faces

OAKLAND — Mayor Lionel Wilson, a fixture in this city’s politics for three decades, was fighting off a nasty cold as he took his campaign for reelection to a hall filled with real estate agents recently.

In past years, Wilson could have stayed home to nurse his ailment. He long ago endeared himself to Oakland business leaders by presiding over a boom in downtown building that brought a glistening skyline to the city. As he seeks a fourth term, however, the soft-spoken mayor finds he can take no group for granted.

Concluding his speech to the agents, he pleaded, “Give me a chance to complete the job I started.” But on this day, in a city beset by a continuing drug crisis, crime, a troubled school system and the aftermath of last October’s earthquake, the applause for the mayor was polite, and nothing more.

At 75, Wilson is facing the toughest campaign of his career, challenged by politicians who barely were teen-agers when he began his government career in 1960. The most likely outcome is that no candidate will win more than 50% of the vote in the nonpartisan June 5 election, and the two leading vote-getters will face off in November. But a recent Oakland Tribune-Gallup Poll confirmed what local politicos have been saying for weeks: Wilson may not make it to the runoff.

Only 18% of the likely voters backed Wilson. Assemblyman Elihu Harris, a Democrat who is giving up the legislative seat he has held for 12 years to mount a well-heeled effort to unseat Wilson, led with 32%, the poll showed.

Harris’ closest rival was veteran City Councilman Wilson Riles Jr., liberal son of the former state superintendent of schools, who was supported by 22%. Five other candidates had lesser support. And 22% were undecided.

In a sign of Wilson’s past impact on Oakland, candidates Harris, Riles and City Councilman Leo Bazile all have been labeled his protege in the past. Now, though, they depict him as a figure whom time has passed by.

“It is sad,” Riles said of the sinking political fortunes of the city’s first black mayor. “He was probably the right person to break the color barrier. (But) I don’t know whether he should have gotten a second term, and certainly not a third term. . . . People are saying it is time for a change.”

The campaign has been mean even by Oakland’s fractious standards. Candidate forums routinely are interrupted by demonstrators, and campaign rhetoric frequently has been downright nasty.

At a recent candidates forum, Bazile, a city councilman since 1983, ignored a thoughtful question about the future of downtown and accused Harris of a cavalier attitude toward crack cocaine use because he has broached the prospect of legalizing drugs.

Harris restrained himself, answered the question about downtown, and waited until after the debate to respond. He said he did not advocate that crack be made legal, though he added that in the fight against drugs, “We should not be afraid to discuss all of the options.”

Such asides notwithstanding, the issues in Oakland are considerable. Last October’s earthquake hit the city hard; repairs to city-owned buildings may cost $250 million. Officials must negotiate with Caltrans over a replacement for the collapsed Nimitz Freeway.

Meanwhile, thousands of blue-collar workers could lose their jobs if a federal study recommending closure of Oakland-area Navy bases becomes reality.

Crack use is epidemic, straining the health care system and fueling crime. A city of 360,000 people, Oakland had a record 148 homicides last year. The murder rate was third-highest in the state last year for cities with populations of more than 100,000, and the overall crime rate was second-worst.

Oakland schools, though not the mayor’s responsibility, are a major campaign topic. A state trustee has been appointed to oversee the Oakland Unified School District, and a criminal investigation has led to the arrests of 13 district employees for theft and embezzlement.

“The solutions to those problems are going to have to come at a quickened pace,” said Alameda County Supervisor Don Perata, who is neutral in the race. “Rhetoric won’t get by. You’re going to have to have some very adroit leadership.”

Then, there’s football.

After initial reluctance, Wilson backed an ambitious plan to lure the Los Angeles Raiders back to Oakland with an unprecedented $600-million-plus package of loans, grants, guaranteed profits and a promise to rebuild the Oakland Coliseum, all to suit team owner Al Davis.

Politicians quickly discovered that while Oakland football fans may pine for the Raiders, they don’t miss Davis. This is the man who spurned them by moving the team to Los Angeles after the 1981 football season. The thought that the city would guarantee him profits angered so many that 31,000 residents signed petitions to place the plan to bring the Raiders back on the ballot. The referendum was put on hold after Wilson withdrew his support of the deal; city officials and the Raiders have reopened negotiations.

Wilson conceded that the proposal has been “a negative” for him. He added, “I got caught in the middle.”

Even Councilman Riles, who scored big by opposing the deal, was shocked at the reaction. The deal elicited more angry calls than any municipal issue Riles could recall. “I lucked out,” he said.

Riles, long Wilson’s nemesis, tried to unseat the mayor in 1985. An ally of liberal Rep. Ron Dellums (D-Berkeley), Riles battles the moderate Wilson on such issues as rent control and development. He contends that more should be spent on the city’s poor neighborhoods and less on big downtown projects.

Wilson encouraged interest in his job by strengthening the office. Under a 1988 City Charter change that he engineered, the next mayor will make $80,000 a year, up from the previous $30,000.

He also supported moving local elections to even-numbered years. For the first time, the mayoral campaign is being held in conjunction with major state races. Turnout could hit 50%; in the last two mayoral elections, it was less than 28%.

At the time the changes were being debated, Wilson was leaning against running. He changed his mind last summer, saying he concluded that no other candidate could see through to completion development of a major downtown retail center.

However, as many voters apparently see it, Wilson’s day is over.

Clinton O’Keefe Killian, a 32-year-old lawyer and Harris supporter, talks of Oakland’s “tremendous potential,” but points to opportunities lost under Wilson. He extols the lifestyle in his ethnically diverse city, though he has complaints with faulty city services and frets about sending his children to Oakland schools.

“Oakland could be the town in California where blacks and other minorities can show they bring something to the table,” Killian said. But for all its promise of becoming “Atlanta-West,” Oakland won’t “go any further unless somebody is pushing it.”

Harris has tailored his message to such voters. While Wilson proved to any skeptics that “blacks could run the city,” Harris said, there’s a need now to move “beyond presence and become more aggressive.”

Harris has built his campaign around high-quality public schools. In some ways, it’s an odd issue to champion, given that the mayor has no say over the schools, which are run by an independently elected school board.

Still, Harris made a name for himself last year by pushing state legislation that led to the naming of a trustee to oversee the school district. The bill came after years of poor academic performance by students, studies critical of district management, and, finally, the criminal investigation.

Harris won popular support with the bill, but has taken his share of hits over it. Wilson charged that he pushed it merely to gain needed name identification.

The move also angered members of a black neighborhood group called the People’s Democratic Uhuru Movement. Using a variety of disruptive tactics, Uhuru adherents have been hounding Harris.

Their point: Harris backs “white colonialists” and “the U.S. government’s war against the black community” with his support of the school trustee.

In the days since he charged a Los Angeles police officer with a crime for capturing evidence of his co-workers’ racist remarks, Los Angeles County Dist. Atty. Nathan Hochman has been the subject of withering criticism from Mayor Karen Bass, former cops and even some of his own prosecutors.

The chorus of voices decrying the filing of 16 counts of felony eavesdropping against Officer Daniel Flores — who caught fellow officers on tape using slurs and making derogatory remarks about Asians, Mexicans, Black people and women in the LAPD’s Training Division in 2024 — say the charges will dissuade other officers from reporting corruption and raise questions about Hochman’s commitment to police accountability.

“The bottom line is that the alleged racist, sexist, and homophobic comments made are outrageous and unacceptable,” Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass said in a statement to The Times on Tuesday. “While I understand that it is inappropriate and a crime to record colleagues without their consent, those charges certainly send the wrong message that calling out egregious behavior could land you in prison.”

Six L.A. County prosecutors — all speaking on condition of anonymity in order to discuss the case candidly — also said in recent days they were shocked by Hochman’s decision to charge Flores.

One referred to the filing as “insane,” while another suggested Flores’ case should have been dismissed in the interest of justice.

On Friday, the district attorney’s office made public a 27-page motion asking for a lengthy preliminary hearing in the case. The filing alleged Flores deceptively edited the recordings to hide his own insensitive remarks. Several of the officers whom Flores taped said he often talked about wanting to win the “LAPD lottery,” meaning he intended to sue the department and retire on his winnings, according to the motion.

“[Flores] often starts the recordings in mid-conversation,” the district attorney said in an interview Friday. “Many people talk about the fact that he initiated some of these discussions, that he participated in some of these discussions. You’ll hear references to comments he made. Usually he has edited out his comments.”

The motion — which relies heavily on representations made by the officers whose comments Flores exposed — alleges Flores “manipulated conversations by initiating or participating in discussions about a particular topic before activating the recording device, then ceasing his own participation.”

Hochman said the recordings contain evidence that Flores made sexist remarks and referred to a group of people as “f—ing Crips.” It was not clear how referencing the infamous L.A. gang was, on its own, racist.

Flores’ attorney, Alan Jackson, did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Flores is due in court for an arraignment on Monday.

Some of Hochman’s own prosecutors said the charges look bad considering the district attorney’s suspect record in police accountability cases.

“Optics are terrible,” one prosecutor said, questioning whether Hochman was pressured to act by police unions, which made heavy contributions to his 2024 campaign.

Since taking office, Hochman has moved to dismiss a number of violent use-of-force cases against police and resolved others with lenient plea deals. He also either dismissed charges or offered no-jail plea deals to four former Torrance police officers who had been accused of crimes after they were implicated in the department’s infamous racist text scandal.

One prosecutor also said the Flores case is unwinnable and will certainly fail before a jury.

“Just because a law is broken doesn’t necessarily mean you are going to get 12 jurors in L.A. to convict,” the prosecutor said.

Flores turned over 122 recordings of his colleagues’ commentary to the LAPD Office of the Inspector General early last year, according to the motion filed Friday. An amended criminal complaint submitted in late July suggested the recordings were then used as evidence against Flores by LAPD officials who sought to punish him.

Flores has said he heard co-workers refer to Black people as “monkeys” who like grape soda and eat watermelon between basketball games, according to a retaliation lawsuit he filed last year. The suit claims Flores also heard colleagues call female officers “bitches” who couldn’t be trusted and alleged a supervisor said Mexican L.A. Dodgers legend Fernando Valenzuela died of septic shock because he “ate too many” tacos.

In the motion made public Friday, Hochman argued that Flores made the recordings, in part, to support his civil suit. Several of the officers quoted in the motion said Flores said he had anxiety about wearing a police uniform or going on patrol and wanted to retire to become a “stay at home Dad,” according to the motion.

The motion also provided more information about the alleged insensitive discussions than has been previously reported. One of the officers recorded by Flores admitted to describing a potential LAPD recruit as “rapeable” because they were “someone who could be taken advantage of,” according to the motion.

“The use of the phrase ‘rape’ was not in a sexual context,” the motion read.

The officers also suggested in the D.A.’s motion Flores was a habitual liar. He became embarrassed after he was caught fabricating or embellishing stories about playing college baseball, responding to protest scenes and an award he won in the police academy, according to the motion.

The motion said that an internal affairs sergeant found many of the allegations Flores made concerning officers in the recruitment unit improperly disqualifying candidates based on appearance and falsifying time sheets were not supported by evidence.

When he announced the charges last week, Hochman said that while the comments captured by Flores were deplorable, he couldn’t turn a blind eye to a blatant violation of the state’s two-party consent recording statute. With few exceptions, it is a crime in California to record a conversation without the consent of all parties involved.

Hochman said Friday that Flores is not protected by whistleblower laws because, although the recordings exposed bigoted speech, they did not prove evidence of a crime by any of the other officers. He also said the comments were not hateful in nature. At multiple points, the motion refers to the comments as “locker room” talk.

