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LOS ANGELES: Just days before two teenagers carried out a mass shooting at a San Diego mosque, federal law enforcement officials warned the parents of one of the shooters that their son was making concerning comments about school shootings on the dark web, according to new details included in a recently filed lawsuit.

The mother of Caleb Vazquez alleges in her lawsuit that Park Mental Health Treatment of San Diego failed to intervene despite signs that her 18-year-old son posed an imminent threat to himself and others. Vazquez was living there and receiving treatment for a range of mental health conditions, including depression and psychotic episodes, the lawsuit says. The court filings follow a number of high-profile convictions of guardians who provided teenagers with weapons that were later used in mass shootings.

The FBI called Vazquez’s mother on the evening of May 14, and she said she immediately left a message with the treatment facility to notify its staff, according to the lawsuit, filed in a San Diego court on Aug. 31. Vazquez’s mother again shared the FBI’s warnings with her son’s therapist on May 15 and with a program director later that night.

On May 18, the morning of the shooting, employees at the facility contacted Vazquez’s mother to tell her that he was missing. Video surveillance footage subsequently showed Vazquez leaving the property at 8 p.m. the night before.

Vazquez’s parents were driving around looking for him on the morning of the shooting. Vazquez and another teenager killed three people at the San Diego mosque that day before taking their own lives.

It is unclear whether Vazquez was allowed to leave the previous evening or whether he broke facility rules by doing so. Park Mental Health offers a range of treatment options, some of which advertise 24-hour surveillance, while others provide more limited counseling.

The center did not immediately respond to an emailed request for comment Saturday afternoon. In a previous statement to radio station KPBS, Park Mental Health disputed the assertions in the lawsuit.

“While it is understandable that his parents might seek to blame someone in their time of loss, this lawsuit is misguided in that neither Park nor its employees are responsible for Mr. Vazquez’s actions,” the statement to KPBS read. “Only he and his coconspirator bear responsibility for their conduct and, ultimately, his death.”

An FBI spokesperson declined to comment Saturday, citing agency policy.

The FBI’s alleged contact with Vazquez’s parents was not the first sign of his mental deterioration.

Vazquez had been hospitalized for roughly three days in January 2026 after telling a classmate that he wanted to carry out a school shooting.

Almost exactly a year earlier, Vazquez was flagged to law enforcement for exhibiting alarming behavior and idolizing Nazis, prompting police to confiscate 26 guns from his father under a 2014 California law allowing firearms to be taken from people considered dangerous.

Authorities have said Vazquez met the other shooter, Cain Clark, 17, online and that both were radicalized there. Police have not shared more details about how they knew each other or specified whose weapons were used in the shooting.

The lawsuit was filed on the same day that North Carolina authorities announced the indictment of a 17-year-old in connection with the shooting.

Niger’s military government has accused France of orchestrating a failed mutiny that rocked the capital, Niamey, last week.

France denied any involvement in the events in its former colony, but the accusation indicates that tensions between them remain high.

Here’s what you should know:

What happened last week?

Shortly after midnight on August 29, renegade soldiers targeted Base 101, a major military facility inside Niamey’s international airport complex.

Authorities said the mutineers detained some of their comrades and opened fire at “certain sensitive sites” in the capital.

Fighting spread to the presidential palace and temporarily knocked the state broadcaster off air, with explosions and gunfire echoing around Niamey for hours until Niger’s army, helped by Russian paramilitary fighters known as the Africa Corps, contained the mutiny.

State media said hundreds of soldiers took part, with dozens killed or arrested.

The mutiny happened three years after Abdourahamane Tchiani seized power in a coup that overthrew President Mohamed Bazoum, saying the elected government had failed to contain armed groups. However, violent unrest has persisted, while governance grievances and economic challenges remain.

What has Niger’s military government said?

As with previous rounds of unrest, Niger’s military authorities blamed France and other West African countries.

“This operation, with its international ramifications, was instigated and sustained by a vast network of collusion headed by the French regime of Mr [Emmanuel] Macron,” said Soumana Boubacar, Niger’s government spokesperson, in a statement read out on TV on Friday.

“Traitorous and renegade elements, to whom promises of great things were made, were tasked with carrying out unfulfilled ambitions of Macron and his cronies in our country,” he said, adding that such “undermining manoeuvres will always fail”.

The Niger Council of Ministers, which functions as the cabinet since the 2023 coup, said a “substantial body of evidence has been compiled regarding this attack and Niger reserves the right to ⁠⁠bring the matter before international courts”. Details were not provided.

Niger also accused a number of regional countries of being involved, including the regional economic bloc ECOWAS. Benin’s government, one of the countries accused, rejected the accusations.

