law, 84, January 17

ONE the all-time Great strikers, scoring memorable goals for Manchester United and Scotland.

Spent 11 years at Old Trafford, netting 237 times.

“The King” was part of the famous “Holy Trinity” alongside George Best and Bobby Charlton.

Broke into the First Division after signing for Manchester City from Huddersfield Town, but after one season joined Torino in Italy, before going to United.

Subsequently rejoined City and scored the goal he believed had relegated his former club, but other results that day meant United would have been relegated in any event.

Law was diagnosed with Alzheimer’s and vascular dementia in 2021.

Marianne Faithfull, 78, January 30

SIXTIES pin-up singer and actress who was Rolling Stone Mick Jagger’s lover for four years.

Rose to fame in 1964 with single As Tears Go By.

Starred in 1968 erotic movie The Girl On A Motorcycle, the first film to get an X certificate in the US.

Convent-educated, she recovered from heroin addiction, anorexia and home-lessness in the 1970s to produce critically acclaimed music, starting with her 1979 album Broken English.

She also overcame breast cancer.

Appeared on stage and TV, including Absolutely Fabulous in 2001.

In 1999, she ranked 25th on VH1’s 100 Greatest Women of Rock and Roll.

FEBRUARY

Tony Martin, 80, February 2

FARMER who was jailed after shooting and killing a 16-year-old burglar on his property in 1999.

Sentenced to life for murder but released after three years when his conviction was reduced to manslaughter.

Died from a stroke.

Brian Murphy, 92, February 2

BELOVED for his role as hen-pecked husband George Roper in Seventies sitcom Man About the House, opposite Yootha Joyce as ­Mildred.

He also appeared in Last Of the Summer Wine and Benidorm.

Died from cancer.

Aga Khan IV, February 4

SPIRITUAL leader of Ismaili Muslims, billionaire and philanthropist.

Gave his friend the late Queen Elizabeth II a horse that went on to win the Ascot Gold Cup in 2013.

Died peacefully in Lisbon, surrounded by family.

Rick Buckler, 69, February 17

DRUMMER with The Jam who played on hits including Going Underground and In The City.

Was with the trio from their formation in 1972 until they split in 1982 and featured on all their top 40 UK singles.

Died after a short illness.

Gene Hackman, 95 February 17

ONE of the greatest actors of his generation who featured in major movies including The French Connection – as drug cop Jimmy “Popeye” Doyle – which won him the first of his two Oscars.

His other Academy Award came for Unforgiven.

Also featured in Mississippi Burning and Superman.

His cinematic career only began when he was in his 40s.

Found dead, with second wife Betsy Arakawa, 65, at their Hollywood mansion.

Died from heart disease.

Roberta Flack, 88, February 24

SOUL legend who had mega-hits with Killing Me Softly and The First Time Ever I Saw Your Face, making her the first artist to win two consecutive Grammy Awards for Record of the Year.

Was diagnosed with motor neurone disease in 2022.

Henry Kelly, 78, February 25

IRISH journalist turned presenter who hosted game shows Going For Gold and Game For A Laugh in the 1980s and 1990s.

Later became a mainstay on Classic FM and LBC.

Died peacefully after a period of ill health.

Boris Spassky, 88, February 27

RUSSIAN world chess champion whose reign was ended by America’s Bobby Fischer in 1972, in the game’s most famous en-counter dubbed the Cold War Clash.

Major stroke in 2010 left him partially ­paralysed.

MARCH

Brian James, 74, March 6

GUITARIST of trailblazing Brit punk band The Damned who penned the first-ever UK punk single New Rose, released in 1976.

Worked with Iggy Pop and formed Brit-US supergroup The Lords Of The New Church.

John “Paddy” Hemingway, 105, March 17

SOLE surviving fighter pilot from the Battle of Britain who was shot down four times and survived two crash landings.

The Dublin-born Group Captain said he had the “luck of the Irish”.

Died in a care home.

Eddie Jordan, 76, March 20

FORMER Irish street trader turned Formula One owner who introduced grid girls and gave Michael Schumacher his debut.

Numerous business interests meant he left a multi-million pound fortune.

Died of prostate cancer.

George Foreman, 86, March 21

TWO-TIME world heavyweight boxing champ who was known as Big George.

Won Olympic gold in 1968 and a year later took the pro crown with a second-round knockout of the then-undefeated Joe Frazier.

Lost his title in the Rumble In The Jungle against Muhammad Ali in 1974 before retiring in 1977.

Became an ordained minister before coming back to regain the title in 1994 at the age of 45 – the oldest champion in the sport’s history.

His business exploits, including the George Foreman Grill, earned him far more than his boxing.

Colin Hart, 89, March 22

LEGENDARY boxing correspondent with The Sun who befriended and wrote about some of the greats of the sport, including Muhammad Ali, George Foreman, and Brits including Frank Bruno.

Died of cancer.

Andy Peebles, 76, March 22

RADIO 1 DJ who interviewed John Lennon two days before he was shot dead in New York in 1980.

Started out as a nightclub DJ and joined Radio 1 in 1978.

Hosted Top Of The Pops and Live Aid. Died in his sleep.

Richard Chamberlain 90, March 29

DR KILDARE heart-throb who shot to fame in the title role of the Sixties US TV drama.

Had a successful film career featuring in The Three Musketeers and The Towering Inferno.

Died following complications from a stroke.

APRIL

Val Kilmer, 65, April 1

MOVIE great who became one of Hollywood’s biggest heart-throbs as Tom Cruise’s rival Iceman in the first Top Gun film.

Also starred in Batman Forever and as Jim Morrison in The Doors.

Married to actress Joanne Whalley for eight years.

Later dated Daryl Hannah, Angelina Jolie, Cindy Crawford and Cher.

Died of pneumonia.

Jean Marsh, 90, April 13

UPSTAIRS Downstairs actress who co-created show and starred as Rose in the 1970s period drama.

Had three roles in Doctor Who and was wed to co-star Jon Pertwee from 1955-60.

Died of complications with dementia.

Clodagh Rodgers, 78, April 18

NORTHERN Irish singer who represented the UK in the 1971 Eurovision Song Contest with Jack In The Box, finishing fourth and reaching No4 in the charts.