Many of the officers told investigators they made the crude comments “in a sort of joking, sort of locker room banter context. In hindsight these things are insensitive … but you’ll have for instance a Black individual making comments about Blacks,” Hochman said. “You’ll have an Asian individual making insensitive stereotypical comments about Asians.”

Hochman said the prosecution was meant to deter rogue police actions rather than silence whistleblowers. He likened what Flores did to a detective using illegal means to record a drug dealer or gang member.

Hochman said Flores should have reported his colleagues’ misconduct to internal affairs or the LAPD’s inspector general. But California Department of Justice records show there were 4,878 allegations of racial bias made against LAPD officers in the last decade, and the department upheld only three of those complaints.

Presented with those statistics at a news conference Thursday, LAPD Chief Jim McDonnell did not respond directly to a question about how Flores could possibly have faith in an internal probe. McDonnell said Flores’ complaint triggered an investigation into 18 other officers, all but one of whom faced sustained disciplinary complaints.

He declined to say what sanctions the officers faced. An LAPD spokesperson declined to elaborate.

The district attorney’s office has been less aggressive in prosecuting those who made surreptitious recordings in the past.

When asked to pursue charges against those who secretly recorded several City Council members making racist remarks during a meeting at the L.A. County Federation of Labor’s headquarters, the district attorney’s office found a crime had been committed but referred the case to the L.A. city attorney’s office for misdemeanor filing in 2024. Ultimately, no charges were filed.

Last year, the D.A.’s office opted not to bring charges in a different case involving an LAPD officer in possession of a secret recording.

In that case, the ex-girlfriend of Brandon Tilford provided the department with an audio recording he had texted her in January 2024, according to a rejection memo by prosecutors. In the recording, an unidentified police officer is heard saying, “Officer walks through processing and goes, man, this is f— Planet of the Apes in here” in an apparent reference to Black inmates. Tilford texted his former girlfriend, “That’s my sgt btw lol.”

But prosecutors said there was insufficient evidence to bring charges because the girlfriend couldn’t identify the officers in the recording or say who made it. Thus, prosecutors reasoned that they could not prove Tilford created the recording and did so without the others’ knowledge.

Retired LAPD Cmdr. Lillian Carranza said she understood why Flores “might feel compelled to gather evidence to substantiate serious allegations,” given how the department has handled past whistleblower cases.

“For me, the difficult question is not whether evidence should be gathered, but where the line should be drawn,” said Carranza, a 36-year department veteran who successfully sued the city several times for misogyny and sexual harassment. “Gathering evidence over days or even weeks to document ongoing misconduct is one thing. Doing so over many months raises different legal and ethical questions.”

Hochman said the sheer volume of recordings, and the fact that Flores is a sworn law enforcement officer, played a role in the decision to file felony charges.

The union that represents front-line public defenders also seized on the controversy, saying in a statement that Hochman’s decision sent a clear message to others who may want to report wrongdoing: “keep quiet, or you will be the one facing trial.”

The department has long had a policy that forbids retaliation against officers who report misconduct.

But in practice, LAPD insiders say, those who come forward with compromising information get little support. The department is facing scores of lawsuits by officers who claim they faced retaliation after speaking out in the form of poor job evaluations, harassment, demotions and even termination.

Washington does not have a single policy toward Venezuela. On the contrary, since January 3, it has shown two distinct tracks that, for now, avoid colliding. The first is executed by the White House—a pragmatic, gradual strategy willing to bring opposition figures beyond María Corina Machado and Edmundo González to the negotiating table. The second has been maintained by Congress since the removal of Nicolás Maduro, most recently taking the form of a bipartisan Senate resolution that insists both remain the legitimate leaders of the opposition. The real question here is not which of these two faces will prevail, but why it serves US interests for both to exist simultaneously.

The past week showed how the board is functioning. On August 1, Jorge Rodríguez and Dinorah Figuera initiated dialogue over the phone between Delcy Rodríguez’s “government” and the remnants of the 2015 National Assembly, with the Trump administration acting as sponsor. Four days later, the Senate resolution reaffirmed González as president-elect, aligned with the administration’s stated goal of free elections while recognizing the electoral illegitimacy of Delcy Rodríguez. Caught between these two approaches, Marco Rubio asked Venezuelans for patience (“months, not years”) regarding elections, while Democratic Representative Jonathan Jackson (who had traveled to Caracas in July with the House delegation) revealed that even within Congress, there is no single consensus on what the US should be doing in Venezuela. Still, the simple fact that a Democrat secured permission to travel with the delegation speaks volumes.

Two paths, one destination?

For the White House, Venezuela has ceased to be—if it ever fully was—a matter of democratic principles, morphing instead into an equation of stabilization: energy, migration, and hemispheric security. Secretary Rubio’s three phases lay this out frankly: economic stabilization, recovery and reconciliation, and transition. This sequence shifts US priorities from democratic ideals to transactional metrics.

The IMF mission making headway in Caracas, Energy Secretary Chris Wright’s focus on the oil sector, and Rubio’s comparisons to transitions that took “nearly three and a half years” in countries like Paraguay and Spain confirm that the White House is prepared to manage Venezuela’s political timeline in a gradual, controlled manner, avoiding disruptions that could impact oil prices. Congress, on the other hand, bears no such executive burden. It can afford to speak the language of principles because it doesn’t have to sit down and negotiate barrels or deadlines.

Shielding that stance in a bipartisan manner is, at its core, a way to ensure US tutelage over Venezuela survives beyond Trump.

The Trump administration excluded Machado and Edmundo González from the process launched on August 1, a fact both publicly confirmed while clarifying that they would not stand in its way. Their seats at the table were filled by Dinorah Figuera and a delegation from the 2015 National Assembly. While this group does not answer directly to Machado’s party, it comprises members of Primero Justicia and Voluntad Popular, two parties that have consistently backed Machado and González throughout.

Meanwhile, the Senate resolution does the exact opposite: it explicitly names Machado and González as the legitimate leaders, describing Delcy Rodríguez as someone lacking an electoral mandate who would be unlikely to win a free election. It is a text that leaves no room for the ambiguity the White House grants itself.

Why this shift in signal? My first response would be that Congress—and particularly the Foreign Affairs committees in both chambers—operates under an institutional incentive distinct from Trump’s: surviving electoral cycles and administrative turnover. A resolution that anchors the recognition of legitimacy to Machado and González does not depend on who occupies the White House in 2029. Shielding that stance in a bipartisan manner is, at its core, a way to ensure US tutelage over Venezuela survives beyond Trump, even if the next occupant of the Oval Office chooses to change course.

Who are the players and what are their interests?

On the congressional chessboard, it is worth examining who the key players are—a crucial detail with the November midterm elections fast approaching.

In the Senate, the Foreign Relations Committee is chaired by Jim Risch (R), with Jeanne Shaheen (D) as ranking member. The Western Hemisphere Subcommittee is chaired by John Curtis (R) alongside Tim Kaine (D). Here lies the first key detail: Shaheen, the prominent Democratic voice who co-led the August 4 resolution with Ted Cruz (R), announced she will not seek reelection in 2026. She is retiring from Congress, but leaving this text as a legacy, which deprives Trump of a critical Democratic counterpart willing to apply public pressure.

Committee Chair Risch is on the ballot this November, while John Cornyn (a Republican who has been critical of Trump) is retiring, allowing him to adopt a harder line on foreign policy even when it diverges from the administration’s stance. Cruz, by contrast, does not face voters again until 2030, insulating him from immediate electoral pressures—making it no coincidence that he is leading the toughest resolution against the Delcy regime.

In the House, the Foreign Affairs Committee consists of over fifty members. It is chaired by Brian Mast (R), who led the July delegation to Caracas, with Gregory Meeks (D) as ranking member. The Western Hemisphere Subcommittee (which has served as the key House venue shaping the tone toward Venezuela) is chaired by María Elvira Salazar (R) with Joaquín Castro (D) as ranking member, alongside 13 other members (six Republicans and five Democrats).

A Congress with more elected Democrats, or with Republicans who survived tough races where voters demanded tangible results, will push harder to ensure the process unfolding in Venezuela moves beyond rhetoric.

All thirteen members are seeking reelection in 2026, meaning their moves leading up to November could either preserve Republican control of the committee or shift its leadership to the Democrats. Another detail worth noting is that Michael Lawler (R)—representing one of three Republican districts won by Kamala Harris in 2024—flirted for months with a run for New York governor before deciding in July to stay in his House seat to avoid risking the Republican majority. It is the same logic that kept Castro from running for the Senate in Texas. In a Congress where every seat matters, even figures with national ambitions end up staying put.

Another factor connecting the midterms directly to the Venezuelan community—particularly those in South Florida—is the special election in November to fill the remainder of the Senate term left vacant by Marco Rubio when he became Secretary of State. Given Florida’s demographic makeup, that seat cannot afford to be detached from US policy toward Venezuela. Furthermore, the seat will be up for election again in 2028, requiring anyone competing for it to keep their stance on Venezuela front and center.

Analyzing these congressional actors reveals that the pursuit of bipartisanship on Venezuela—a staple of foreign policy since 2014—appears to be a mechanism for institutionalizing US tutelage, regardless of who occupies the Oval Office. What could change (and likely will after November) is the execution. A Congress with more elected Democrats, or with Republicans who survived tough races where voters demanded tangible results, will push harder to ensure the process unfolding in Venezuela moves beyond rhetoric into a concrete transition.

What this means for Venezuelans

Amid all these tensions are the Venezuelan people, and this is where the gap between Washington and Caracas becomes most uncomfortable. The August 1 dialogue addresses earthquake relief, democratic strengthening, and political guarantees: a modest agenda compared to the demands set by the Senate. Meanwhile, real money is flowing into Venezuela through the IMF mission, energy cooperation, and the capital accompanying the “economic stabilization” phase Rubio outlined. Here, despite its strong resolutions, Congress exercises little actual oversight over how negotiations are conducted or where that money goes, as foreign policy decisions and economic licenses ultimately rest with the Executive branch.

Rather than leaving all these levers to executive discretion, Congress could take a far more active role.

This is why symbolic resolutions fall short. If Congress wants its recognition of Machado and González to be more than a gesture, it possesses concrete tools it has yet to fully deploy, such as: (i) conditioning any sanction relief or oil license on mandatory reporting regarding the destination of funds entering Venezuela; (ii) requiring the State Department to brief Congress periodically on the status of the August 1 dialogue; and (iii) tying the approval of new economic licenses to verifiable negotiation milestones, such as the release of political prisoners, the appointment of Supreme Court (TSJ) magistrates or new National Electoral Council (CNE) rectors, and ultimately the publication of an electoral timetable.

Rather than leaving all these levers to executive discretion, Congress could take a far more active role. None of this requires Congress to act as a negotiator—only to stop being a passive spectator in a process funded partly through money within its jurisdiction. For Venezuelans who have waited more than two decades for a genuine transition, the question is not just whether Machado and González remain recognized by the United States, but whether anyone in Washington will be held accountable for what is being negotiated in their name.

Both sides of this coin prompt us to ask: To what extent is the “transition” an act in which Venezuelans actually hold decision-making power? How far do US interests truly align with improvements for the Venezuelan people? Are we willing to prioritize institutional strength over the leadership of the moment? There will be as many answers as there are Venezuelans. What we can say for certain is that in this process, the United States is playing a role far beyond that of a mere “watchdog.” It is actively building an “institutional” tutelage.

