Dilemma

Japan’s protest over Putin’s visit to the Kuril Islands is loud because its response is capped: Tokyo cannot meaningfully sanction the one Russian energy relationship — Sakhalin-2 LNG — it now depends on more than ever, after the Strait of Hormuz closure gutted its Gulf oil access and made that supply a load-bearing pillar of its energy security through at least December 2026.

On August 13th, Vladimir Putin toured a fish-processing plant on Iturup Island, the largest of the four southern Kuril Islands Japan calls its Northern Territories, with Sakhalin’s regional governor at his side. It was his first visit there in twenty-six years in power. He called the islands’ status “enshrined” as a permanent outcome of the Second World War and pointedly invoked the late Shinzo Abe, who spent years personally courting him toward a peace treaty that never materialised. Tokyo’s response was immediate: Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi called the visit “absolutely unacceptable,” and her Foreign Ministry says an “additional sanctions package” is under consideration. What went unmentioned is that this same government told Washington, in writing, ten months earlier that a full ban on Russian LNG would be “difficult.” That contradiction, not the visit itself, is the story.

The dispute is old: the Soviet Union seized the four islands in the war’s final days, and the missing peace treaty has been Tokyo and Moscow’s unfinished business for eighty years. What is new is the energy math surrounding it. Sakhalin-2, the LNG project sitting directly across the strait from where Putin stood, supplied Japan roughly 3.6–3.9 million tonnes last year — about 9% of its total LNG imports, and enough to make Japan the project’s largest single buyer. The US Treasury sanctions waiver permitting those imports, along with the Gazprombank clearing that finances them, was just extended to December 18th, 2026, pushed back from an original June deadline. Washington’s stated reason was blunt: global supply is “constrained amid the continued closure of the Strait of Hormuz.”

BEHIND THE VISIT

That closure is the piece most coverage of the Kuril visit leaves out. Since February 28th, when the US and Israel launched their air campaign against Iran, the Strait of Hormuz has been effectively shut, with roughly 20,000 mariners and 2,000 ships stranded and Brent crude spiking to $126 a barrel at its peak. Around 90% of Japan’s crude oil and 11% of its LNG normally transit Hormuz. Tokyo has spent 2026 losing its largest energy artery to a war in the Gulf, which means Sakhalin-2 has quietly gone from “one Russian supplier among several” to one of the few pillars still standing under Japan’s winter power grid. Putin picked this year, not an arbitrary one, to make his sovereignty claim visible on the ground.

The waiver renewal is the tell. Washington and Tokyo did not merely tolerate the Sakhalin-2 exemption through the Ukraine-sanctions years — they actively rebuilt it in 2026, in the middle of the Hormuz crisis, explicitly carving out maritime transport, financial clearing, and joint-operations funding through the end of the year. Putin then chose that same window, with that same regional government’s leadership standing next to him, to plant a public flag on the neighbouring islands. He is not testing whether Japan objects. He knows it will. He is testing whether the general logic of sanctioning Russia survives contact with the specific, recently-renewed exemption that keeps Japanese lights on. Compare that to 2010, when Dmitry Medvedev made the first-ever Russian presidential visit to the same islands: Tokyo protested loudly, recalled its ambassador briefly, and moved on within weeks, because no comparable energy dependency was on the table at the time. The script is recognisable. The stakes underneath it are not.

Takaichi’s own words undercut her “absolutely unacceptable” framing before she said it. In October 2025, briefing President Trump on the LNG relationship, she told him directly that a total ban on Russian gas “would be difficult” — an unusually candid admission from a leader now weighing a fresh sanctions package over the same relationship’s home islands. A prime minister who has already told Washington, on the record, that cutting the energy tie is impractical cannot now credibly threaten it without the threat being understood, in Moscow as much as in Tokyo, as theatre. What remains available is a narrow band of symbolic measures — travel restrictions, asset freezes on individuals connected to the visit or the regional administration — that let Tokyo be seen to act without touching a single LNG cargo.