Other hits include Goodnight Midnight.

Died after a three-year illness.

Pope Francis, 88, April 21

THE former nightclub bouncer once joked that whisky was “the real holy water” and later became one of the most approachable popes in history.

Elected in 2013 aged 76, having already lodged paperwork for his ­retirement.

On his appointment, he said: “May God forgive you for what you have done!”

Born Jorge Mario Bergoglio in Buenos Aires, he was a fan of local football club San ­Lorenzo de Almagro.

As Pope he shunned luxury, choosing to live in a simple hotel as opposed to the Papal apartments favoured by his predecessors.

Died from heart failure on Easter Monday.

Virginia Giuffre, 41, April 25

SEXUAL abuse survivor who spoke out against child sex offender Jeffrey Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell, who was jailed for 20 years for sex trafficking.

Claimed she had slept with the then-Prince Andrew, eventually settling a civil suit against him for an estimated £12m, although he made no admission of liability.

The allegations rocked the monarchy and led to the royal’s “car-crash” BBC interview.

Giuffre took her own life at home in Neergabby, Western Australia.

MAY

Sir Tom Farmer, 84, May 9

KWIK-Fit boss who turned a tyre-fitting firm into a household name with the catchphrase, “You can’t get quicker than a Kwik-Fit fitter”.

The firm was the third the Scots entrepreneur founded, having become a millionaire at the age of 27.

Alan Yentob, 78, May 24

TV exec who rose from a BBC trainee to become controller of BBC One.

Interviewed dozens of stars including Mel Brooks and Jay-Z and comic Billy Connolly.

Gave the green light to Ab Fab, Strictly and The Office.

Loretta Swit, 87, May 30

PLAYED Major Margaret “Hot Lips” Houlihan in Korean war comedy-drama MAS*H.

A ten-time Emmy nominee, she won the award twice during her 11-year stint on the show.

Died at home in New York of natural causes.

JUNE

Uriah Rennie, 65, June 7

THE first black referee to officiate in the Premier League, in 1997.

Born in Jamaica but raised in Sheffield, he took charge of 175 games in the elite division.

Had been battling a rare neurological condition as well as cancer.

Sly Stone, 82, June 9

MUSIC legend who was frontman for Sly And The Family Stone, which featured his sisters and a brother.

The band had huge hits with Family Affair and Dance To The Music.

Died from lung disease COPD and other issues.

Frederick Forsyth, 86, June 9

FORMER MI6 agent who used his years with the secret service to pen 25 books, selling 75million copies in a 50-year career.

His best-known novel, The Day Of The Jackal, was turned into a hit 1974 movie starring Edward Fox.

Brian Wilson, 82, June 11

AS singer and songwriter of The Beach Boys, he was the man behind hits God Only Knows, Good Vibrations, Surfin’ USA, I Get Around and Wouldn’t It Be Nice.

Considered a genius by stars including Paul McCartney, Elton John and Bob Dylan, he suffered mental health issues throughout his life.

A nervous breakdown in 1964 saw him withdraw from regular touring to focus on composition.

Went on to receive huge acclaim as a solo artist, including for 2004 album Brian Wilson Presents Smile.

Died from undisclosed causes.

Kim Woodburn, 83, June 16

QUEEN of Clean with a caustic wit who ventured into some of Britain’s most dirty homes to make them sparkle, along with Aggie MacKenzie, in Channel 4’s How Clean Is Your House?

The show ran for six series. Kim died after a short illness.

David ‘Syd’ Lawrence, 61, June 21

CRICKET star and first British-born black player to represent England.

Awarded an MBE for tackling racism in sport as well as fundraising for motor neurone disease, which he was diagnosed with a year before his death.

JULY

Michael Madsen, 67, July 3

RESERVOIR Dogs star who played Mr Blonde in Quentin Tarantino’s 1992 movie.

He was the director’s go-to actor, featuring in his two Kill Bill films, The Hateful Eight, and Once Upon A Time In Hollywood.

Died from a heart attack.

Diogo Jota, 28, July 3

LIVERPOOL striker who won the Premier League with the Anfield club last season.

The Portuguese father-of-three died in a car accident just three weeks after he wed childhood sweetheart Rute Cardoso.

Kop boss Arne Slot vowed the player would never be forgotten as he led a host of tributes including from Prince William and Cristiano Ronaldo.

The player died with his brother Andre Silva, 25, also a footballer, when their Lamborghini crashed in north west Spain.

Jota was on his way to England for the title-winners’ ­pre-season games.

Lord Tebbit, 94, July 7

TORY working-class hero who was one of Margaret Thatcher’s most fervent supporters during his eight years as a government minister.

In 1981, Tebbit made his famous “get on your bike” speech to the Conservative Party ­Conference, criticising riots caused by unemployment.

He was considered Thatcher’s “enforcer” and a natural ­successor.

The 1984 IRA bombing of Brighton’s Grand Hotel, which nearly killed Thatcher and left Tebbit severely injured and his wife Margaret paralysed for life, put paid to that.

He left ­government in 1987 to care for his wife.

Ian Blair, 72 July 11

MET Police commissioner who led the force during the July 7 London bombings in 2005 and the subsequent police shooting of innocent man Jean Charles de Menezes.

Resigned in 2008 saying he had lost the mayor’s backing.

Connie Francis, 87, July 16

BIGGEST-selling pop artist of her time.

Rarely out of the charts in the 1950s and 1960s with hits such as Who’s Sorry Now?

Her 1962 record Pretty Little Baby went viral on TikTok earlier this year.

Died from ­pneumonia.

Ozzy Osbourne, 76, July 22

HELL-RAISING bat-eating singer with Black Sabbath who later became an unlikely reality TV sensation alongside his wife Sharon in the highly successful The Osbournes.

Black Sabbath’s big breakthrough came with the album Paranoid, which topped the British charts.

After falling out with his fellow band members he went on to achieve solo success which far outstripped the group’s achievements.

His catalogue of addictions included alcohol, heroin, cocaine, barbiturates, amphetamines, cough mixture and prescription drugs.

Died in hospital from a heart attack just 17 days after his farewell concert and was buried under a crab apple tree on the family’s Buckinghamshire estate as per his wishes.

Suffered from Parkinson’s disease since 2020.