Justice Department Watchdogs Face Sharp Decline

The U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) is facing growing scrutiny after internal watchdog offices responsible for investigating attorney misconduct and departmental wrongdoing experienced significant staffing losses during President Donald Trump’s second term, even as complaints against the department reached record levels.

According to a Reuters review of government records and interviews with former Justice Department officials, the Office of Professional Responsibility (OPR) and the Office of Inspector General (OIG) have seen substantial reductions in personnel, raising concerns about their ability to independently oversee the country’s top law enforcement agency.

Federal judges have increasingly criticized DOJ attorneys for alleged misconduct, including accusations of making false statements, ignoring court orders and using legal processes against political opponents.

Misconduct Complaints Rise as Investigations Fall

The Office of Professional Responsibility, which investigates misconduct by Justice Department lawyers, has seen its workforce fall from 29 employees to just 16 since Trump returned to office.

At the same time, misconduct complaints have climbed to their highest level in two decades.

Despite receiving 1,666 complaints during the 2025 fiscal year, the office opened only seven formal investigations, the lowest number recorded in the past twenty years. Over the previous decade, the office averaged more than 18 new investigations annually.

Former Justice Department officials told Reuters that staff departures, combined with concerns about political retaliation, have significantly slowed oversight activities.

Justice Department spokesperson Kiersten Pels rejected those concerns, saying OPR remains committed to investigating attorney misconduct and ensuring accountability.

Inspector General Office Also Loses Staff

The Department’s Office of Inspector General, responsible for investigating fraud, waste and abuse across the DOJ, has also experienced notable staff reductions.

Government employment records show the office lost 99 employees since the end of former President Joe Biden’s administration, reducing its workforce to 477.

Former officials interviewed by Reuters said the office has become increasingly reluctant to pursue politically sensitive investigations, although Inspector General spokesperson John Lavinsky denied that claim, insisting the office continues to conduct independent oversight regardless of political sensitivity.

Jack Smith Investigation Remains Unresolved

Among the most prominent internal cases is the ethics investigation involving former Special Counsel Jack Smith, who led federal prosecutions related to Trump’s handling of classified documents and efforts to overturn the 2020 election.

The investigation examined allegations by Republican lawmakers that Smith’s team improperly influenced the 2024 election and pressured witnesses.

Reuters reported that Smith had already been interviewed by investigators and the inquiry was expected to conclude last year. However, the investigation remains unresolved after reportedly being paused by political appointees.

Separately, the Justice Department has since launched a criminal investigation into Smith, who has denied wrongdoing.

Federal Judges Increase Criticism of DOJ Conduct

The weakening of internal oversight coincides with an increasing number of judicial rebukes directed at the Justice Department.

Federal judges have criticized government attorneys in several high profile cases involving evidence handling, courtroom conduct and legal strategy.

Among the most notable rulings was a decision by U.S. District Judge Kathleen Williams, who accused senior Justice Department officials, including Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche, of failing to properly defend the government in litigation involving former President Trump and instead negotiating what she described as an inappropriate settlement.

DOJ officials have disputed those judicial findings, arguing that several courts have demonstrated political hostility toward the administration.

Concerns Over External Oversight

The Trump administration has also moved to limit outside scrutiny of Justice Department attorneys by challenging state level ethics investigations and seeking expanded authority to restrict oversight by legal licensing bodies.

Administration officials argue that many state investigations are politically motivated and designed to discourage government lawyers from implementing the president’s policies.

Legal ethics experts, however, warn that diminishing both internal and external oversight risks undermining public confidence in the department’s accountability mechanisms.

Analysis

The reported weakening of the Justice Department’s internal watchdog offices comes at a time when judicial scrutiny of government conduct has intensified, placing institutional accountability under renewed focus. While the administration argues that oversight mechanisms remain fully operational and that many judicial criticisms are politically motivated, the decline in staffing and investigations raises broader questions about the effectiveness and perceived independence of internal accountability structures. As politically sensitive cases continue to move through U.S. courts, the credibility of the DOJ’s oversight institutions is likely to remain central to debates over the balance between executive authority, legal ethics and public trust in federal law enforcement.

With information from Reuters.

Aug. 5 (UPI) — Hungary is facing an energy crisis as the Danube River, which cools the nation’s largest power plant, dries to record lows.

Water levels of the 1,800-mile river, which flows through 10 countries in Europe, has fallen amid a three-month drought across the continent.

The Danube is an integral component in the running of Paks, Hungary’s only nuclear power plant, as it flows into the reactor and cools it down.

Three of the plant’s four reactors were not in operation on Wednesday, while the fourth is operating at 50% power, CBS News reported.

The plant is responsible for generating half the electricity needed by the country’s 10 million people.

“Several factors will determine whether Hungary’s most important power plant can avoid a complete shutdown in the coming days,” said Hungarian Prime Minister Peter Magyar, CBS News reported.

“There are a few critical days left — today and tomorrow are certainly that,” Magyar added, according to the outlet. “I ask everyone to continue the national unity that has developed in the country. Let’s do what our country demands.”

But the drying of the Danube has brought a silver lining for some. Residents and researchers have marveled at several discoveries that have emerged as water levels drop.

In Serbia, researchers have found some 200 boats that had been hidden deep in the Danube, including World War II-era Nazi warships, Smithsonian magazine reported.

A ship that likely sank in 1937 was exposed in Croatia.

And in Bulgaria, residents discovered the remains of a woolly mammoth.

Aug. 4 (Asia Today) — More than half of the unresolved cases at South Korea’s anti-corruption agency have been pending for more than three months, raising concerns that chronic understaffing is undermining its ability to investigate alleged crimes involving senior government officials.

Data submitted by the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials to People Power Party lawmaker Shin Dong-wook showed that 646 of its 1,243 unresolved cases had been pending for more than three months as of July 22.

The figure represented 52% of the agency’s unresolved caseload. The agency generally classifies cases pending for more than three months as long-running investigations.

The data showed that 597 cases had been pending for three months or less. An additional 252 cases had been pending for more than three months but less than six months, while 248 had been unresolved for six months to less than a year.

Another 146 cases had remained unresolved for at least one year.

The agency attributed the backlog primarily to a continuing increase in criminal complaints and accusations, along with a chronic shortage of personnel.

Under the law establishing the agency, it may employ 25 prosecutors, including its chief and deputy chief. It currently has 23 prosecutors, meaning it has not filled even its legally authorized staffing level.

The agency operates four investigative divisions, but only 18 prosecutors, including four division chiefs, are assigned directly to investigative work. Based on the total backlog, that is equivalent to more than 300 unresolved cases for each division.

The agency was launched in 2021 under the administration of former President Moon Jae-in to investigate alleged abuse of authority, bribery, violations of political funding laws and other crimes involving senior public officials and their family members.

Its creation was intended to strengthen oversight of powerful officials and root out corruption in government. Staffing shortages, however, have repeatedly been cited as a major limitation on the agency’s operations.

Legal experts said a prolonged backlog could damage public confidence not only in the agency’s investigative capabilities but also in the institution itself.

Cases involving high-ranking officials frequently involve complex facts, extensive questioning of witnesses and time-consuming efforts to obtain evidence. Excessive delays, however, can weaken the effectiveness of an investigation.

Concerns about South Korea’s overall ability to process criminal cases are also likely to increase as prosecutors face a growing number of unresolved investigations while long-pending cases accumulate at the anti-corruption agency.

“The number of long-running cases has increased because of the continuing rise in criminal complaints and accusations and the chronic shortage of personnel,” an agency official said.

“All members of the agency are making every effort to process cases promptly,” the official said.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260803010000486

Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez is facing growing criticism from some European leaders as European Union interior ministers meet to discuss last week’s mass crossing into the Spanish territory of Ceuta, an episode that has reignited debate over migration across the bloc.

Human rights groups and activists, meanwhile, have accused far-right politicians of exploiting the crisis to advance anti-immigration narratives.

More than 60,000 people crossed into the North African enclave on Thursday and Friday, triggering a humanitarian emergency and prompting Spain to deploy additional military and police forces.

More than 80 migrants died, according to Spanish and Moroccan authorities, including some who drowned or were crushed while attempting to cross a breakwater barrier.

Most of those who entered have since returned to Morocco. By Saturday, “almost all” had left and the situation in Ceuta had largely returned to normal, Spanish Interior Minister Fernando Grande-Marlaska said.

Ireland, which holds the rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union, convened an emergency video meeting of EU interior ministers after 22 of the bloc’s 27 member states called for “coordinated action and the strengthening of external borders”.

Political fault lines

The events in Ceuta have once again exposed divisions within the EU over migration policy, with several governments calling for a tougher approach while others have urged adherence to humanitarian and international legal obligations.

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni was among Sanchez’s sharpest critics, announcing that Italy would introduce temporary air and sea border controls with Spain while questioning Madrid’s handling of the situation.

Sanchez rejected the criticism, saying Italy’s position was “contrary to European law, humanitarian law, and the principles of solidarity that bind us together”.

In a post on X, he also noted that Italy had received significantly more migrants than Spain since 2021, saying Italy had recorded about 478,000 arrivals compared with Spain’s 234,000.

The political debate has unfolded despite a broader decline in irregular migration to the EU. According to the EU’s border agency Frontex, irregular border crossings peaked at 1.8 million in 2015. During the first half of 2026, crossings fell by 37 percent compared with the same period last year to about 49,000.

The scenes in Ceuta have nevertheless become a focal point in wider political debates over migration, despite the EU already introducing stricter migration and asylum rules that expand member states’ powers to detain migrants and return them to designated “safe countries” or facilities outside the bloc.

Human rights organisations have criticised the measures, warning they could leave asylum seekers stranded for prolonged periods in offshore detention centres, while illegal police pushbacks at borders still regularly occur in both the EU and North Africa.

Spain defends its response

The Spanish government has rejected accusations that it mishandled the crisis, saying the situation was brought under control quickly in close coordination with Morocco despite limited assistance from other European countries.

Officials have also said that a recent ruling by Spain’s Supreme Court, which found that migrants arriving by sea cannot be summarily returned without due process, was deliberately misrepresented by smuggling networks to encourage people to attempt the crossing.

A senior Moroccan official, speaking anonymously to the AFP news agency, said Rabat had raised concerns with Spanish authorities after discussions on social media about the court ruling began in late July.

“We discussed this ruling and its impact. We explained that this ruling was going to create a problem. And it did create a problem,” the official said.

He rejected suggestions that the mass movement into Ceuta reflected a failure by Morocco’s security forces.

“It’s simplistic to say that Morocco should just have used force to stop them. That is to completely misunderstand this phenomenon,” he said.

Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso – Captain Ibrahim Traore, a 38-year-old army officer who seized power in a 2022 coup, has become one of Africa’s most recognisable leaders, hailed by supporters as a symbol of sovereignty and resistance to foreign influence.

But while his image has grown across the continent, his rule has also been marked by increasing restrictions on political activity, persistent insecurity and questions over whether his message of national renewal can translate into lasting change.

In April, Traore told Burkinabe people to “forget about democracy”, arguing that the country was in a revolutionary phase rather than a democratic one. The remark came after his government extended the military-led transition and dissolved political parties, signalling that a return to civilian rule was no longer an immediate priority.

The contrast between Traore’s growing international reputation and the realities inside Burkina Faso has become one of the defining questions of his presidency.

Burkina Faso has been at the centre of the Sahel’s security crisis for nearly a decade, with armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and ISIL (ISIS) expanding across large parts of the country and overwhelming successive governments.

Why has Traore become so popular?

Traore’s appeal extends well beyond Burkina Faso because he has tapped into wider frustration across parts of Africa over foreign military intervention, economic dependence and political elites seen as disconnected from citizens.