The standard objection is that Japan has options: JERA, its largest buyer, points to a 30–35 million tonne portfolio and spot-market access, and Tokyo Electric-linked utilities cite early-stage interest in the $44 billion Alaska LNG project as a long-term alternative. That is capability, not near-term relief. Japanese firms remain openly cautious about Alaska LNG’s cost and logistics, with no binding offtake timeline in sight, and the global spot market Japan would lean on is the same market already absorbing cargoes redirected from Hormuz-blocked routes — tighter, not looser, than in a normal year. Sanctioning the actual molecules, rather than a list of names, risks the electricity-price and blackout warnings Japanese officials themselves used to justify keeping the Sakhalin-2 waiver alive in the first place.

THE SCENARIOS

Base case (~55%): Japan announces a narrow, largely symbolic sanctions package — individual travel bans and targeted asset freezes tied to the Far East regional government — while explicitly leaving Sakhalin-2 supply and Gazprombank clearing untouched, repeating the 2010 script almost exactly. The December 18th waiver renewal proceeds quietly, folded into the broader Hormuz-driven energy calculus, and Moscow reads the episode as confirmation that its Pacific energy leverage over Japan is durable regardless of who occupies the Kremlin’s chair on any given August.

Downside case: domestic backlash — the same “hardened public sentiment” Takaichi herself warned the visit would produce — pushes her government into a genuine review of the Sakhalin-2 exemption as its December deadline approaches, right as Hormuz remains tight heading into winter and Asian spot LNG prices stay elevated from redirected Gulf cargoes. The result is Japan’s first real taste of sanctions-driven energy pain from the Ukraine-era regime, a burden that has so far landed almost entirely on European households rather than Japanese ones, arriving in the worst possible month of the heating season and forcing utilities into the kind of emergency rationing talk Tokyo has avoided since 2022.

Upside case: Tokyo treats the compounding shock — Hormuz plus the Kuril visit landing in the same year — as the forcing function it has lacked for three years, converting Minister Yoji Muto’s long-stated goal of “steadily reducing dependence” on Russian LNG into actual contracted volume rather than a talking point: accelerated Alaska LNG offtake commitments, expanded US Gulf Coast term deals, and a public timeline for winding down Sakhalin-2 purchases that uses the December waiver deadline as a hard exit ramp instead of an automatic renewal. Even here, the earliest realistic substitution volumes arrive on a multi-year timeline, not by next winter.

THE AFTERMATH

Putin’s flag on Iturup was never really a test of Japan’s territorial resolve — Tokyo’s position on the Northern Territories has not moved in eighty years and was never going to move now. It was a test of whether that resolve has any economic weight behind it at the one moment Japan’s alternatives are thinnest.

Watch for: what actually happens to the Sakhalin-2 waiver around December 18th, not the sanctions package announced this week. A quiet renewal, carved out exactly as before, will tell you Japan’s outrage and Japan’s energy security are now permanently on separate tracks — and that Moscow understands the gap between them better than Tokyo would like to admit.

AMMAN, Jordan — When Iranian ballistic missiles repeatedly struck Jordan last week, killing three American service members and wounding dozens of others, it brought the spotlight on a U.S. military presence the government of this desert kingdom has long worked to downplay.

Jordan has been a decades-long military and counterterrorism partner with the United States, opening its territory over the years to U.S. and other Western troops in their engagements throughout the region. But faced with a population that is overwhelmingly pro-Palestinian and suspicious of the U.S. for its all-out support of Israel, the government had kept those relationships at a low profile.

But now, Jordan’s growing role in the United States’ war with Iran — and the intensifying Iranian retaliation that role invites — is spurring uncomfortable conversations for the government.

“Jordanians are trapped in a dilemma: They’re being dragged into a war they didn’t want, but the cause of that war is ironically the ally they bargained with to protect them in the first place,” said Sean Yom, a professor of political science and Jordan expert at Temple University who wrote the book “Jordan: Politics in an Accidental Crucible.”

“So they’re asking what’s the wisdom of having this geopolitical bargain with a patron like the U.S. when one of the sources of our instability is the relationship that’s supposed to guarantee our security.”

Since the ceasefire broke down July 8 and the U.S. began launching near-daily waves of strikes on Iran, Jordan has been targeted on nine occasions, with ballistic missiles and drones hitting U.S. assets and facilities and endangering some 4,000 service members at a number of Jordanian military bases across the country.