On his death certificate he was described as a “songwriter, performer and rock legend”.

Joey Jones, 70 July 22

WELSH footballer who won two European Cups as a full-back with Liverpool.

Also represented Wrexham across three spells with the club, before taking up coaching positions there, earning him the nickname “Mr Wrexham”.

Dame Cleo Laine, 97, July 24

BRITISH jazz legend who performed with Frank Sinatra and Ray Charles as well as in the West End and on Broadway.

Counted the late Queen Elizabeth and Princess Margaret as friends.

Died peacefully at home in Buckinghamshire.

Hulk Hogan, 71, July 24

THE 21-stone giant was the man behind Hulkamania as TV wrestling boomed in the 1980s.

Born Terry Bollea, he bulked up with steroids when the drugs were still legal in the US.

Won six World Wrestling Federation titles. Died of cardiac arrest.

AUGUST

Stella Rimington, 90, August 3

TRAILBLAZING MI5 chief, the first woman to lead our security service, modernising its dated practises.

Her autobiography, Open Secrets, then took two years to be security-cleared before its publication in 2001.

Made a Dame in 1996.

James Whale, 74, August 4

ACCLAIMED broadcaster who was never afraid to be controversial and out- spoken.

For 13 years he hosted a popular night-time radio show on TalkSport and later worked on TalkRadio.

Died after a long battle with ­kidney cancer.

Jim Lovell, 97, August 7

COMMANDER of Apollo 13 who kept his cool and guided the craft back to Earth in 1970 after an on-board explosion in space.

He uttered the immortal words, “Houston, we’ve had a problem”.

Also in first crew to orbit the moon on Apollo 8.

Biddy Baxter, 92, August 10

FORMIDABLE Blue Peter editor from 1965 until 1988, who turned the children’s show into a national institution and introduced its famous badge.

Awarded an MBE in 1981.

Died after suffering from Alzheimer’s disease and cancer.

Terence Stamp, 87, August 17

THE Cockney legend starred in hit Sixties films including Billy Budd and Far From The Madding Crowd.

He was said to have inspired The Kinks’ song Waterloo Sunset, featuring a couple named Terry and Julie (Julie Christie his then-girlfriend).

Dame Patricia Routledge, 96, August 29

PORTRAYED suburban snob Hyacinth Bucket (she pronounced it “Bouquet”) in the hit BBC One sitcom Keeping Up Appearances, alongside Clive Swift, who played her downtrodden husband.

The show aired for five years and attracted up to 13million viewers, with the Queen Mother reportedly a big fan.

Also starred on Broadway and the West End and in a vast number of TV and radio productions in a career spanning more than seven decades.

Particularly remembered for her roles in BBC TV’s A Woman Of No Importance (1982) and Talking Heads in 1988, also on the Beeb, both of which were written by Alan Bennett.

SEPTEMBER

Joe Bugner, 75, September 1

BOXER twice went the distance with Muhammad Ali, although he lost both fights on points.

The public never forgave the heavyweight for beating the much-loved Henry Cooper in 1971 – a decision he said should have gone to “Our ’Enry”.

Duchess of Kent, 92, September 4

TIRELESS charity worker put away her tiaras and titles in the 1990s to teach at a Hull primary school for 13 years.

Returned to the classroom in West London in 2017 to help kids who had lost homes and loved ones in the Grenfell Tower fire.

Giorgio Armani, 91, September 4

FASHION giant who invented “power dressing” for women.

The Italian was a favourite of a host of famous faces including Princess Diana, Beyonce, Lady Gaga, Cate Blanchett and Victoria Beckham.

Died at home due to an age-related illness.

Rick Davies, 81, September 6

SINGER who co-founded Supertramp in 1970 with Roger Hodgson.

As part of the band, Davies had hits including The Logical Song, Goodbye Stranger and Breakfast In America.

He died after a decade-long battle with cancer.

Charlie Kirk, 31, September 10

CONTROVERSIAL conservative activist who founded Turning Point USA, which focuses on young voters.

A close ally of President Trump, he championed free speech and fierce patriotism.

Was shot dead during a rally at Utah University.

Ricky Hatton, 46, September 12

WORLD boxing champ dubbed “The Hitman”, who was backed by his fanatical fans throughout his career.

An avowed Manchester City fan – Hatton was on their books as a schoolboy – he always entered the ring to the strains of City’s Blue Moon anthem.

He won the world crown at light-welterweight and welterweight, but his life went downhill after he was defeated by US great Floyd Mayweather and he turned to drugs.

He was found dead, having taken his own life, at his home in Hyde by his long-time manager and friend Paul Speak.

Thousands lined the streets before his funeral service at Manchester Cathedral.

Robert Redford, 89, September 16

SCREEN heart-throb who starred in iconic movies including Butch Cassidy And The Sundance Kid, The Sting, All The President’s Men, The Natural and Out Of Africa.

Playing the role of the Sundance Kid, and insisting on doing all his own stunts, he began a lifelong friendship with co-star Paul Newman.

Redford later became a highly successful director, winning an Oscar for his first film, Ordinary People.

Launched the Sundance Film Festival backing independent filmmaking and was also an environmental activist.

Died peacefully in his sleep in his home in Utah.

John Stapleton, 79, September 21

TELLY presenter who interviewed every Prime Minister from Callaghan to Cameron.

His long career saw him working on Panorama, TV-am, GMTV, Good Morning Britain and Watchdog.

Died after being diagnosed with Parkinson’s.

Dickie Bird, 92, September 22

MUCH-loved cricket umpire known for his eccentric gestures to dismiss batsmen.

Son of a miner, he played cricket for Barnsley with boyhood pals Michael ­Parkinson and Geoffrey Boycott before representing his county.

OCTOBER

Dame Jane Goodall, 91, October 1

CHIMPS’ champion whose conservation studies in Africa found the animals experienced social behaviours such as love and grief just like humans.

The London-born veteran primatologist died of natural causes while on US speaking tour.

Patrick Murray, 68, October 2

AFTER previous film roles, played dim- witted trilby-wearing wide-boy Mickey Pearce in Only Fools And Horses, appearing in 20 episodes from 1983 to 2003.

After leaving the industry, he worked as a taxi driver. Died from lung cancer.