Since taking power in a coup in September 2022, he has expelled French troops, strengthened ties with Russia, promoted local industry and agriculture, and presented economic self-reliance as a national priority. His government has joined other military-led governments in the Sahel region moving away from traditional Western security partnerships.

His speeches frequently invoke the legacy of former revolutionary leader Thomas Sankara, who ruled Burkina Faso from 1983 until his assassination in 1987 and who remains a symbol of anti-imperialism and self-reliance across Africa.

Supporters argue that Traore has restored national pride and challenged a system in which Burkina Faso remained politically and economically dependent on external powers.

“What’s happening in Burkina Faso is a genuine decoupling of legitimacy from performance,” Kabir Adamu, a security analyst and founder of Beacon Consulting Limited in Nigeria, told Al Jazeera. “Traore has restructured the security architecture around sovereignty rather than efficacy.”

Adamu said measures such as the creation of the Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland, Burkina Faso’s withdrawal from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and closer security ties with Russia have resonated with a population exhausted by years of foreign-backed military efforts that failed to stop the spread of armed groups.

A Burkinabe diplomat based in Ghana, who requested anonymity because they were not authorised to speak publicly, said Traore’s appeal reflects a desire among some citizens for a leader who appears less influenced by external powers.

“I have followed the speeches of Western leaders for decades,” the diplomat told Al Jazeera. “Traore is the first leader in years who looks like he isn’t reading from their script.”

The diplomat said some supporters view criticism from Western governments as evidence that Burkina Faso’s attempt to pursue a more independent path challenges established relationships.

What has changed under his government?

Traore has sought to turn his sovereignty message into policy, with his government prioritising local production, state control of strategic sectors and reduced dependence on foreign partners.

Officials say Burkina Faso has increased investment in agriculture, particularly in staple crops such as rice and maize, while encouraging local manufacturing and processing industries. The government has also promoted infrastructure projects and sought greater national involvement in strategic economic sectors.

Supporters argue that these measures are laying the foundations for greater economic independence and ensuring that national resources are directed towards domestic development rather than external interests.

The government has also expanded the Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland programme, a government-backed civilian force created to support the military in areas where the state has struggled to maintain security.

Has security improved?

This remains the central test of Traore’s presidency.

He came to power promising to reverse the deterioration in security that had plagued Burkina Faso for years. Successive governments struggled to contain armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and ISIL (ISIS) that expanded across the Sahel following instability in neighbouring Mali.

Since 2022, the military has intensified operations across the country and repeatedly announced the recapture of towns and strategic positions. Government officials say security has improved in several areas and that the state has regained ground previously controlled by armed groups.

“Traore’s presidency is ultimately judged by whether security has improved,” Mustapha Bature Sallama told Al Jazeera. He is a private investigator and security and intelligence specialist from Ghana who is based near the Ghana–Burkina Faso border.

Sallama said Burkina Faso continues to face serious threats from armed groups linked to Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), al-Qaeda’s affiliate in the Sahel, and ISIL’s West Africa Province (ISWAP), with millions of people requiring humanitarian assistance, more than two million displaced and limited independent verification of official security claims.

He added that Burkina Faso and Ghana maintain intelligence cooperation to monitor cross-border threats and prevent the spread of armed group violence into the region.

Despite government claims of progress, Burkina Faso remains one of the countries most affected by armed group violence. Attacks continue across multiple regions, civilians are regularly killed and humanitarian organisations report that millions of people require assistance.

More than two million people remain displaced and access to many affected areas is limited. Independent verification of military claims has also become increasingly difficult as access for journalists, researchers and humanitarian groups has narrowed.

What about political freedoms?

Traore’s government has increasingly moved beyond a military transition towards a broader consolidation of power.

In January, authorities dissolved political parties and suspended political activities, arguing that they fuelled division during a period of national crisis. The move followed an earlier extension of the military transition, effectively postponing a return to electoral politics.

The tightening of state control has also extended beyond politics. Last month, Traore publicly declared that “the battle has begun” against Muslim scholars he accused of promoting religious extremism, following the adoption of a new Religious Freedoms Law and the arrest of several prominent Sunni clerics.

The confrontation was significant because many Muslim leaders had previously been viewed as part of Traore’s support base. Critics warned that the measures risked weakening religious independence and freedom of expression, while authorities argued that extraordinary steps were necessary during a national security emergency.

Rights groups have also raised concerns over restrictions affecting political parties, journalists and civil society organisations.

So does the record match the reputation?

Traore’s rise has been built on a powerful message: that Burkina Faso should have greater control over its security, resources and political direction.

For many supporters, he represents a generation of African leaders willing to challenge former colonial powers, reject Western security frameworks and demand greater control over national resources. In a region where frustration with foreign intervention has been growing, that message has resonated strongly.

But the strength of Traore’s image has also created a difficult test: whether symbolic victories can translate into improvements in people’s daily lives.

If the measure is sovereignty, political messaging and the ability to inspire supporters, Traore has achieved remarkable influence in a short period and become one of Africa’s most recognisable political figures.

If the measure is security, humanitarian conditions and political freedoms inside Burkina Faso, the picture is far more complicated. Armed violence continues, displacement remains widespread and questions remain over whether military rule can deliver lasting stability.

Traore has proved highly effective at turning sovereignty into a powerful political message. The question now is whether that message can deliver the security and justice that many Burkinabe people expect.

“We are proud to see a leader who stands up to the West and wears our traditional clothes. That pride is real,” a youth leader in Ouagadougou, who requested anonymity because of concerns for their safety, told Al Jazeera.

“But pride doesn’t feed a family, and it doesn’t protect a village. We want Captain Traore to be a symbol of strength, but we also need him to be a symbol of safety and justice here at home.”

The actress opened up about the horrific abuse she suffers on a daily basis from cruel trolls.

Coronation Street star Cherylee Houston has opened up about the horrific abuse she receives daily.

The actress has played Izzy Armstrong in the ITV soap since 2010, and elsewhere plays Maz in BBC Radio 4 series Tinsel Girl.

During an appearance on Good Morning Britain on Monday, August 3, Cherylee opened up about her life away from the spotlight and the abuse she receives daily.

Cherylee was diagnosed with Ehlers-Danlos syndrome when she was 23, and now uses a wheelchair.

According to the NHS, the condition can affect people in different ways, and for some, it can be disabling.

Opening up about her experience, Cherylee told GMB hosts Kate Garraway and Richard Madeley: “A couple of times I’ve been on television and my chair hasn’t been on view, I’ve been bullied for that. People are very easily ready to call out…”

She went on to say that trolls tell her she is “making it up”, and faces the abuse “on a daily basis”.

Cherylee added: “My friend and I were wheeling down the street, and a man was shouting out about how much benefits we got and stuff, and how we make it up. It happens all the time.”

Richard shared: “I have to say, anyone that sees your chair on screen and then puts their fingers on a keyboard to say you’re pretending or you’re seeking sympathy or something, I think they’re a bit thick.”

Cherylee replied: “Yes and no, because I think some of it is about our representation and an understanding.”

She continued: “There’s so much lack of understanding because we’re 1 in 5, but we’re not on screen, our stories aren’t told.”

Cherylee received an MBE for services in the disabled community in 2022, after raising awareness, working to remove barriers for disabled people, and speaking about welfare cuts in Parliament.

She was also involved in a Coronation Street storyline that shone a light on the difficulties disabled people experienced during the pandemic, and the pressures of working remotely while shielding, in scenes filmed in her home.

She said at the time: “I have been unbelievably fortunate that my employers enabled me to continue shielding after the official shielding guidance ended in March. I’ve been so supported by ITV, but I’m aware that many of my disabled peers who were previously shielding haven’t had that safety and have been forced to make the decision to earn money to survive whilst facing the real fear of death or serious illness through Covid.”

Coronation Street Producer Iain MacLeod added: “We had to think outside the box in order to tell this story, devising new protocols and ways of scripting scenes that would allow Cherylee to film the scenes herself in her home. It certainly helped that her partner, Toby, is a fabulous actor!

“Despite all the technical challenges we had to overcome, this was a story that needed telling, and I hope it will resonate with millions of people who have found themselves in a similar position to Izzy, and perhaps open the eyes of millions of others who had little awareness of the issues facing disabled people during COVID.”

Good Morning Britain airs weekdays from 6am on ITV1 and ITVX.

Hungary’s corporate landscape is undergoing its most significant transformation in decades as businesses that flourished under former Prime Minister Viktor Orban adjust to a new political order led by Prime Minister Péter Magyar. Companies that once benefited from close ties to the previous government are now restructuring their operations, while investors and foreign firms are watching for signs of a more competitive business environment.

The shift follows Magyar’s decisive election victory in April, ending Orban’s 16 year rule and ushering in an administration that has pledged to curb political favoritism, increase transparency in public procurement, and align Hungary more closely with European Union governance standards.

Construction Giants Shift Strategy

One of the clearest signs of the changing business climate comes from Market Építő, one of Hungary’s largest construction firms, which has historically secured major government backed infrastructure projects, including football stadiums.

Chief Executive Sandor Scheer said the company is preparing for a future less dependent on large public contracts.

“We are preparing for a shift where, instead of large scale projects, we will have a higher volume of smaller scale projects, and housing and infrastructure construction will become dominant,” Scheer told Reuters.

The company, which has been linked to Orban ally Istvan Garancsi, generated roughly one quarter of its revenue from public contracts during the previous administration.

End of the Crony Capitalism Model?

For years, Orban’s political allies built powerful business empires through access to state spending, public tenders, and favorable regulations across sectors including construction, banking, telecommunications, and real estate.

Analysts believe companies that relied heavily on government infrastructure spending now face the greatest risks.

Daniel Hegedus, Deputy Director of Berlin’s Institute for European Politics, said construction and road building companies closely tied to Orban’s political network could struggle to survive as contracts become more competitive.

Some firms, analysts warn, may disappear entirely if they fail to adapt to a marketplace where political connections carry less influence.

Government Pushes Transparency Reforms

Prime Minister Magyar has moved quickly to introduce anti corruption legislation designed to satisfy long standing European Union concerns over Hungary’s procurement system.

A 2024 OECD survey found Hungary had an unusually high number of single bidder public procurement contracts, while research by Hungarian anti corruption think tank CRCB concluded there was clear evidence of political favoritism in state tenders during the Orban era.

The reforms are also intended to unlock billions of euros in suspended European Union funding that has been tied to improvements in governance and transparency.

Markets React to Political Transition

Investors have already responded to the changing political landscape.

Several companies widely viewed as benefiting from their proximity to the previous government have experienced significant share price declines since Magyar’s election.

Among those affected are construction and energy group Opus Global, real estate developer Appeninn, telecommunications company 4iG, and MBH Bank.

The declines contrast with a broader rally in Hungary’s stock market, reflecting optimism that a more transparent business environment could attract greater international investment.

Companies Defend Their Business Models

Despite the uncertainty, businesses linked to the previous administration reject suggestions that their success depended solely on political connections.

Market Építő says its financial strength and diversified operations provide long term stability regardless of political change.

Road construction giant Duna Aszfalt, whose owner became one of Hungary’s wealthiest businessmen during Orban’s tenure, also expressed confidence in its future.

The company stated that it had successfully competed against international firms even before Hungary’s democratic transition in 1990 and remained prepared for a more competitive marketplace.

Meanwhile, telecommunications firm 4iG denied benefiting from political favoritism, while MBH Bank said its procurement practices fully complied with both Hungarian and European Union regulations.