One of those salvos, on July 17, hit a housing unit in Muwaffaq Al-Salti, a Jordanian base in the country’s east, killing three U.S. service members and wounding at least four others. Also attacked were King Faisal Airbase, Prince Hassan Airbase and the airport in Aqaba.

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps claimed the strikes not only killed and wounded dozens of U.S. military personnel, but also damaged drones, helicopters, F-15 preparation hangars, radar sites, missile defense systems and munitions depots.

More worryingly for Jordan, the IRGC issued statements thanking “honorable people” in Jordan for providing “sincere cooperation and precise information,” which it said enabled it to target and kill “dozens of American terrorist forces.”

“Seize every opportunity to dismantle American institutions and expel the American occupation army from Jordan,” one of the statements said.

As word of the attacks spread, Jordan’s government, normally reticent about foreign military deployments in the country, embarked on damage control.

Officials and members of parliament swiftly condemned Tehran for violating the country’s sovereignty, while the foreign ministry summoned Iran’s charge d’affaires in Amman, the Jordanian capital, and demanded Iran cease attacks on the kingdom. Jordanian Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi, meanwhile, rejected Iran’s claim that the U.S. has bases in the country.

“There are no American bases in Jordan. We have American troops that are in Jordan as part of our long-standing military cooperation,” he said at the Aspen Security Forum earlier this month. Safadi was referring to the 2021 defense agreement that allows U.S. forces unfettered access to 12 facilities in Jordan, including five air bases; the agreement was approved via royal decree and bypassed parliament.

“Their presence is governed by a defense agreement that fully respects our sovereignty,” he said.

Yet government statements didn’t do much to allay concerns. Though many Jordanians have little love for Iran, more than 300 politicians, academics, lawyers, retired military officers and tribal leaders signed an open letter last week calling on the government to withdraw from the defense agreement and keep Jordanian installations neutral — a bold move in a country where opposition to government policies (especially in security matters) can be a red line.

“Jordan is not a party to this war. Its people should not have to bear the consequences or pay the price for policies that do not serve the nation’s supreme interests,” the letter said.

“We urge the avoidance of the dangers associated with aligning ourselves under the American umbrella; this requires adopting a policy of genuine neutrality, based on refraining from any military or logistical involvement that serves any party to the conflict.”

Another sign of popular anger came Sunday: When one member of parliament exhorted the body to send condolences to Congress for the killing of the U.S. service members, others shouted him down, saying the legislature wasn’t a funeral parlor to console “criminals” and “child killers,” in reference to the United States’ support for Israel in Gaza.

Jordan grapples with questions similar to those facing its gulf neighbors, all of which rely on the U.S. security umbrella that has exposed their nations to Iranian attack. But those countries’ oil riches afford them leverage to push back on the U.S. presence, while Jordan — a resource-poor nation of some 11 million people — cannot.

The conflict, meanwhile, has only compounded Jordan’s economic woes. Tourism, which official figures say accounts for almost 15% of the country’s GDP and had just begun to recover from the 2023 Gaza war, has cratered since the start of military operations against Iran. One month after the war, gas prices rose by 11%, a body blow for Jordan’s perpetually anemic economy.

All that has made the kingdom ever more reliant on U.S. largesse. Washington gives Amman roughly $1.45 billion annually, including around $800 million that go straight to government coffers for budgetary support. It would be hard pressed to substitute that level of support from Europe or elsewhere, experts say.

At the same time, Jordan has become a vital nerve center for U.S. forces. The U.S. military has since 2019 spent hundreds of millions of dollars on upgrades for Muwaffaq Al-Salti and other facilities, according to U.S. federal contracting documents, laying aircraft aprons, taxiways, munitions depots and other infrastructure.

Satellite imagery of those bases from 2019 onward show significant construction and an increasing presence of U.S. assets, including F-16s, F-18s, drones and helicopters.

Now, with U.S. troops deployed in gulf nations proving vulnerable to Iranian barrages, Pentagon planners have transferred assets to locations farther away from Iran, especially Jordan.

In recent days, despite a pause in operations against Iran, flight tracking sites showed brisk U.S. military traffic, with logistical aircraft — including the massive C-17 Globemaster and KC-35 fueling tankers — making repeated trips between Jordan and U.S. military hubs in Europe.