Dame Jilly Cooper, 88, October 5

BONKBUSTER novelist whose 1985 book Riders about the sex lives of the upper class launched a lucrative career.

Followed up with a series of best-sellers with titles like Rivals, Rutshire Chronicles, Class and How To Stay Married.

Sold more than 11million copies of her 18 novels and at one point was reputedly earning £500,000 a year.

Started out in the 1950s as a journalist for the Middlesex Independent and later produced candid columns for the Sunday Times and the Mail on Sunday.

Awarded an OBE, CBE and DBE for contributions to literature.

Died after falling down stairs at her Gloucestershire home.

Diane Keaton, 79, October 11

OSCAR-winning actress best known for her role in Woody Allen’s classic Annie Hall and who also starred in other hit movies including The God- father trilogy, The First Wives Club and Father Of The Bride.

Died from pneumonia.

Ace Frehley, 74, October 16

KISS guitarist who in 1973 co-founded the band, whose song I Was Made For Lovin’ You is still a concert staple.

His guitar was adapted to emit smoke and fire.

Alice Cooper was among those who paid tribute to Frehley, who died following a fall.

Lady Annabel Goldsmith, 91, October 18

SOCIALITE, author and political activist who inspired the Mayfair nightclub – set up by her first husband – that carries her name today.

Was a close friend of Princess Diana.

Mother to six including ex-Tory MP Zac.

Dave Ball, 66, October 22

PLAYED with Marc Almond in Soft Cell, the synth-pop duo famous for Tainted Love.

Broke his back after falling down the stairs in 2022 and was in a wheelchair when the group played at Henley-on-Thames in August.

Died in his sleep.

Prunella Scales, 93, October 27

FAWLTY TOWERS star who played Sybil Fawlty, domineering wife of John Cleese’s Basil in the classic BBC TV sitcom.

Her acting career lasted almost seven decades.

Married to fellow actor Timothy West for 61 years.

He passed away in November last year.

Scales, who had vascular dementia, died peacefully at home, a day after watching an episode of Fawlty Towers.

NOVEMBER

Dick Cheney, 84, November 3

FORMER US vice- president was a leading advocate of the Iraq invasion in 2003.

Shaped foreign policy after 9/11 for the eight years he served under George W Bush.

Survived five heart attacks.

Died after a long history of heart issues.

Pauline Collins, 85, November 6

BROUGHT the role of Liverpool housewife Shirley Valentine from the West End to the big screen and earned an Oscar nomination.

Her big break came as a maid in Upstairs, Downstairs.

Died after suffering from Parkinson’s disease.

James Watson, 97, November 6

GENIUS Cambridge scientist was 25 when he co-discovered the structure of DNA with Francis Crick.

The pair are said to have interrupted drinkers in a pub to tell them they’d cracked “the secret of life”.

The Nobel laureate died after a brief illness.

Quentin Willson, 68, November 8

FORMER Top Gear presenter co-hosted the BBC show with Jeremy Clarkson from 1991, appearing as an expert on used cars for ten years.

Was a campaigner for a fairer deal for motorists.

Died after a short battle with lung cancer.

Baroness Helen Newlove, 63, November 11

CAMPAIGNER dedicated her life combating youth violence following the death of her husband Garry, who was murdered in 2007 after confronting a teen gang.

Victims Commissioner for eight years.

Died after a short illness.

Gary ‘Mani’ Mounfield, 63, November 20

BASSIST joined The Stone Roses in 1987 and two years later featured on their self-titled debut album, considered one of the greatest of all time.

Later became a member of Primal Scream.

Died from respiratory issues.

Jimmy Cliff, 81, November 24

THE sweet-voiced Jamaican’s reggae anthems included I Can See Clearly Now and You Can Get It If You Really Want.

Also had a major hit with The Harder They Come and starred in the film of the same name.

Died from pneumonia.

Billy Bonds, 79, November 30

WEST HAM legend captained the side to two FA Cup Final wins and had club record of 799 appearances over 21 seasons.

Later managed the Hammers, taking them into the top flight at start of the Premier League era.

Died after a long illness.

Sir Tom Stoppard, 88, November 29

PLAYWRIGHT won an Oscar for his screenplay of the film Shakespeare In Love and a host of Tony and Olivier Awards over a six-decade career.

The titan of modern theatre was married three times including to TV’s Dr Miriam Stoppard.

DECEMBER

Robin Smith, 62, December 1

CRICKET legend who played 62 Tests for England and was always willing to take on fast bowling.

Born in South Africa, “The Judge” struggled with alcoholism and mental health after retirement.

Died at his home in Perth, Australia.

Martin Parr, 73, December 6

PHOTOGRAPHER whose camera captured the humour – and often banalities – of British life over a 50-year career.

The world-renowned snapper shot to fame with The Last Resort, a study of New Brighton in Merseyside, in the mid-1980s.

Sophie Kinsella, 55, December 10

BEST known for her chic-lit novels, two of which were turned into the 2009 film Confessions Of A Shopaholic, starring Isla Fisher and Hugh Dancy.

Sold more than 50million books in 60 countries.

Died after suffering brain cancer.

Joanna Trollope, 82, December 11

ROMANTIC novelist won several awards and whose father came from the family of Victorian writer Anthony Trollope.

Known as the Queen of the Aga Saga, her best-known works included Marrying The Mistress and A ­Village Affair.

Stanley Baxter, 99, December 11

BAFTA-winning Scottish comic and 1960s film star who later gained fame with The ­Stanley Baxter Show, a huge early hit on BBC TV.

Moved to London Weekend Television in the 1970s for The Stanley Baxter ­Picture Show.

He declined an OBE.

Rob Reiner, 78, December 14

THE director of Spinal Tap, When Harry Met Sally and A Few Good Men also acted in The Wolf Of Wall Street and Sleepless In Seattle.

Found fatally stabbed along with his wife at their LA home.

Their son Nick has been charged with murder.

Chris Rea, 74, December 22

BEST known for festive hit Driving Home For Christmas, the Middlesbrough-born singer started out working in his Italian dad’s ice cream business.

Diagnosed with pancreatic ­cancer at 33, he had several health ­battles during his life.

John Robertson, 72, December 25

FOOTBALLER called “the Picasso of our game” by his Nottingham Forest boss Brian Clough.