Review of Previous Government Contracts

The Magyar administration has also begun reviewing spending commitments approved under the previous government.

One early decision was to suspend an extension of a southern Hungarian highway and request that Duna Aszfalt repay funds received before the election for the project.

The move signals a broader willingness to scrutinize public contracts awarded during Orban’s administration and reassess government spending priorities.

Foreign Investors Could Benefit

Political analysts believe the reforms could reshape Hungary’s investment climate by creating more opportunities for international firms that previously struggled to compete with politically connected domestic companies.

Greater transparency in public procurement, combined with stronger oversight, may improve investor confidence and encourage new foreign investment into sectors previously dominated by companies with close government ties.

However, the transition is also expected to produce significant disruption as businesses adapt to a competitive environment driven more by market forces than political relationships.

What Comes Next

Hungary is entering a new phase in which political change is reshaping corporate power as much as government itself. Companies built around privileged access to state contracts now face growing pressure to compete in a more transparent marketplace, while new reforms seek to restore confidence among investors and European partners.

Whether these changes produce lasting economic modernization or simply redistribute political influence will depend on the implementation of Magyar’s reform agenda. For Hungary’s business elite, however, the era of relying on political proximity for commercial success appears to be drawing to a close.

With information from Reuters.

New Zealand Foreign Minister Winston Peters is facing backlash after telling a Chinese-born MP to ‘go back to your own country’ during a parliamentary debate. The remarks drew criticism at home, while China urged New Zealand politicians not to invoke Beijing in domestic disputes.

Interim United States Attorney General Todd Blanche is facing a possible roadblock from within the Republican Party as he faces a confirmation hearing to formally lead the Department of Justice.

Speaking to reporters on Wednesday, Republican Senator John Cornyn said he was still sceptical about confirming Blanche to the top federal law enforcement position in the country.

“I’m not prepared to vote yes,” said Cornyn.

The senator’s comments come a day before a key committee vote in the US Senate to move Blanche’s nomination forward.

Cornyn cited concerns about Blanche’s current stewardship of the Department of Justice, which he has led in an acting capacity since April.

Previously, Blanche served as deputy attorney general, and before joining President Donald Trump’s second term, he worked as the Republican leader’s criminal defence lawyer.

But Cornyn has questioned a rare settlement Blanche brokered in May, in response to a lawsuit Trump filed against the Internal Revenue Service (IRS).

Under the deal, Trump and his family would be shielded from future IRS audits. The scheme also created a so-called “anti-weaponisation fund”, under which individuals deemed to have faced alleged political persecution could seek financial compensation.

Blanche has backed away from the “anti-weaponisation fund” amid bipartisan backlash. Critics had described it as a slush fund that would benefit the president’s allies.

Earlier this month, a federal judge also ruled the settlement illegal, accusing Blanche of double-dealing by working on behalf of both the federal government and Trump as a private citizen.

During his confirmation hearing, Blanche again assured lawmakers that the fund was dead, but Cornyn said he was awaiting written guarantees on the matter.

“I haven’t seen a single piece ⁠of writing that is responsive to what I’ve requested,” Cornyn told reporters.

Committee vote looms

Cornyn spoke before the Senate Judiciary Committee is set to hold a Thursday vote on Blanche’s nomination, the first step in a wider Senate debate on his confirmation.

All Republicans on the committee would need to vote in favour of Blanche for him to progress to the broader confirmation hearing.

While Republican lawmakers have generally been wary of opposing Trump, Cornyn has become an increasingly public critic of the president in recent months.

Trump endorsed Cornyn’s primary opponent, former Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, in May. Paxton went on to win the Republican Party’s nomination in May, allowing him to progress to the midterm election in November.

That race will see Paxton take on Democratic upstart James Talarico in what is expected to be one of the closest Senate races of the season.

Cornyn will leave the Senate, where he has served for more than two decades, at the end of his term in January.

In an Oval Office news conference on Wednesday, President Trump was asked about Cornyn’s reticence about approving Blanche for the attorney general role.

“ Well, all I can say is Todd Blanche is outstanding,” Trump said, before questioning Cornyn’s motives.

“Maybe John Cornyn’s upset with me because I didn’t endorse him. I don’t know what it is, but I haven’t heard that there’s a problem.”

Critics have accused Blanche of placing his loyalty to Trump above all else, including by using the Department of Justice to prosecute the president’s political adversaries.

Under Blanche’s watch, for instance, the Justice Department chose to file a second indictment against James Comey, a former director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, over a social media message made of seashells.

Blanche has denied any claims that his relationship with Trump presents a conflict of interest, saying he acts independently of the president.

However, he did little to shed the perception during a mid-July hearing before US lawmakers. Senator John Kennedy, a Republican, asked at the time if Blanche considered Trump a “friend”.

“I’m his lawyer,” Blanche replied, before quickly correcting himself to say “was his lawyer”.

The Department of Justice has had a long tradition of prosecutorial independence, whereby criminal charges are not meant to be influenced by politics.

July 29 (UPI) — The stock market opened with the Dow falling 400 points on Wednesday ahead of the Federal Open Market Committee’s latest interest rate decision.

The committee will announce its decision on Wednesday afternoon with Federal Reserve Chairman Kevin Warsh making his second address since being appointed. Economic indicators point to the Fed holding interest rates at a target range of 3.5% to 3.75%.

“My colleagues and I recognize that high inflation has been an undue burden on American households and businesses,” Warsh said during a Senate Banking Committee hearing earlier this month. “The members of our committee have no tolerance for persistently elevated inflation and we share a resolute commitment to restore price stability.”

The war in Iran has increased economic pressure, driven by rising fuel costs as the United States and Iran use the crucial Strait of Hormuz as a point of negotiation. The annual inflation rate rose to 4.2% in May on the back of rising gas prices.

The Federal Reserve has maintained a target goal of 2% annual inflation rate.

The average fuel price in the United States is $4.09 per gallon for regular grade gasoline on Wednesday, AAA reports.

The Federal Reserve will announce its interest rate decision at 2 p.m. EDT, followed by an address by Warsh at 2:30 p.m. EDT.

AMMAN, Jordan — When Iranian ballistic missiles repeatedly struck Jordan last week, killing three American service members and wounding dozens of others, it brought the spotlight on a U.S. military presence the government of this desert kingdom has long worked to downplay.

Jordan has been a decades-long military and counterterrorism partner with the United States, opening its territory over the years to U.S. and other Western troops in their engagements throughout the region. But faced with a population that is overwhelmingly pro-Palestinian and suspicious of the U.S. for its all-out support of Israel, the government had kept those relationships at a low profile.

But now, Jordan’s growing role in the United States’ war with Iran — and the intensifying Iranian retaliation that role invites — is spurring uncomfortable conversations for the government.

“Jordanians are trapped in a dilemma: They’re being dragged into a war they didn’t want, but the cause of that war is ironically the ally they bargained with to protect them in the first place,” said Sean Yom, a professor of political science and Jordan expert at Temple University who wrote the book “Jordan: Politics in an Accidental Crucible.”

“So they’re asking what’s the wisdom of having this geopolitical bargain with a patron like the U.S. when one of the sources of our instability is the relationship that’s supposed to guarantee our security.”

Since the ceasefire broke down July 8 and the U.S. began launching near-daily waves of strikes on Iran, Jordan has been targeted on nine occasions, with ballistic missiles and drones hitting U.S. assets and facilities and endangering some 4,000 service members at a number of Jordanian military bases across the country.

One of those salvos, on July 17, hit a housing unit in Muwaffaq Al-Salti, a Jordanian base in the country’s east, killing three U.S. service members and wounding at least four others. Also attacked were King Faisal Airbase, Prince Hassan Airbase and the airport in Aqaba.

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps claimed the strikes not only killed and wounded dozens of U.S. military personnel, but also damaged drones, helicopters, F-15 preparation hangars, radar sites, missile defense systems and munitions depots.

More worryingly for Jordan, the IRGC issued statements thanking “honorable people” in Jordan for providing “sincere cooperation and precise information,” which it said enabled it to target and kill “dozens of American terrorist forces.”

“Seize every opportunity to dismantle American institutions and expel the American occupation army from Jordan,” one of the statements said.

As word of the attacks spread, Jordan’s government, normally reticent about foreign military deployments in the country, embarked on damage control.

Officials and members of parliament swiftly condemned Tehran for violating the country’s sovereignty, while the foreign ministry summoned Iran’s charge d’affaires in Amman, the Jordanian capital, and demanded Iran cease attacks on the kingdom. Jordanian Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi, meanwhile, rejected Iran’s claim that the U.S. has bases in the country.

“There are no American bases in Jordan. We have American troops that are in Jordan as part of our long-standing military cooperation,” he said at the Aspen Security Forum earlier this month. Safadi was referring to the 2021 defense agreement that allows U.S. forces unfettered access to 12 facilities in Jordan, including five air bases; the agreement was approved via royal decree and bypassed parliament.

“Their presence is governed by a defense agreement that fully respects our sovereignty,” he said.

Yet government statements didn’t do much to allay concerns. Though many Jordanians have little love for Iran, more than 300 politicians, academics, lawyers, retired military officers and tribal leaders signed an open letter last week calling on the government to withdraw from the defense agreement and keep Jordanian installations neutral — a bold move in a country where opposition to government policies (especially in security matters) can be a red line.

“Jordan is not a party to this war. Its people should not have to bear the consequences or pay the price for policies that do not serve the nation’s supreme interests,” the letter said.

“We urge the avoidance of the dangers associated with aligning ourselves under the American umbrella; this requires adopting a policy of genuine neutrality, based on refraining from any military or logistical involvement that serves any party to the conflict.”

Another sign of popular anger came Sunday: When one member of parliament exhorted the body to send condolences to Congress for the killing of the U.S. service members, others shouted him down, saying the legislature wasn’t a funeral parlor to console “criminals” and “child killers,” in reference to the United States’ support for Israel in Gaza.

Jordan grapples with questions similar to those facing its gulf neighbors, all of which rely on the U.S. security umbrella that has exposed their nations to Iranian attack. But those countries’ oil riches afford them leverage to push back on the U.S. presence, while Jordan — a resource-poor nation of some 11 million people — cannot.

The conflict, meanwhile, has only compounded Jordan’s economic woes. Tourism, which official figures say accounts for almost 15% of the country’s GDP and had just begun to recover from the 2023 Gaza war, has cratered since the start of military operations against Iran. One month after the war, gas prices rose by 11%, a body blow for Jordan’s perpetually anemic economy.

All that has made the kingdom ever more reliant on U.S. largesse. Washington gives Amman roughly $1.45 billion annually, including around $800 million that go straight to government coffers for budgetary support. It would be hard pressed to substitute that level of support from Europe or elsewhere, experts say.

At the same time, Jordan has become a vital nerve center for U.S. forces. The U.S. military has since 2019 spent hundreds of millions of dollars on upgrades for Muwaffaq Al-Salti and other facilities, according to U.S. federal contracting documents, laying aircraft aprons, taxiways, munitions depots and other infrastructure.

Satellite imagery of those bases from 2019 onward show significant construction and an increasing presence of U.S. assets, including F-16s, F-18s, drones and helicopters.

Now, with U.S. troops deployed in gulf nations proving vulnerable to Iranian barrages, Pentagon planners have transferred assets to locations farther away from Iran, especially Jordan.

In recent days, despite a pause in operations against Iran, flight tracking sites showed brisk U.S. military traffic, with logistical aircraft — including the massive C-17 Globemaster and KC-35 fueling tankers — making repeated trips between Jordan and U.S. military hubs in Europe.