Escape to the Country presenter Sonali Shah’s mystery house pick left a buyer facing a difficult decision

Escape to the Country’s latest buyer confessed he was “flummoxed” as he faced a difficult decision.

The series sees property experts helping people to find new homes, often miles from where they live. The presenters show potential buyers a series of houses plus a mystery pick.

And it was the mystery property that proved to be a problem for Andrew, when he fell in love with it after he had already come close to committing to a more affordable cottage, reports Leeds Live.

Andrew had decided to relocate from his city residence in the Netherlands to the countryside of the Peak District, where he’d spent childhood years and where his grandmother had lived.

The BBC show’s presenter Sonali Shah found him a cottage from 1850 that ticked all his boxes, but complications arose when she unveiled a mystery property that actually consisted of two distinct dwellings, each with its own bedroom, kitchen and outdoor area. The catch was its £400,000 price tag, exceeding his £375,000 budget.

Andrew was impressed with the position of Sonali’s mystery pick, saying the view was “definitely the best so far”. He went on: “It’s the kind of view of fields that I was asking for. That’s what I really like.”

He also liked the way the property had been finished, noting: “It has all the charm of an old cottage, and it’s completely renovated.”

His sister Sue said she thought they were going to have “a problem” and Andrew admitted that was the case.

“What have I done? What have I done?” exclaimed Sonali as she perched on the stairs listening to them.

She continued: “They really liked a house. They were probably going to make a move on that, and then I come in with this mystery house that is amazing. Oh, dear.”

Later, Andrew conceded that seeing the mystery house had made his decision “more difficult”.

And after deliberating with Sue, he remained uncertain about which property to pursue.

“I really like, obviously, house number one, but I really like the mystery house too so I’m flummoxed now,” he explained. “I have to do a lot of soul searching.”

Sue said: “I think this mystery house has definitely delivered something different for Andrew, something he certainly wasn’t expecting, and now he’s a bit flabbergasted, I think. I think that as Andrew’s sister I’ve now been put in a very, very difficult position, because I don’t really know what to advise him to do.”

Nevertheless, Andrew ultimately went back to the first cottage and submitted an offer, which was accepted.

Escape to the Country airs on BBC One.

NEW YORK — What if the Dodgers never get a full season of pitching from Shohei Ohtani?

In his first season with the Dodgers, he did not pitch at all. In his second, he did not pitch until June. And, halfway through this third season, Dodgers manager Dave Roberts admitted Sunday he could not say when Ohtani might pitch again.

“Don’t know yet,” Roberts said.

October might be your immediate concern, and it should concern the Dodgers too. Of the four starting pitchers they would plan to use in the postseason — Yoshinobu Yamamoto, Blake Snell, Tyler Glasnow and Ohtani — Yamamoto is the only one pitching major league innings right now. It’s not Tarik Skubal or bust, but the Dodgers should trade for someone they would start in a playoff game.

Yet, for a player with seven years left on his $700-million contract beyond this one, there might be a lot fewer opportunities to celebrate Ohtani as a two-way player than the Dodgers and their fans envision.

Ohtani did not pitch in his first year and a half with the Dodgers as he recovered from elbow surgery. When his rehabilitation was complete, he was good to go.

This is different. Ohtani is battling irritation in his left knee. Roberts used three concerning words to describe it: “wear and tear.”

There is no easy fix. The lubricant injection Ohtani received a week ago relieves symptoms for a short period of time, usually a few months. It is repeatable, but its benefits are not always felt right away.

The Dodgers had announced Ohtani would start Wednesday. Roberts said Ohtani experienced discomfort while playing catch, and that was enough for the Dodgers to push back his next start to…

“I would say that it’s going to be some time,” Roberts said. “It’s not going to be a day-to-day thing.”

Shohei Ohtani warms up before facing the Tampa Bay Rays at Dodger Stadium on June 15.

(Eric Thayer / Los Angeles Times)

If it is a wear-and-tear thing, there might be no solution besides management over the remainder of his career.

“I think it’s a little bit, it’s just like all of us, all athletes, that kind of have wear and tear,” Roberts said. “That’s just part of it, and now it’s just kind of showing itself a little bit, and then you got to manage it. I think that it’s the years of sliding, pitching, hitting and all that stuff.”