The Scots international made Trevor Francis’ winner in the 1979 European Cup Final vs Malmo and scored in 1980 win vs Hamburg.

Had Parkinson’s.

Brigitte Bardot, 91, December 28

BLONDE bombshell who symbolised a new age of sexual liberation in the cinema in the 1950s.

The Paris-born former ballet dancer won international acclaim in the 1956 movie And God Created Woman.

Abandoned her fame in the 70s to devote herself to animal rights activism.

Died at her home in southern France.

Dar es Salaam, Tanzania to Kapiri Mposhi, Zambia — In Dar es Salaam’s train station, hundreds of passengers sat amid piles of luggage as a listless breeze blew through the open windows. Shortly before their scheduled 3:50pm departure on the Tanzania-Zambia Railway Authority’s (TAZARA) Mukuba Express train, an update crackled over the tannoy: the train would be leaving two hours late.

A collective groan rippled through the crowd, and under the soaring roof of the station, pigeons darted back and forth, disappearing into holes left from rotted-out ceiling tiles. But nobody was really surprised. Given the train’s reputation for unreliable service, the passengers knew a two-hour delay for the TAZARA was practically on time.

The railway runs from Tanzania’s largest city through the country’s southern highlands and across the border into Zambia’s copper provinces, finally pulling into the town of Kapiri Mposhi some 1,860 kilometres (1,156 miles) away. It’s a journey that, according to official timetables, should take about 40 hours.

For regular passengers, it’s a cheap way to reach parts of the country that are not located near main highways. For foreign tourists, it’s a unique way to see Tanzania’s landscapes far from the bustling cities and overcrowded safari parks, provided they are not in a hurry. A first-class sleeper car all the way to Mbeya, a travel hub and border town just to the east of Zambia, surrounded by lush mountains and coffee farms, is just over $20.

This year, the railroad celebrated its 50th anniversary, but it has struggled for most of its existence, requiring foreign investment for basic upkeep and failing to haul the amount of freight it was built to carry. Inconsistent maintenance and limited investment have seen its infrastructure and cars deteriorate from decades of use.

It’s hard to determine exactly where a trip on the TAZARA will be at any given time, due to the myriad delays and breakdowns that randomise each journey. Simple derailments from poorly loaded cars and deteriorating tracks are common, and then there’s the occasional unfortunate brush with nature — in August, service was cancelled after a passenger train struck an African buffalo while passing through Tanzania’s Mwalimu Julius Nyerere National Park.

But since the beginning of 2025, the TAZARA has been plagued by more serious incidents — and fatalities — that reveal the desperate need for an overhaul of both ageing infrastructure and poor safety management. In April, two locomotives being moved from Zambia to a workshop in Mbeya for repairs derailed at a bridge in southern Tanzania, killing both drivers.

Two months later, in June, a train derailed in Zambia and was then struck by the “rescue train” dispatched to assist it. The collision killed one TAZARA employee and injured 10 staff and 19 passengers, according to a media release from the railway.

Citing “unexpected operational challenges,” passenger service was briefly suspended in early September. As it turned out, the few operational locomotives the TAZARA could field were stuck in Tanzania, after a fire damaged one of the hundreds of bridges along the track.

But big improvements for TAZARA are on the horizon, thanks to a major investment by the China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation (CCECC), which has pledged $1.4bn to refurbish the ageing rail line over the next three years. Though the continuation of passenger service is mentioned in the agreement, construction work will necessitate some pauses to regular service as the project is completed.

Most of the money will be spent on rehabilitating the tracks, but $400m will go toward 32 new locomotives and 762 wagons, “significantly increasing freight and passenger transport capacity,” according to a TAZARA statement. In return, the Chinese state-owned corporation will receive a 30-year concession to run the TAZARA railway and recoup its investment before turning day-to-day management back over to Tanzanian and Zambian authorities.

On December 13, a joint US-Syrian patrol was ambushed by a member of Syria’s own security forces near Palmyra, a city in central Syria once controlled by the ISIL (ISIS) group.

Two US soldiers and an interpreter were shot dead, and four people were wounded, before Syrian forces killed the gunman.

In the aftermath of the attack, US and Syrian officials linked the attacker to ISIL, which once controlled vast swaths of Syria and Iraq, and promised to retaliate.

The incident highlights the growing cooperation between the United States and Syria against ISIL, particularly after Damascus joined the US-backed coalition against the group in November.

While it is still unclear if the attacker was a member of ISIL or another group opposed to US-Syrian relations, analysts say that cooperation between the two countries is strong and growing stronger.

“The Syrian government is responding very robustly to fighting ISIL following US requests to do so, and it is worth noting that HTS [Hayat Tahrir al-Sham], before it was in government, had a long-term policy of fighting ISIL,” Rob Geist Pinfold, a scholar of international security at King’s College London, told Al Jazeera, referring to Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa’s former group.

“It [HTS] did it in Idlib, and cracked down on insurgents and cells, and this is more a continuation of that policy.”

Syria’s Minister of Interior spokesman, Noureddine al-Baba, told Syria’s Al-Ikhbariah TV that there was no direct chain of command to the gunman within Syria’s internal security forces, and that he was not part of the force tasked with escorting the US forces. Investigations are under way, he added, to determine whether he had direct ties to ISIL or adopted violent ideology.

ISIL attacks down

In May 2015, ISIL took over the city of Palmyra from the former Syrian government.

Famous for its Greco-Roman ruins, the city bounced back and forth between regime forces and ISIL until the group was expelled in 2017.

In May 2017, the US-led coalition also forced the group out of Raqqa, which ISIL had declared the capital of its so-called caliphate three years earlier.

Many surviving ISIL fighters were imprisoned in the al-Hol and Roj camps in northeast Syria, controlled by the US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). Others escaped into the Syrian desert around Palmyra, from where they have occasionally launched attacks.

When the regime of former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad fell on December 8, 2024, analysts said ISIL fighters used the ensuing chaos to go into various cities across the country. In June, the group launched an attack on a church in Damascus that killed at least 25 people.

Samy Akil, a fellow at the Tahrir Institute, said recent estimates put ISIL’s manpower in Iraq and Syria at between 3,000 and 5,000 fighters.