AN AWARD-WINNING visitor attraction in the UK is at risk of closing.

The Jodrell Bank Observatory in Cheshire – home to the UK’s largest telescope and several attractions for the last 70 years – could soon close.

According to the BBC, the attraction has lost its funding, which could mean that the attraction is forced to close, which scientists describe as “heartbreaking”.

The UNESCO World Heritage Site observatory features a number of telescopes that have been used to study galaxies and to train astronomers.

There are four pavilions in total to explore, including one that features a science exhibition.

Outside, visitors can then also venture around 35 acres of gardens including an arboretum, as well as picnic areas, ponds and a playground.

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The attraction has a number of cafes and a gift shop too.

General tickets cost £15 per adult and £10.50 per child.

In addition to this, there are a number of events that run at the observatory including shows such as The Great Solar System Adventure, where young space explorers can see the journey and life of stars.

Most shows cost from nothing to around £5 per person to watch.

And the site isn’t just used for science – it has also made an appearance in Hitchhiker’s Guide to the Galaxy as well as Doctor Who.

Unless funding can be found for the attraction, all scientific investigations are expected to stop at the observatory on April 1, 2028.

The observatory was first launched in 1945 and played a key role in the Cold War to monitor Soviet missiles.

The BBC added that the UK Research and Innovation (UKRI) agency is expected to make a statement regarding the loss of the observatory’s annual £2.8million budget.

One recent visitor said: “We had a really lovely experience at Jodrell Bank Centre for Engagement. It’s a fantastic place to visit with children.

“There is an indoor museum, activity room as well as playgrounds, so it works well even if the weather isn’t great.

“The Dome cinema was a real highlight — the film was excellent and very engaging.”

WASHINGTON — As he exited the stairs of his “Straight Talk Express” campaign bus on a chilly March day in Iowa, Sen. John McCain carefully took one step at a time, his left hand gripping a rail and his right knee looking stiff.

A bum knee isn’t surprising in a 70-year-old man — particularly one whose right leg was shattered about four decades ago when his jet fighter was shot down over North Vietnam.

But his wooden movements, along with his age and appearance, are creating an impression about McCain’s health that could be a liability for the Arizona Republican as he tries to persuade Americans to elect him president.

McCain brings to the campaign a body and mind with some heavy wear and tear, including a couple of bouts of cancer and the effects of years of torture. If elected, he would be the oldest person in history to enter the White House, and if he served two terms he would leave office an octogenarian.

Other presidential contenders have health issues, including Sen. Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s two brain aneurysms in 1988, Rudolph W. Giuliani’s prostate cancer in 2000 and former Sen. Fred Thompson’s lymphoma. But they are all younger and haven’t experienced McCain’s physical and mental agonies.

Voters should not worry, the senator’s staff says. He passed a recent health exam with flying colors, they say, the results of which will be publicly released in coming weeks.

“We all have trouble keeping up with him,” said Eileen McMenamin, communications director in McCain’s Senate office.

Indeed, when life spans are lengthening and people in their 80s are running companies and marathons, McCain’s age in itself shouldn’t be an issue, some experts say.

“Don’t give me that age business,” said Dr. James E. Birren, a prolific medical author known as the father of gerontology, who still lectures at USC at age 89. “If the task requires speed, then you want the younger person. But if it requires wisdom, you want somebody old.”

But McCain’s health, much like his politics, is a complex matter.

McCain has twice developed melanoma, a potentially deadly form of skin cancer. He had four surgeries between 1993 and 2002: two to remove melanomas, one to remove skin lesions and one to treat an enlarged prostate.

When doctors removed a melanoma from his left temple in 2000, they did exploratory surgery to look for cancer in his lymph nodes, leaving a buildup of scar tissue — a big lump — on his left jaw. So far, McCain has rejected his staff’s suggestions to have it removed by cosmetic surgery. To prevent a recurrence of the melanoma, McCain slathers himself with sunscreen whenever he ventures out.

“John looks pale, but he has to stay out of the sun,” said James McGovern, a longtime friend and a campaign fundraiser, who asserts McCain has more than enough stamina to be president.

McCain, whose staff did not make him available to be interviewed for this article, described his health as excellent Sunday on NBC’s “Meet the Press.”

‘Looks count’

Critics have a tougher assessment of how the public perceives him.

“What does in McCain is the fact that he looks old,” said Loren Thompson, an expert on military affairs at the Lexington Institute, a public policy think tank in Arlington, Va. “Looks count, and McCain looks terrible.”

A recent Roper poll found that 30% of registered voters had “some reservations” or were “very uncomfortable” about the fact that McCain would be the oldest president elected to a first term.

McCain does not regularly run, lift weights or go to a gym, and he smoked cigarettes until age 45, his staff said. But he is not a couch potato. McCain, who regularly hikes near his home in northern Arizona, marched across the Grand Canyon last year from rim to rim, a task equal to climbing and descending the Empire State Building more than three times in just a few days.

“He jokes that it almost killed him,” spokesman Tucker Bounds said.

McCain can also point to good genes, at least on his mother’s side. Roberta McCain is 95. With her twin sister, she traveled around Europe last year about the time McCain was slogging across the Grand Canyon. On the other hand, McCain’s father, a Navy admiral, died of a heart attack at 70, and his grandfather, another Navy admiral, died at 61.

The melanoma that McCain suffered was probably related to a genetic predisposition and sunburns he may have sustained as a young man, medical experts say.

The cancer has no implications for his general health, and the fact that it did not spread into his lymph nodes is a good sign, said Dr. Jeffrey Weber, associate director at USC’s Norris Comprehensive Cancer Center.

A person who has one melanoma is at greater risk to have another, adds Dr. Antoni Ribas, a melanoma expert and associate professor at UCLA, but that is considered a manageable risk. Like others with his condition, McCain is checked every three months for new signs of problems.

“The majority of people are cured with surgery, if [it is] detected early,” Ribas said.

Scarred by war

McCain’s war experience sets him apart. No president has endured the tribulations McCain faced in 5 1/2 years as a prisoner of war, said Georgetown University historian Michael Kazin. Judging from interviews with medical experts and with fellow prisoners in North Vietnam, and from McCain’s own writings, those dark days left many scars.

George “Bud” Day, a Medal of Honor recipient, vividly remembers the day McCain’s broken body was brought by guards through the door of Hoa Lo prison, the infamous Hanoi Hilton.

“He had been starved,” Day said. “He was emaciated and weighed around 100 pounds. He had lost a third of his body weight. He had a fracture of his right knee that had been unskillfully repaired, as well as multiple fractures of his right arm. His left shoulder was dislocated and he had been bayoneted in the left leg. And he was filthy. You could smell him a quarter-block away.

“I expected he would die before morning,” Day continued. “I thought the Vietnamese had dropped him off with us so he would die with us and they would be able to blame his death on us. About 40% of the prisoners had some kind of a broken limb or combination of broken limbs or skull fractures. I would say John was in the top 2% of the worst-injured in the system.”

To this day, McCain can barely lift his arms above his head. At the 2000 Republican convention, President Bush tried to hoist joined hands with McCain over their heads, leaving the senator grimacing, recalls Mark Salter, a senior advisor to his campaign: “He is stiff.”

Of his leg injury, McCain acknowledged years later in his acclaimed autobiography, “When I am tired or when the weather is inclement, my knee stiffens in pain and I pick up a trace of my old limp.”

Questions about McCain’s temperament also have dogged him for years. His personal style is often combative, and some who have run afoul of him in government say he is vindictive; Newsweek magazine once dubbed him “Senator Hothead.” By most accounts, it’s a personality that predates his wartime experience.

The incarceration, the broken bones, the beatings and years of starvation have left little lasting damage, McCain’s staff says.

McCain released extensive medical records when he sought the presidency in 2000, including reports of his periodic examinations at the Robert E. Mitchell Center for Prisoner of War Studies at the Naval Operational Medicine Institute in Pensacola, Fla. Those reports indicated that McCain was in generally good health and did not suffer any psychological illness.

Dr. Bob Hain, director of the study program, said McCain was examined almost every year until 1994, when he stopped returning to the voluntary program.

“The people who were captured in the mid-’60s underwent very serious torture,” Hain said. “The people who underwent that certainly have significant orthopedic problems as a result.”

But Hain added that the men generally remained in good physical and emotional health.

“These people are very unusual, very gregarious, very outgoing as a majority,” Hain said. “There are some people who have some problems. As far as I know, John McCain is not one of them.”

Change in outlook

McCain spent extended periods in solitary confinement, a punishment that many considered worse than the physical beatings and limb-stretching tortures the men endured, said Mary Schantag, who with her husband runs www.pownetwork.org, a history of the 660 Vietnam War POWs who came home and others who did not.

“It seems impossible to have no scarring, given the isolation, the torment,” Schantag said. “To be totally alone for months and months, whether it touches you or not, it is going to shape how you see the rest of your life.”

During the experience, McCain’s outlook darkened considerably. After a particularly brutal period of beatings, McCain attempted to take his life several times. And when his communist captors finally beat a political confession out of him, McCain was left an emotional wreck.

“I was ashamed,” McCain wrote in his book “Faith of My Fathers.”

“I felt faithless and couldn’t control my despair. I shook, as if my disgrace were a fever. I kept imagining that they would release my confession to embarrass my father. All my pride was lost and I doubted I would ever stand up to any man again. Nothing could save me. No one would ever look upon me again with anything but pity or contempt.”

Some of the men had a difficult time recovering from such despair. Fellow prisoner Day, for example, contrasts himself with McCain, who he says benefited from an “outgoing, gregarious, sunny personality.”

“I have trouble laughing at a lot of things that I used to think were pretty funny,” Day said. “It was because so many bad things happened with such regularity that I got thinking that horror and underlying bad motives were the theme and not the exception. But John did extremely well.”

ralph.vartabedian@ latimes.com

Over the past decade, the LAPD has received thousands of complaints accusing officers of targeting people solely because of their race, ethnicity or other form of outward appearance.

Only one has been fired for it.

The now-former officer, Edgar Garcia Cancino, was part of a San Fernando Valley anti-gang unit whose members were alleged to have improperly pulled over and searched hundreds of motorists. Cancino has appealed his termination, arguing that other officers in his unit carried out more of the problematic stops. He claimed the department sought to make an example of him because he refused to implicate his superiors in wrongdoing.

Accusations of racial profiling have long plagued the department, alienating generations of Black and brown Angelenos. Known within the LAPD as “biased policing,” such complaints have persisted despite repeated attempts to enact reform. But the question of how commonly profiling occurs in the LAPD remains a topic of pointed debate.

Years of studies by researchers and reporting by The Times and other news outlets have found Blacks and Latinos in L.A. are subjected to stops, frisks, searches and arrests at significantly higher rates than whites, regardless of whether they live in high-crime neighborhoods. Past LAPD chiefs have acknowledged isolated cases of profiling may occur. At the same time, they have denied that there is a widespread, systemic problem.

An internal LAPD investigation of Cancino’s Mission Division gang squad uncovered an “overwhelming pattern of intentional policy violations,” according to a summary of the case file reviewed by The Times.

Police investigators said in the case file that they identified hundreds of stops that were not properly documented, along with failures by the officers to active their body and dashboard cameras.

The allegations against Cancino largely hinged on two stops, according to his attorney. In May 2023, Cancino and his partner pulled over a man for allegedly speeding and having tinted windows, said his attorney, Nicole Castronovo. The vehicle’s registration turned out to be expired, Castronovo said, but the driver was allowed to leave without a citation after the officers searched his vehicle and found nothing incriminating.