Ohtani is aware of this. He is 32. This is his 14th professional season. He reported to spring training with the goal of winning the National League Cy Young award, in part because who knows how long you can do everything at an elite level on a baseball field?

“Inside, I’m assuming this is my last chance as a pitcher,” Ohtani told the Japanese sports magazine Number in an interview published last month.

In his first 10 starts this season, he posted a 0.74 earned-run average, never giving up more than two runs in a start. In the four starts since the knee irritation surfaced June 10, his ERA is 4.38, and he has given up at least three runs in each start.

Can he pitch effectively if he can tolerate the discomfort? Would he want to? Would the Dodgers want him to, given their investment in him as one of the most dynamic hitters in baseball history?

To this point, Roberts said, Ohtani has experienced the irritation only on the mound, not at bat. As a result, Roberts said, the Dodgers do not believe shutting down Ohtani as a hitter for a few days would help ease the discomfort.

Maybe this works, with the injection calming the knee long enough to get Ohtani through the season, or with the irritation waning. Even then, it’s going to take some time.

“The first step is getting him into a spot where he feels like, and we feel like, he can pitch and not regress,” Roberts said.

Ohtani has not pitched in 16 days, and let’s say he does not pitch for another 16. Then the Dodgers would be looking at building back Ohtani’s endurance as they ramp up for the playoffs. So, even if Ohtani can return, could he pitch deep into a postseason game?

Shohei Ohtani hits a home run against the Tampa Bay Rays at Dodger Stadium on June 16.

(Eric Thayer / Los Angeles Times)

The Ohtani Effect is real, and grand. It is measured in T-shirts and ticket sales, tourists and movie promotions, bobblehead dolls and international corporate sponsorships.

But all of that should not obscure Ohtani’s greatness as a player.

If Aaron Judge cannot hit, he cannot help the Yankees, and they entered play Sunday 18-20 since he suffered a rib injury.

If Ohtani cannot pitch … well, he has hit 11 home runs since then, for the team with the best record in the major leagues.

The Dodgers do not believe Ohtani’s viability as a pitcher is in jeopardy, but we can already hear the cynics: In a worst-case scenario, if he could not pitch well again, would the contract be worth it?

It already is: Two full seasons, two World Series championships.

Kericho, Kenya – When Lona Chepkemoi walked into a technical college classroom in 2023, she found something she had rarely experienced during her years in school: She could understand what the teacher was saying.

After leaving primary school in 2008, Chepkemoi had failed her final exam, and her family could not afford to send her to secondary school. For years, the dream of becoming a fashion designer seemed out of reach.

Then a scholarship from her local member of parliament gave her a second chance.

But what surprised the now 33-year-old mother of five was not returning to education. It was hearing lessons delivered partly in Kalenjin, her mother tongue, she said.

“When I got to college, I felt at home because the language of instruction was my mother tongue [Kalenjin], and was mixed with a bit of Swahili and English, unlike in school when teachers only taught in English and exams were strictly only in English. Language here was accommodating, and it made me feel happy because I understood the concept quite well,” she told Al Jazeera.

For Chepkemoi, the difference went beyond comfort, it was comprehension.

Her experience reflects a wider global reality. According to UNESCO’s Global Education Monitoring (GEM) reports, about 40 percent of learners worldwide are not taught in a language they understand well, rising to about 90 percent in some low- and middle-income countries.

A second chance through familiar language

In Kenya, education policy provides for mother-tongue instruction in the early years of primary school, typically up to grade 3, before English becomes the main language of instruction from grade 4, with Kiswahili also widely used. In practice, however, classrooms often shift between languages depending on region, teacher capacity and student background.

Across much of Africa, the language of schooling still reflects colonial legacy systems, where English, French or Portuguese dominate classrooms even when children grow up speaking entirely different languages at home.

UNESCO’s Global Education Monitoring work shows multilingual classrooms are now the norm in many countries. The organisation has consistently argued that children learn best in a language they understand, describing mother-tongue-based multilingual education as key to improving literacy and learning outcomes.

When English meets the classroom reality

Chepkemoi was not alone in finding confidence through familiar language. Her husband, Philemon Tonui, enrolled at the same institution to study building and construction.