But experts told Al Jazeera that the coordination between Damascus and Washington has improved over the last year, and pointed to the fact that Syria’s security forces have thwarted several ISIL attacks due to US-provided intelligence.

“Ahmed al-Sharaa’s new government is committed to fighting the group and, in contrast to the Assad era, al-Sharaa’s government gets regular tip-offs from US intelligence, and probably other forms of US support as well. That’s a pretty powerful combination,” Aron Lund, a research fellow at Century International, focusing on Syria, told Al Jazeera.

This collaboration has seen a decrease in ISIL attacks in Syria, according to a report by consulting firm Karam Shaar Advisory. ISIL launched an average of 63 attacks a month in 2024, while in 2025, that number dropped to 10, according to the report.

“Since HTS arrived in Damascus, collaboration [with the US] has become much easier,” Jerome Drevon, a senior analyst with the International Crisis Group, told Al Jazeera.

Structural flaws

After the fall of the Assad regime, there were questions over how security would be enforced. The few thousand HTS members who had previously only controlled Idlib in northwest Syria would not be enough to enforce security across the country.

Syria’s security forces undertook a serious recruitment drive, bringing in tens of thousands of new recruits to add to many of the existing former opposition battalions that were incorporated under the state’s new security apparatus.

With such a huge recruitment campaign, analysts said, vetting was a difficult task.

“The Palmyra attack points to structural flaws rather than a mere one-off event. Integration of former faction fighters and rapid new recruitment have produced uneven vetting and oversight, compounded by a permissive environment for radical views, allowing infiltration to persist,” Nanar Hawash, International Crisis Group’s senior Syria analyst, told Al Jazeera.

“Together, these factors blur early warning signs and create space for hidden threats, raising the risk of repeat attacks.”

Analysts said they expect Syrian security forces to improve the vetting process with time. Meanwhile, another attack like December 13’s was possible and could dent the US’s faith that al-Sharaa’s government can provide security in Syria.

“It could happen again due to the sheer numbers [of new recruits], but over time, the government will improve its game and be more thorough to prevent that from happening again, because it will have consequences,” Drevon said.

“We should be careful over generalising based on one attack, which can be a one-off. But if it happens again, it might change the perception of the Syrian government.”

What does ISIL want?

As for ISIL, analysts said the group’s priorities have changed since the fall of al-Assad.

“What we’re seeing now is ISIL is trying to test boundaries and conduct attacks knowing it cannot gain territorial control,” Akil said.

“It aims at destabilising and staying relevant.”

“ISIS cannot hold cities or topple governments. But it doesn’t need to. Its strength lies in destabilisation,” Hawach said. “The Palmyra attack showed that one operative with the right access can kill three US personnel and shake a bilateral relationship.”

Analysts said ISIL could destabilise Syria by targeting state security forces, religious minorities – like it did in the Damascus church attack in June – or any foreigner on Syrian soil, from US soldiers to humanitarian or United Nations workers. The group could also look to capitalise on tensions between the SDF and Damascus over disagreements on how to integrate the former into the state’s security apparatus.

The SDF also manages the al-Hol and Roj prison camps in northeast Syria, where many of ISIL’s most battle-hardened fighters and commanders are held. This could prove to be a key target for ISIL in Syria.

“ISIL thrives in those vacuums,” Hawach said.

“It’s a guerrilla insurgency, not a caliphate, but in a fragile state, that’s enough to cause serious damage.”

WITH her steamy shower scenes and sexy outfits, you might assume the much-hyped Sydney Sweeney is the centre of attention in new thriller movie The Housemaid.

Instead, critics are raving about her older co-star Amanda Seyfried as the standout of the film that hit UK cinemas yesterday.

Mamma Mia! actress Amanda, 40, is tipped for an Oscar nod for The Testament Of Ann Lee, which is out in February and sees her play the founder of the Christian fundamentalist Shaker Movement in the 18th century.

But it is The Housemaid, based on the same-named bestselling 2022 novel by US author Freida McFadden, that will be putting bums on seats first.

In the sexy flick, Amanda plays deranged housewife Nina Winchester, who hires 28-year-old Sydney’s Millie Calloway to take care of domestic chores and her daughter.

But nothing is what it seems in this psychological potboiler as Amanda — also famed for 2004 teen movie Mean Girls, as a student who believes her breasts predict the weather — steals the show.

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Revelling in the role, she teases: “It’s dark as s**t. But when you get opportunities like that — to go nuts, go anywhere — I’m so happy I can still do it.

“There were ample opportunities for me to play unhinged, and playing unhinged is delicious. I had so much fun.”

In The Housemaid trailer, the two co-stars appear to be at each other’s throats. There is shouting, screaming and knives are reached for.

But in real life, fellow Americans Amanda and Sydney became great pals while making and promoting the film.

‘She’s a sweetheart’

For a bit of fun together, they even took a lie-detector test for Vanity Fair magazine, with a very animated Amanda asking Sydney whether her breasts were real.

Sydney is now caught in a storm over her recent “great jeans” ad, as some claimed its pun on “genes” hinted at white supremacy.

But Donald Trump, hailed it “the hottest ad out there”.

There have also been online rumours of her having romances with co-stars including Housemaid actor Brandon Sklenar and Glen Powell, who Sydney got steamy with in 2023 rom com Anyone But You. None of it was true.

Amanda knows about falling for a co-star, having dated Dominic Cooper from 2008 film Mamma Mia! for three years before the British actor reportedly broke her heart.

But asked about all the hype around pin-up Sydney, she told Vanity Fair: “I don’t envy anything she’s going through.

“I’ve spent a lot of time with her, we just hit it off immediately. She’s a sweetheart. I did not have a moment like she’s having, ever.”

If Sydney ever wanted to know more about the ups and downs of fame, Amanda would be a great person to chat to.

People would run into me and kids would be like, ‘Hey, can you tell us what your boobs are thinking?’ I got that so often, but I didn’t mind it’

Amanda Seyfried

Her pharmacist dad Jack and mum Ann, an occupational therapist, brought her up on a college campus in Allentown, Pennsylvania.

At school, Amanda started modelling then, in her teens, broke into acting with roles in US soap operas As The World Turns and All My Children.