When interviewed about the incident later, according to Castronovo, the motorist told police investigators that Cancino had stopped him because ”I looked like a G,” or gangster.

A few months later, the attorney said, Cancino was involved in another questionable stop, this time of a pedestrian who also later lodged a complaint alleging he was profiled.

Castronovo denied that Cancino had unfairly targeted anyone while on the job, saying he is a proud Latino who joined the force out of a desire to give back to the city where he grew up. She argued that the department’s investigators cherry-picked cases involving Cancino while ignoring similar behavior by other Mission cops.

“They have set up a system where it’s virtually impossible to sustain a biased policing complaint against an officer,” she said. “And then they turn around and weaponized” it against Cancino.

The probe’s findings were presented to LAPD leadership, who recommended that Cancino be fired and sent to a disciplinary hearing.

Castronovo argued in an appeal that her client and another fired Mission officer, Kim Lobos, had been denied a fair disciplinary hearing because both were initially represented by a lawyer appointed by the police union who had a conflict of interest. According to Castronovo, the union attorney also represented other Mission officers who agreed to testify against Cancino and Lobos. A Los Angeles County judge ultimately rejected their appeal.

Only one other LAPD officer prior to Cancino was fired for alleged racial profiling, a case that occurred in 2011.

According to the California Department of Justice, 4,878 allegations of bias were brought against LAPD officers from 2016 to 2025. Of those, only three were sustained.

The department’s rates mirror those of most other law enforcement agencies across the state. The Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department, which received roughly 10% fewer complaints over than span, has sustained six racial bias allegations against deputies.

Defenders of the Police Department note that any member of the public is allowed to submit a complaint regardless of whether there is supporting evidence, which leads to a high number of allegations that cannot be proven. Others note that the presence of body-worn cameras has helped disprove frivolous claims filed by criminal suspects or others who have an ax to grind with the department.

A report released last year by the advocacy group Catalyst California found that in 2025, Black motorists accounted for nearly a third of all stops for minor traffic violations, even though they make up roughly 8% of the city’s population. The same report found that Latinos, who are about 47% of L.A.’s population, were pulled over in 58% of all traffic stops.

Latino people are up to four times more likely to be subjected to “consent” searches, and Black people up to three times as likely, according to the Catalyst study. Fewer than 1 in 10 of those stops resulted in seizures of guns or drugs, the report said.

LAPD officials have pushed back on the findings, saying there is no established methodology for analyzing racial profiling data. Many factors affect the racial and ethnic patterns of traffic stops — from the predominant race of the neighborhood in which the stop was made or whether the stop resulted in an arrest and conviction — all of which must be considered when interpreting raw data, officials say.

In May, the Los Angeles City Council voted in favor of limiting the use of “pretextual” stops, in which police use a broken taillight or another minor equipment violation as justification to pull someone over in order to investigate whether a more serious crime has occurred. Activists and some council members said they wanted to ban a controversial tactic that enabled racial discrimination. The measure urges the Police Commission, which is responsible for LAPD policy changes, to take up the issue this year.

The LAPD’s unwillingness to acknowledge officer biases and hand down punishment when warranted serves only to drive a wedge between the community and the department, said Peter Bibring, a civil rights and police practices attorney.

“The department, year after year after year, is saying, ‘Nope this never happens, this never happens,’” Bibring said. “Then the community doesn’t feel like the department is recognizing these legitimate problems and responding to their concerns.”

During a deposition for a racial profiling lawsuit filed over a 2019 traffic stop, an LAPD official was asked what evidence it would take to get someone fired.

The attorney for the plaintiff, a Black man who sued claiming he was pulled over by three gang officers who handcuffed him and allegedly searched his vehicle without probable cause, asked: “If you found out that a given officer had pulled over 2,000 people in the last year, and all 2,000 of them were Black, would you have enough information, sitting here today, to determine whether or not that data alone indicated that the officer was engaged in biased policing?”

The LAPD official’s response, according to the deposition transcript: “No.”

Jim Willis, a former LAPD detective who later worked for the L.A. Police Commission’s inspector general’s office, pointed to past audits that found serious shortcomings in the department’s investigations of racial bias complaints. Furthermore, he said, many people who are affected never file claims because they don’t understand laws around consent searches — or they are just relieved when officers let them go.

Even when someone bothers to file a complaint, Willis said, it’s difficult to gather enough evidence from a brief interaction to prove an officer made a traffic stop solely because of race. If there was a minor traffic infraction or other probable cause to make a stop, proving their motive requires them to confess to acting with intent to discriminate, Willis said.

That’s why most claims are dismissed by LAPD investigators, he said, “unless, you caught somebody on their body-worn video saying, ‘Hey tonight we’re going out and we’re (pulling over) brothers.’”

The conflict in Yemen has entered a new chapter with a declaration by the Houthis that they are imposing a maritime siege on all shipping to Saudi Arabia.

The Yemeni rebel group, also known as Ansar Allah (or supporters of God), has attacked a number of Saudi tankers in the Red Sea.

This development has placed the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, the strategic waterway that connects the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden and the wider Indian Ocean, at the heart of the war between the United States and Iran, and amplifies pressure on global trade routes.

The Iranian-backed Houthis, who seized Yemeni capital Sanaa in 2014, have threatened to close the strait, the route through which much of Europe’s energy supplies pass. It is also a key passage for imports to Saudi Arabia.

The Houthis’ decision to announce a maritime blockade cannot be separated from the turmoil created by the ongoing war between Washington and Tehran, which erupted on February 28 when the US and Israel attacked Iran.

Houthis raise stakes for Saudi’s support

On Monday, Yemen’s internationally recognised government claimed responsibility for an air strike on Sanaa airport, saying that it was a measure to prevent an Iranian plane from landing in Yemen’s Houthi-controlled capital. But the Houthis blamed Saudi Arabia for it.

The Houthis responded by firing missiles into Saudi Arabia – a key backer of the Aden-based Yemeni government – and later upped the stakes by announcing a naval blockade on the kingdom.

These developments mark a major escalation in Yemen’s civil war. Saudi Arabia, which has sought in recent years to avoid a new war on its southern borders, is facing a more complex equation with the threat shifting from land to sea, and the targeting of one of the most important alternative routes for its oil exports.

All of this raises the question: will this escalation cause a new confrontation between the Yemeni government and the Houthis? And if so, what does the balance of power look like between the Houthi and government sides after more than a decade of war? Has the balance changed enough to increase the odds of a military resolution to the conflict?

There has been talk of potential escalations in recent years, but this now seems more likely, especially since it intersects with local, regional and international events and the return of the US-Iran war.

The Yemeni government has restructured its military with a single decision-making centre, and regional messages suggest the military option has not been shelved, as was once thought.

So, will retaking Sanaa return to the table as a military objective to be thought of seriously, and what does that mean practically? And how ready are the parties, especially the Yemeni government, for battle?

The structure of government-affiliated forces

The anti-Houthi camp today comprises the National Army as the official framework of the Ministry of Defence, in addition to new formations with independent commands, such as the Giants Brigades, and the Guardians of the Republic forces in al-Makha, or Mocha, in the west.

These different groupings – all on the anti-Houthi side in the conflict – have emerged over the years due to the weakening power of the central government, the growth of independent figures, and the backing of regional countries.

The number of National Army personnel in the field is estimated at about 400,000, according to recent statements by the Defence Ministry. Its organisational structure includes Yemen’s seven military regions, but troop deployment is concentrated in Marib, Taiz and the country’s southern and eastern governorates, as a result of Houthi control over vast parts of the country’s northwest, including Sanaa.

Also backing the army are the Emergency Forces, comprising between 30,000 to 40,000 personnel, and the Homeland Shield Forces, created in 2022 with between 30,000 and 40,000 recruits, and tasked with taking over camps in Hadramout and the southern governorates in December 2025, following the defeat of separatist forces who previously controlled those areas.

Fighting late last year between the Yemeni government and affiliated forces on one side, and United Arab Emirates-backed separatists on the other, has led to changes in Yemen’s south and west.

After the defeat of the 75,000-strong separatist Southern Transitional Council, following a Saudi intervention on the side of the government and the withdrawal of the UAE from Yemen, the group’s organisational cohesion has been impacted. But they have not been disarmed, and remain in many locations in the south, with some elements absorbed – even if nominally – into government structures.

Another formerly-UAE backed force, the Tariq Saleh-led Guardians of the Republic, is estimated to number about 20,000 fighters. They are stationed primarily on the Red Sea coast and are considered among the most heavily armed formations, due to the past Emirati support.

The Giants Brigades are among the most prominent combat formations in the anti-Houthi camp, with an estimated 20,000 fighters and a presence on the Red Sea coast, in Aden, and in some southern areas.

Consequently, the total size of the forces affiliated with the government and the anti-Houthi camp is estimated at more than 500,000 personnel, albeit with a clear disparity in levels of training, discipline and institutional integration.

Quality of armament and military equipment

The types of weapons held by these forces do not differ as significantly as the level of their operation and management. The National Army relies on conventional weapons inherited from the Yemeni army pre-war, including light and medium weapons, armoured vehicles, tanks and field artillery, alongside various communication and transport capabilities.

The Homeland Shield Forces, backed by Saudi Arabia, are considered among the most relatively well-equipped modern formations. They rely on tactical vehicles, light armoured vehicles, and superior communication systems suited for rapid deployment missions and the protection of institutions.

The Emergency Forces rely on light to medium armament focused on urban operations and rapid deployment missions, more akin to a field military force with rapid intervention duties, combining a security character with combat capability.

The Giants Brigades rely on medium and heavy armament, armoured vehicles and fire support units, and they are recognised for their capability to conduct offensive ground operations compared with other forces.

As for the formations affiliated with the Southern Transitional Council, they rely on diverse weaponry, though readiness varies as a result of the organisational changes they have undergone.

In recent years, the majority of government forces have also developed their drone capabilities, both within regular units and some irregular formations. These assets are now used for reconnaissance and surveillance missions, and occasionally for limited tactical support.

Balance of power with the Houthis

Official military records in Sanaa indicate that Houthi-affiliated army units comprise more than 200,000 fighters and can also mobilise tens of thousands of members from their volunteer Popular Committees for rapid intervention and support.

However, these figures, much like the military rosters in the government camp, may not accurately reflect the actual combat strength on the ground due to the inclusion of reserve or inactive names in registries.

Although government-affiliated forces may possess more manpower, the balance of power in Yemen is not determined solely by numbers.

Despite sustaining significant damage to its forces and assets from US and Israeli strikes over the past few years, the Houthi side benefits from a more centralised command structure and possesses experience in managing asymmetric warfare.

This is in addition to possessing missile, drone and maritime threat capabilities that have proven their impact in the Red Sea and the Bab-al-Mandeb Strait. It appears that the military balance in Yemen is more a balance of organisational and war management rather than a balance of weaponry and numbers.

Readiness of government forces for a major battle

Indicators suggest government forces are capable of engaging in defensive battles, holding territory or managing extensive security deployments. However, they face significant challenges should they consider launching a large-scale offensive.

The most prominent of these challenges was the multiplicity of military decision-making centres – before Saudi Arabia assumed control of this decision-making following the UAE’s withdrawal – and the varying levels of training and discipline, compounded by the difficulty of operational coordination.

Geography is also a factor, as the Houthis’ control over the mountainous northwest grants them a defensive advantage, whereas government forces are dispersed across multiple fronts, limiting their ability to mobilise at a decisive point.

The scenario of entering Sanaa

So far, there are no clear public indications that any international power, including the US, has adopted a declared plan to support a large-scale military operation to take Sanaa.