In contrast, Niger thanked Russia, Algeria and allies in the Sahel region – Burkina Faso and Mali – for their support.

What has been the French response?

France dismissed the allegations as “pure fantasy”.

“There never was any intention, nor means that France would have mobilised,” French Foreign Minister, Jean-Noel Barrot, told the French radio station, RFI.

“All of this is, as usual, a way of wrongly blaming France for something it is simply not responsible for.”

Tensions between the two countries have increased following the 2023 coup.

Niger has since ordered the withdrawal of about 1,500 French troops, expelled the French ambassador, revoked a number of bilateral military agreements and suspended French state-funded stations, such as France 24 and RFI, from broadcasting there.

Is Niger’s security situation worsening?

Henri Nsaibia, West Africa senior analyst at Armed Conflict Location & Event Data (ACLED), said the Nigerien armed forces’ fight against armed groups linked to ISIL and al-Qaeda could be weakened following the mutiny.

“The regime will likely divert resources from fighting jihadist groups to monitor internal threats,” he said.

Niger’s security situation is facing several challenges.

Since the 2023 coup, nearly 6,000 people have been killed in more than 1,400 violent incidents, according to ACLED. The casualties represent a sharp increase compared to the three years before Tchiani was in power, when nearly 3,200 people were killed in more than 1,300 violent incidents.

“Niger still experiences less intense violence than neighbouring Mali and Burkina Faso, but faces a wider range of armed threats,” said Nsaibia.

What’s the history of French colonialism in Niger?

France’s influence has dropped dramatically throughout its former colonies in West Africa in recent years in the wake of failed military interventions and allegations of interference.

The rise in anti-French sentiment has helped coup leaders in a number of countries claim legitimacy, including in Niger, where France has a long history of brutality.

France’s 1899 military campaign in Niger is still remembered for its intense violence, mass executions and destruction of towns and villages.

Niger became part of France’s colonial empire the following year and gained independence in 1960, but Paris still meddled in its internal politics and economic policies.

In recent years, discussions about potential reparations as compensation for the looting and extraction of the country’s resources during and after French rule have intensified.

The Victorians’ love of seaside resorts inspired a developer to try and build a ‘mega resort’ for the rich and powerful of the time, but many of the plans for this seaside town never came to fruition

Victorians loved the seaside. Time at the beach was the perfect antidote to the dirty, smoggy cities that were rapidly expanding, and the sea air was touted as a cure for everything from respiratory problems to exhaustion.

Another thing that was expanding at the time was Britain’s railway lines, and entrepreneurs were quick to build seaside resorts to accommodate Victorians’ love of beaches. One such visionary was Sir Robert Perks, a politician who looked at a stretch of Kent coast and decided it would make an incredible resort for the wealthiest in society at the time.

The spot was given the name Littlestone-on-Sea, named after a nearby headland called Little Stone, and initially it comprised of a home for Robert, accommodation called the Grand Hotel, a church, and some terraced houses. However, the Grand Hotel didn’t turn out nearly as grand as planned, and it was just the first project that didn’t quite live up to the vision.

Robert teamed up with a surveyor named Henry Tubbs to launch Littlestone Golf Course in 1888, which is still open to this day, and at one end there’s a distinctive local building the Littlestone water tower, which was supposed to supply fresh water to the golf course and the impressive seaside town that was envisioned.

Unfortunately, the water from the 120ft tall tower was too salty to use, and over time it was abandoned. However, in the Second World War, the structure found a new purpose. It became a lookout post that protected Kent’s shores, and the addition of platforms meant guards could keep lookout from many levels. Nowadays, it has been turned into a unique home.

Other plans for Littlestone included a large housing development, a lively promenade, and a favourite of Victorians – a pier. However, parts of the design for the pier were eventually used in Eastbourne, so it wasn’t a total waste of time.

Nowadays, Littlestone is far from the bustling resort that was imagined by the Victorian entrepeneurs, but it certainly has its own charm. Its vast shingle beach is lined with colourful beach huts, and the long flat promenade is popular for families and dog walkers.

From the shore you can spot the Mulberry Harbour Phoenix Caisson, a temporary breakwater that was built during the D-Day Normandy landings in World War 2. Few of these structures remain, making it a popular site for those interested in military history.

The town itself has a handful of shops, cafés, and restaurants. There’s a small selection of seaside hotels, as well as a caravan park that’s much loved by families looking for a peaceful break at the seaside.

So, while Littlestone may not have become a playground for the rich, it developed its own character over time and is still much-loved by visitors who want a more low-key seaside experience.

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