Although Tonui completed secondary school, he was unable to sit his final examinations because his family could not afford the fees, leaving him without a certificate.

For Tonui, the use of Kalenjin alongside English and Kiswahili made a significant difference.

“Nothing could beat that. I felt like if every level of education were instructed in their mother tongue, many people would excel in their education,” he told Al Jazeera.

Ismael Kiplang’at, a 28-year-old mason, also studied at the same institution. He recalls instructors making a deliberate effort to teach in languages students could understand.

“Our college was in a town with many communities in it, and even though the instructors did not understand all languages, at least they repeated their words in almost three languages just to make sure everyone was on board and understood the content. And those who came from other tribes always expressed satisfaction, saying that they really felt involved and not left out,” he said.

Now working as a mason three years after graduating, he credits that approach with helping him succeed.

“If education meant those tired English classes that we were taken through earlier in school, I would not have achieved my passion in masonry and earned a living,” he told Al Jazeera.

Between understanding and opportunity

Yet Kenya’s education system, like many across Africa, continues to face a structural tension: Early learning is most effective in familiar languages, but English remains essential for higher education, formal employment and global mobility.

Kiplang’at says he now practises English daily because he hopes to study further and work abroad.

For Shadrack Tonui, national chairperson of the Kenya Association of Technical Training Institutions, the challenge is not choosing between languages, but balancing them in multilingual classrooms.

“Generally, the mode of training is in English as the language of instruction and learning within the institutions. But of course, with the need to understand the flexibility of learning, there can be emphasis and use of a language that the learner will be able to understand at lower levels,” he told Al Jazeera.

He adds that institutions bring together students from diverse linguistic backgrounds, making it impractical to rely on one local language, while also stressing the need for English proficiency in the labour market.

The challenge is not unique to Kenya. UNESCO’s Global Education Monitoring work shows multilingual classrooms are now the norm in many countries, and education systems often struggle with teacher preparation, learning materials in local languages, and competing expectations from parents and employers over the role of English.

‘Why must we learn in another language?’

As for Chepkemoi, she is less concerned with policy than with practice. Most of her clients speak Kalenjin, while Kiswahili allows her to communicate with a wider customer base.

“Even though we were lucky to have teachers who would bring a point home while in college, we also had classmates from other communities who did not speak Kalenjin, and the teachers would explain it to them in Kiswahili,” she said.

For Kiplang’at, however, the debate ultimately comes down to one question: understanding.

“I ask myself sometimes why someone in Europe, Asia, or America learns in a language they grew up speaking, while we are expected to compete in theirs,” he said.

AS captain of actor Danny Dyer’s beloved West Ham United, Jarrod Bowen was seen as the perfect match for his daughter Dani Dyer.

But May 2026 will go down in history as a devastating time for the Dyers, after Bowen captained West Ham to relegation from the Premier League – for the first time in 15 years – which has put his and Dani’s future up in the air, and has broken his father-in-law’s heart.

Just two days before the Hammers’ relegation, Jarrod suffered more devastation when he missed out on a place in England’s World Cup squad, and insiders have now told us just what this might mean for him and Dani going forward, and how ex-EastEnders star Danny is coping.

Rivals actor Danny once famously joked he was probably “more in love” with Jarrod than his own daughter was, and he has previously been spotted singing an X-rated chant about Dani alongside the West Ham faithful: “Bowen’s on fire, and he’s s****ing Dani Dyer.”

Jarrod certainly rose to the occasion in June 2023, when he netted a last-minute winner in the Europa Conference League final to secure West Ham their first major European trophy for 58 years.

A day after the historic moment, Danny told talkSPORT: “I just didn’t think I could love a man anymore.

“It’s always a weird thing because it’s your daughter, they fall in love with people you don’t usually like, but she brought home Jarrod Bowen.

“I think I love Jarrod more than anyone, more than me own wife! I’m a bit jealous of my daughter.”

Since meeting in 2021, Jarrod and former Love Island star Dani welcomed twin daughters, Summer and Star, both three, in 2023, and two years afterwards, the couple married in late May 2025.

However, one year on from their big day, the pair have a crossroads to navigate this summer.