Although Houthi attacks in the Red Sea have elevated the level of international interest in the Yemeni file, the international strategy has been focused on degrading Houthi capabilities related to the sea and smuggling, rather than on a ground offensive. However, reports have emerged from sources within the Yemeni state regarding a possibility of waging a war against the Houthis with US support.

If an operation towards Sanaa is considered, its success would require complex conditions, most notably unifying the government’s military command, providing broad domestic and regional political cover, and ensuring the ability to manage the city after seizing control of it. Some of these conditions may have already been met.

Has Saudi Arabia provided cover to confront the Houthis?

The Yemeni government’s military decision-making is largely tied to Saudi political and military support, and any broad move against the Houthis remains contingent upon Riyadh. But Riyadh has preferred to focus on protecting the kingdom’s southern borders, securing shipping lanes and preventing the expansion of the Houthi threat deep into Saudi territory.

It seems that Saudi strategy has previously leaned towards managing the conflict rather than resolving it, by combining limited military pressure, diplomatic moves and de-escalation tracks to reduce the security and economic costs of the war.

The Saudi position may have shifted recently in light of international and regional events, particularly concerning the security of navigation in the Red Sea. Riyadh may be pushed to re-evaluate its options regarding the Yemeni file, and the one currently on the table may be a military one.

Renewed conflict and tensions in the Strait of Hormuz have slowed fertiliser shipments, worsening hunger in Sudan.

Sudan risks facing a deepening hunger crisis due to ongoing conflict, aid ⁠funding cuts, and rising agricultural costs driven by the global disruption caused by the Iran war, a senior World Food Programme (WFP) official has said.

“It’s a massive crisis, both in terms of numbers, but also due to the gravity,” Carl Skau, the WFP’s acting executive director, told Reuters on Tuesday.

Skau said that more than 100,000 people were still facing famine-like conditions, placing them in the highest level of the United Nations-backed Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC). “With these kinds of numbers in IPC 5 starvation, it is extremely, extremely serious,” he said.

Sudan remains the world’s largest humanitarian crisis, with around five million people facing emergency or catastrophic levels of hunger, even after an intensive ‌aid response helped reduce the number of people in famine-like conditions, Skau said.

Nearly 19.5 million people across Sudan face high levels of acute food insecurity, according to the ⁠IPC. Skau said that recent fighting around el-Obeid in North Kordofan had raised fears the ⁠city could suffer a fate similar to el-Fasher in Darfur, where conflict and siege conditions trapped civilians and hindered aid deliveries, and where the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) carried out mass killings and gang rapes after they took control of the city in the course of their three-year conflict with the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF).

In recent days, however, violence has eased somewhat around el-Obeid, raising hopes that aid deliveries can be expanded from 100,000 to 250,000 in the area.

The WFP is ⁠also increasingly concerned about renewed fighting over the past week in Darfur, which has forced the closure of the Tine border crossing, a route from Chad ⁠into Darfur. This renewal of conflict threatens to reverse gains made after famine took hold in parts of the country, it said.

Throughout the country, the WFP has reduced the number of people ⁠it assists from five million a year ago to about 3.5 million, and reduced rations in many areas, including in Tawila in Darfur, as it faces a $646m funding gap after cuts from major donors, including the United States, European countries and Britain.

“We’re not heading in the ‌right direction here,” Skau said. “If anything, we are falling backwards.”

Skau also warned that soaring diesel prices and fertiliser shortages linked to conflict in the Gulf and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz could further undermine ‌Sudan’s food security during the current planting season.

Sudan relies heavily on fertiliser imports from Gulf countries, while much of its agriculture depends on irrigation pumps, which may be too expensive for farmers to run.

The ⁠war between SAF and the RSF, now entering its fourth year, has displaced millions and devastated much of the country. Aid agencies have repeatedly warned of worsening food insecurity and limited humanitarian access.

BLUE singer Lee Ryan could face jail for racially abusing a black flight attendant in a drunken plane attack.

The Blue star, 43, sunk half a bottle of port and tucked into cheese in the BA lounge before boarding the flight at Glasgow.

Ryan previously avoided jail for racially aggravated common assault by beating, which carries a maximum seven-year jail term.

The singer was also convicted of behaving in an abusive way towards the cabin crew member and admitted being drunk on an aircraft.

He was handed a 12 month sentence suspended for 18 months at a sentencing hearing in September 2023.

But the singer’s punishment was rescinded pending a bid to overturn his conviction at Isleworth Crown Court.

A judge rejected that original appeal so Ryan instead took the case to the High Court.

Ryan could now face a jail term for his crimes after Lord Justice Holgate and Mr Justice Johnson rejected his claim and sent his case back to the crown court, which impose more serious punishments.

The court heard previously how Ryan left cabin crew worker Leah Gordon in tears after calling her a racial slur during the drunken plane attack.

The court was told he called her “beautiful” before grabbing her wrists and commenting on her “complexion”.

Ms Gordon said: “It felt like he was saying I was beautiful for a black person because of the way he was describing my colour.”

He was also “slurring his words and staggering around” as he asked: “Do you know who I am?”

Ryan claimed in his evidence he had no recollection of the flight other than an “annoying” a passenger next to him.

He said his actions were “playful” and denied being racist.

The singer added: “I’m sorry.

“My band member is black, I’m not racist, I’ve had black girlfriends, mixed-race girlfriends.

“It was banter, just drunk banter I suppose, there was no malice or intention to upset anyone.”

Ryan was arrested at London City Airport by armed cops following the attack on July 31 last year and spent the night in the cells.

He later told police he would give Ms Gordon Blue tickets for their next tour as an apology.

At an appeal at Isleworth Crown Court in November 2024, Ryan denied he had grabbed hold of the victim’s wrists.

He complained adverse inferences were drawn against him because his account about whether he took the woman’s wrists in his hands had changed between police interview and court.

Giving judgment, the judges said: “It was a case where the defendant had given one account at interview – an admission that he had grabbed Ms Gordon’s wrists, albeit without menace – but then gave an inconsistent account at trial – a denial that he had grabbed her wrists.

“His explanation for the inconsistency was rejected by the court.

“The central task for the crown court was to assess the reliability and credibility of the competing accounts given by Ms Gordon and Mr Ryan.

“In doing so, it was entitled to rely on the inconsistency between Mr Ryan’s account in interview, which coincided with Ms Gordon’s allegation that he had grabbed her wrists, and the account he gave in evidence.

“The essential reasoning of the court was that it believed Ms Gordon, who had been sober at the time and who was a consistent and compelling witness, and they disbelieved Mr Ryan, who had been drunk at the time and had been inconsistent. That was sufficient for the court to dismiss the appeal.

“It follows that the court was right to regard the application to state a case as frivolous. There is no error in its decision to decline to state a case.

“The claim is dismissed. Mr Ryan will therefore now be sentenced by the crown court.”

Ryan was arrested at London City Airport by armed cops following the attack on July 31 last year and spent the night in the cells.

He later told police he would give Ms Gordon Blue tickets for their next tour as an apology.

Ryan formed boy band Blue in 2000 with Antony Costa, Duncan James and Simon Webbe. 

They have since sold 14million records and had three Number 1 albums.

Their biggest hits include songs All Rise, Too Close, One Love and U Make Me Wanna.

July 13 (Asia Today) — South Korean Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back is facing mounting pressure from an allegation that he deserted his military post four decades ago and growing opposition to his plan to consolidate the country’s three service academies.

The two controversies have converged, raising questions about whether the Lee Jae Myung administration can maintain momentum behind its broader military reform agenda.

Complaint filed over parliamentary testimony

Kim Young-soo, head of the Korea Institute for Military Rights and a former Navy major, filed a police complaint against Ahn on June 27. The complaint alleges Ahn violated a law governing testimony and evidence before the National Assembly.

At a news conference at the National Assembly on Monday, Kim claimed Ahn left his post without authorization for about seven months while serving as a supplementary-duty soldier with an Army unit in Gochang County in 1984.

Kim also alleged that military police arrested Ahn and detained him for 30 days.

The complaint argues that Ahn gave false testimony during his confirmation hearing in July 2025 when he denied that such incidents had occurred.

The case is being investigated by Yongsan Police Station in Seoul. Police are scheduled to question Kim as the complainant Thursday.

The allegations have not been substantiated and remain under investigation.

Ministry calls allegation “clearly false”

The Defense Ministry rejected the desertion allegation Friday, calling it “clearly false.”

According to Ahn and the ministry, he completed his required service and was discharged from supplementary duty in January 1985. He returned to Sungkyunkwan University in March but was told in June that he was required to perform additional service.

The ministry said the issue arose after Ahn’s mother served lunch to active-duty soldiers at the request of his company commander. The period during which the incident was internally reviewed was mistakenly omitted from the administrative process when Ahn was initially released from duty, leading to his recall in August.

The ministry said Ahn was never detained or subjected to disciplinary action.

It has declined to publicly release his military service record, however, arguing that disclosing an incorrect 40-year-old document could create further misunderstanding regardless of the underlying facts.

Ahn has said he will seek to have the record corrected after leaving office.

SBS reported Sunday that a small number of ruling-party officials had examined the military records and said they contained no entries related to desertion or detention.

Military academy announcement abruptly postponed

Amid the dispute, the ministry abruptly postponed the scheduled release of its basic plan for establishing a unified armed forces academy. The announcement was canceled about 100 minutes before a briefing Monday.

The proposal calls for jointly selecting cadets for the Army, Navy and Air Force academies. Cadets would receive common instruction during their first two years and service-specific education during their third and fourth years.

The government has also reportedly considered relocating the Korea Military Academy from its current campus in northeastern Seoul to South Jeolla Province.

The ministry attributed the postponement to Ahn’s attendance at a presidential meeting and his schedule accompanying President Lee to a NATO summit.

The decision was widely interpreted, however, as a response to strong opposition from retired military organizations and alumni associations.

Academy alumni stage first joint protest

The alumni associations of the Army, Navy and Air Force academies held a rally outside the National Assembly on Wednesday opposing the consolidation plan and the proposed relocation of the Army academy.

It was the first time the three associations had jointly mobilized over the issue.

People Power Party Reps. Han Ki-ho and Lim Jong-deuk, both graduates of the Korea Military Academy, attended the demonstration. They described the proposal as a deterioration of national defense rather than genuine reform and called for it to be reconsidered from the beginning.

Twelve former commanders of the Army Training and Doctrine Command also issued a statement calling for a review of the plan.

The opposition People Power Party has linked the military service allegation with the academy consolidation proposal and called for Ahn’s resignation.

Independent lawmaker Han Dong-hoon has also demanded that Ahn release his military service record.

A public petition seeking Ahn’s impeachment had received more than 310,000 signatures as of Sunday.

Thursday’s police questioning of the complainant is expected to become the first major turning point in the dispute over Ahn’s service history.

The policy battle, however, is unlikely to disappear regardless of the investigation’s outcome.

Opposition to consolidating the academies and dismantling the Defense Counterintelligence Command has already developed independently of the allegation against Ahn. The unprecedented joint protest by the three academy alumni associations demonstrates the extent of that resistance.

The ministry’s continued refusal to release Ahn’s service record is also prolonging the controversy. Its decision to postpone correction procedures until after Ahn leaves office risks allowing the dispute to remain a source of political conflict.

At the same time, treating the military service allegation and the academy reform proposal as a single political issue could undermine a substantive national security debate.

Defense experts familiar with the controversy say the allegation should be investigated according to the law, while the merits of military reform should be debated separately according to the national interest.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

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Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260713010004389