This led to the “liberation and freedom of living on my own in New York City”, as her career took off.

She says: “I was having so much fun — paid a thousand dollars a day and working, like, three times a week — for a 17-year-old.”

The dream seemed to be over when the TV work dried up, and she enrolled at college.

But then an audition for mega-hit Mean Girls, which starred Lindsay Lohan and Rachel McAdams, saved her career.

Amanda says: “I was just happy to be working — big cheque.”

But playing that student who believes her boobs have superpowers led to some pointed questions from admirers.

She recalls: “People would run into me and kids would be like, ‘Hey, can you tell us what your boobs are thinking?’ I got that so often, but I didn’t mind it. I did my job, good enough, I guess.”

Four years later, she got the lead role of Sophie in Abba-inspired smash-hit movie musical Mamma Mia!, alongside Meryl Streep.

Amanda says of the much sought-after part: “I can’t f***ing believe I got that role but it felt like something I should be doing, could be doing.”

She was on a roll as further box-office success followed, including 2009 comedy-horror Jennifer’s Body with Megan Fox, 2010 romantic drama Dear John with Channing Tatum, and 2012 hit Les Miserables.

But not all of her career choices turned out well. She passed on the role of green alien Gamora in 2014 superhero blockbuster Guardians Of The Galaxy, only for it to take nearly £600million worldwide and spawn a pair of sequels.

The part was played instead by Zoe Saldana. Amanda says: “The offer came in and I was like, ‘I should take this, right? But this is going to be Marvel’s first bomb and I do not want to be ruined for the rest of my life. Who the f is going to see a movie with a talking raccoon?’”

But her later decision to star in an off-Broadway play in New York called The Way We Get By in 2015 was to have a major impact on her personal life. Co-star Thomas Sadoski would become her husband two years later.

She says: “We met, we came very, very close, and then we started seeing each other a year later — and now we have kids [a daughter born in 2017 and son born in 2020].”

Amanda had never intended to be a mum because she feared it might ruin her career.

But she says: “If you’re lucky enough to accidentally get pregnant, which was me twice, I’m just like, thank God. I would have been, ‘I’m too busy’, ‘I’m gonna disappear from Hollywood and it’s gonna be hard to get back on track.’”

If you’re lucky enough to accidentally get pregnant, which was me twice, I’m just like, thank God. I would have been, ‘I’m too busy’, ‘I’m gonna disappear from Hollywood and it’s gonna be hard to get back on track.’

Amanda

In reality, after getting pregnant, Amanda took only a few months off and discovered she was being offered “mum” roles by casting directors.

She says: “There’s something that happens to you when you become a mother or a father.

“You know, when your life no longer matters as much and you can’t live for yourself any more.

“That sacrifice also is very enriching and the roles got better. But it was funny how fast that happened. They’re like, ‘She’s pregnant. Is she pregnant? Oh, she had a baby. Oh, yeah, no, she’s a mom. She’s a mom now.’

“But I did play one character where I was not a mom, since then.”

One mum she played was silent film star Marion Davies in Gary Oldman’s 2020 movie Mank, about alcoholic screenwriter Herman J. Mankiewicz railing against 1930s Hollywood society while completing the screenplay of 1941 movie classic Citizen Kane.

That led to a Best Supporting Actress Oscar nomination in 2021, which in turn secured a starring role in the Disney+ series The Dropout, for which she won an Emmy and Golden Globe.

‘Weird dance’

Amanda says: “Going to the Oscars, you’re like, ‘I’m just happy to be here’, honestly. But it brought me up the casting list. I got the offer for The Dropout the next day.”

But there were restrictions on playing real-life character Elizabeth Holmes in The Dropout because the medical fraudster was not convicted until January 2022.

The programme’s lawyers even advised against sex scenes.

Amanda says: “Every script went through a team of lawyers.

“We couldn’t say certain things, we couldn’t do certain things. We couldn’t show them making love, so we had that weird dance scene because that was their foreplay.”

Every script went through a team of lawyers. We couldn’t say certain things, we couldn’t do certain things. We couldn’t show them making love, so we had that weird dance scene because that was their foreplay

Amanda Seyfried

Fast-forward to now, and her title role in upcoming period drama The Testament Of Ann Lee, about the UK-born Shaker Movement being taken to the US by Manchester lass Ann in 1774.

It sees Amanda shake ecstatically as the ultra-puritanical sect, which avoided earthly pleasures such as sex, celebrated the Almighty.

Also known for their pacifism, the Shakers’ number peaked in the mid-19th century but then declined with industrialisation, with only one active community remaining today, in Maine. Amanda says of Ann: “Nobody could have sex because sex, she thought, was the root of all evil — the root of why she was in so much pain.

“She had got pregnant and lost her babies.

“The idea that taking sex away could make you closer to wholeness is kind of beautiful. I think she’s nuts and also very cool.”

But despite her impressive credits reel, Amanda still reckons she must battle to stay on the “list” of most-wanted actresses in Hollywood.

She says: “These f***ing lists. Every time I’m auditioning it’s like I fluctuate. I fall down the list, I go to the top of the second list or keep going back to the bottom of the first list, and it’s like, I’m lucky to be on the list at all.”

But after The Housemaid, she shouldn’t need to worry about being on that Tinseltown A-list.

EROTIC AND CAMP

THE HOUSEMAID (15) 131mins

★★★☆☆

By LINDA MARRIC

A GLOSSY, erotic thriller that is as hilariously camp as it is suspenseful.

Adapted from Freida McFadden’s smash-hit novel by director Paul Feig and screenwriter Rebecca Sonnenshine, Sydney Sweeney stars as Millie, a young woman fresh out of prison.

She takes a live-in maid job at the lavish home of wealthy couple Nina and Andrew Winchester (Amanda Seyfried and Brandon Sklenar).

What initially promises a fresh start for the young woman, quickly turns into something far stranger as Nina’s wildly erratic behaviour borders on the theatrical, while Andrew’s “perfect husband” routine grows increasingly unrealistic.

Feig, usually known for his work in comedy, brings an over-the-top energy to this adaptation that makes for a fun, if slightly ridiculous, ride.

While his shift into psychological drama feels a bit bumpy, the film’s knowingly silly vibe is exactly what makes it so entertaining.