A source told us: “Dani has enjoyed a dream romance with Jarrod so far, made even better that he is the captain of her dad Danny’s beloved West Ham United.

“But part of that dream has turned into a nightmare this season after West Ham crashed out of the Premier League.

“Jarrod is one of the best players at the club, but, as captain, he has to take a lot of responsibility for the Hammers’ downfall.

“Die-hard West Ham fan Danny is absolutely devastated about his side dropping down to the Championship, and it could have major repercussions for the Dyers.

“Jarrod could do no wrong in Danny’s mind three years ago when he effectively won West Ham the Conference League.

“But that moment is a distant memory now.”

Following West Ham’s relegation, Bowen’s future at the club is up in the air.

He is under contract at the London Stadium until 2030, but that doesn’t mean a lot in football.

West Ham could cash in on their star man, and there are fresh concerns from Hammers fans after Bowen was revealed to be a client of a brand-new football super agency – Gersh.

He has been linked to several Premier League clubs in recent months, including Chelsea, Tottenham Hotspur, Liverpool and Manchester United.

A move to the north west of England would be particularly upsetting for Dani, because it would no doubt mean relocating from their Essex home, which is just down the road from her parents, Danny and wife Joanne Mas.

The source said: “West Ham’s relegation could have a huge impact on Dani, too.

“Jarrod missed out on a place in England’s World Cup squad this summer, and manager Thomas Tuchel even suggested West Ham’s poor form could have hampered Jarrod.

“He is desperate to win his place back in the England squad, with a European Championships on home soil scheduled for 2028.

“Jarrod has been heavily linked with a move elsewhere, and he is keen to keep testing himself at the very top.

“But this could be devastating for Dani, because they might have to relocate.

“Danny would also be gutted, because a West Ham with Jarrod has a much better chance of returning to the Premier League at the first time of asking than a West Ham without their star man.

“The Rivals star is desperate for Jarrod to remain at West Ham, and he has been dropping hints to Jarrod to stay and help guide his beloved Hammers back to the top flight.”

Danny recently lobbied England boss Tuchel to take Jarrod to the World Cup, telling FourFourTwo his son-in-law “will damage any team” on the pitch.

But the Football Factory star’s plea fell on deaf ears when the England squad was announced on May 22nd – two days before West Ham’s relegation on the final day of the 2025/26 Premier League season.

Bowen scored in West Ham’s final game, a resounding 3-0 victory over Leeds, but it wasn’t enough to keep the Hammers up due to Tottenham’s final-day win over Everton.

Following West Ham’s last Premier League match for some time, Bowen was asked about his future, saying in his post-match interview: “I’m under contract here. I’ve been here six-and-a-half years. I’ve had some really high moments, and this is a low moment that will outweigh everything.

“There’s going to be rumours, there’s going to be talk. Ultimately, what I see is getting this club back in the Premier League because that is where it deserves to be.”

A few days ago, he took to Instagram to write a lengthy apology to the West Ham faithful.

Bowen admitted winning the Conference League was the “best night” of his career, but being relegated with West Ham was his “worst”.

While the emotional statement may have provided some solace for die-hard Hammers fans, there was a notable omission.

He didn’t pledge his future to the club, signing off by saying: “One thing I know about this club is that it has the desire and fight to bounce back from this. This club belongs in the Premier League and deserves to be back there as soon as possible.”

But will this desire and fight to return to the top flight happen without their leader, Bowen?

Danny has previously said on his and Dani’s Sorted With the Dyers podcast that West Ham is his “one true love” and he loves the football club “more than anything else on this planet”.

He will be fiercely hoping his son-in-law can lead West Ham to further glory in the future, and while Dani no doubt wants this, too, remaining in Essex is one of her top priorities.

Relocating from Essex might also make it difficult for Dani to shoot more episodes of her and dad Danny’s popular Sky TV show The Dyers’ Caravan Park, which is filmed in Kent.

A source added: “One compromise for Jarrod could be a move to Tottenham, who he has been linked to for years.

“That would be OK for Dani, because Jarrod would still be playing for a London team.

“But it would leave a sour taste in Danny’s mouth, considering Spurs were the team that remained in the Premier League at West Ham’s expense.

“Jarrod has a massive decision on his hands this summer, which will have a huge impact on him on and off the field.”