But it struggles with its own shifting tone and at 131 minutes, the pacing sags and several twists are made a little too obvious.

Sweeney does her best with the script but it is Seyfried who ultimately comes out on top here, putting in a brilliantly unhinged performance as Nina.

The Housemaid may lack subtlety and genuine menace but no one can deny that it is a great deal of fun from start to finish.

Ramallah, occupied West Bank – The Palestinian economy is undergoing a severe downturn, driven by Israel’s continued assault on Gaza, intensified restrictions on movement and trade in the occupied West Bank, and a sharp decline in both domestic and external financial resources.

As the Palestinian government struggles to manage an escalating fiscal crisis, official data and expert assessments warn that the economy is approaching a critical threshold – one that threatens the continuity of state institutions and their ability to meet even basic obligations.

A joint report by the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) and the Palestine Monetary Authority (PMA), published in the Palestinian Economic Monitor for 2025, found that the economy remained mired in deep recession throughout the year.

According to the report, gross domestic product (GDP) in Gaza contracted by 84 percent in 2025 compared with 2023, while GDP in the occupied West Bank declined by 13 percent over the period. Overall GDP levels remain far below their pre-war baseline, underscoring the fragility of any potential recovery and the economy’s inability to regain productive capacity under current conditions.

The report documented a near-total collapse of economic activity in Gaza, alongside sharp contractions across most sectors in the West Bank, despite a modest improvement compared with 2024. It also recorded a decline in trade volumes to and from Palestine compared with 2023, while unemployment in Gaza exceeded 77 percent during 2025.

Withheld revenues and mounting debt

Palestinian Economy Minister Mohammed al-Amour said Israeli authorities are withholding approximately $4.5bn in Palestinian clearance revenues, describing the move as a form of “collective punishment” that has severely undermined the Palestinian Authority’s (PA’s) ability to function.

“The total accumulated public debt reached $14.6bn by the end of November 2025, representing 106 percent of the 2024 gross domestic product,” al-Amour told Al Jazeera.

The minister said the debt includes $4.5bn owed to the International Monetary Fund, $3.4bn to the Palestinian banking sector, $2.5bn in salary arrears to public employees, $1.6bn owed to the private sector, $1.4bn in external debt, and $1.2bn in other financial obligations.

“These pressures have had a direct impact on the overall performance of the public budget,” al-Amour said, contributing to a widening deficit and sharply reduced capacity to cover operational spending and essential commitments.

All of that has led al-Amour to conclude that the Palestinian economy is undergoing “its most difficult period” since the establishment of the PA in 1994.

Official estimates show GDP contracted by 29 percent in the second quarter of 2025, compared with 2023, while GDP per capita fell by 32 percent over the period. These figures align with a recent report by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), which concluded that the Palestinian economy has regressed to levels last seen 22 years ago.

In response, al-Amour said the government was implementing an “urgent package of measures”.

“The government is rolling out a series of actions that include strengthening the social protection system, supporting citizens’ resilience in Area C [of the West Bank], and backing small and medium-sized enterprises and productive sectors, particularly industry and agriculture,” al-Amour said.

Official data show a sharp drop across nearly all economic activities. Construction contracted by 41 percent, while both industry and agriculture declined by 29 percent each. Wholesale and retail trade fell by 24 percent.

The tourism sector has been among the hardest hit. Following the start of Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza in October 2023, the Ministry of Tourism reported daily losses exceeding $2m, as inbound tourism nearly collapsed. By the end of 2024, cumulative losses were estimated at approximately $1bn.

The Palestinian Economic Policy Research Institute (MAS), citing PCBS data, reported an 84.2 percent drop in hotel occupancy in the West Bank during the first half of 2024 compared with the same period a year earlier. Losses in accommodation and food services alone amounted to roughly $326m.

Despite the downturn, al-Amour said the Ministry of Economy is focusing on sustaining the private sector, substituting Israeli imports across seven key sectors, developing the digital and green economies, and improving the business environment. He noted that about 2,500 new companies continue to be registered each year.

Tourism collapsing

Samir Hazbun, a lecturer at al-Quds University and board member of the Palestinian Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry, said repeated crises have hollowed out the economy.

“Over the past five years, all economic sectors have entered successive crises, starting with the COVID-19 pandemic and followed by the war on Gaza,” Hazbun said. “Tourism, one of the most important sectors, has been especially affected, exhausting the local economy and weakening its ability to recover.”

Hazbun said preliminary estimates indicate tourism has suffered direct losses exceeding $1bn, alongside extensive indirect losses resulting from the paralysis of hotels, souvenir shops, travel agencies, tour guides and street vendors.

He added that hotel investments alone are estimated at $550m, with no financial returns for owners, forcing many workers out of the sector due to the absence of job security and safety nets.

Economic expert Haitham Daraghmeh described Palestinian debt as “accumulated debt that increases monthly”, owed to banks, suppliers, contractors, and the telecommunications and health sectors.

“The withholding of clearance revenues is no longer a temporary financial crisis; it has become a factor of complete economic paralysis,” he said.

With external aid frozen and domestic revenues at historic lows, Daraghmeh warned that the government was “no longer able to cover salaries or operational costs”.

“The government is operating like an ATM, with no real capacity for investment or economic stimulus,” Daraghmeh added.

Economic warnings

Daraghmeh said World Bank reports warn that continued failure to pay salaries and meet obligations could trigger comprehensive economic collapse. While some countries, including France and Saudi Arabia, have pledged support, he said none of that assistance has materialised.

He outlined three possible scenarios; the most likely is a continued gradual decline, driven by ongoing revenue withholding and shrinking resources. The second involves international intervention to prevent total collapse, particularly at a decisive political moment. The third scenario could see a conditional breakthrough, tied to European demands for financial reform, anticorruption measures, curriculum changes and elections.

Taken together, the data and expert assessments suggest the Palestinian economy is approaching a dangerous tipping point. Analysts warn that without an end to revenue withholding, renewed international financial support, and a shift in the political context, the economy risks sliding from prolonged crisis into outright collapse.

The question facing Palestinian officials and economists alike is how long the system can endure under siege-like conditions – and whether political and economic shifts will arrive in time to halt what many now describe as a slow and deliberate economic unravelling.