The film tells the truth. The Lakers are not a good defensive team, evidenced by the sight of the NBA’s top guards blowing past Lakers defenders into the paint during a 10-game defensive swoon that ranks among the league’s worst.
Yet when coach JJ Redick shows his team the tape and then backs it up with the numbers, there’s still cautious optimism that the Lakers can improve.
“I don’t think there’s anybody in that meeting room that thinks we’re a good defensive team right now,” Redick said, “but I also don’t think there’s anybody in that meeting room who thinks we can’t be a good defensive team. We’ve got to get better.”
In the 10 games since LeBron James returned to the lineup, the Lakers have scored 121.8 points per 100 possessions, a significant increase in their offensive rating of 115.4 during the first 14 games of the season. While their offensive rating ranks fifth in the league during the last 10 games, their 120.9 defensive rating ranks 27th. It’s a dramatic increase from their previous 113.7-point defensive rating.
The most glaring issues are the team’s defense in transition and early in the opponent’s offense, Redick said. The Lakers give up 1.19 points per possession in transition, fifth-worst in the league.
Sunday’s game in Phoenix against the Suns, who scored 28 fast-break points against the Lakers on Dec. 1, will be a significant test as the Lakers (17-7) try to avoid their first losing streak this season.
Led by Luka Doncic, Austin Reaves — who is out for at least a week because of a left calf strain, the team announced Friday — and the 40-year-old James, the Lakers are not destined to be a fast team on either side of the court. They were outmatched against San Antonio’s dynamic backcourt led by the speedy De’Aaron Fox and Stephon Castle, who combined for 50 points Wednesday as the Spurs scored 27 fast-break points and knocked the Lakers out of NBA Cup contention.
Losses like that exposed the Lakers’ lack of speed on the perimeter, but the team also has shown flashes of excellence against the best guards. The Lakers held 76ers star Tyrese Maxey to five points on two-for-six shooting in the fourth quarter of the Lakers’ four-point win at Philadelphia on Dec. 7.
“It’s less of scheme stuff. A little more of urgency,” guard Gabe Vincent said. “A little more of doing all the little things. If you don’t do them, like I said, there are some great players in this league that will expose you.”
One of the team’s top defensive options is on the bench. Forward Jarred Vanderbilt has played only three minutes in the last 10 games. He entered the game against Philadelphia only after Jake LaRavia took a shot to the face that loosened a tooth.
Vanderbilt, an athletic forward, has been a consistent force on defense during his career but struggles to contribute on offense. While he impressed coaches with how hard he worked in the offseason to improve his shooting and ballhandling, Vanderbilt made only four of 14 three-point shots in the first 14 games. He averaged 5.6 rebounds per game before James returned to the lineup Nov. 18, pushing Vanderbilt to the bench.
Before the Lakers’ last game against the Suns, Redick said part of it was a numbers game with James’ return and felt the team would settle on a nine-man rotation. Vanderbilt had tasks he “needed to be able to do consistently to play” even before James returned, Redick said.
Spurs guard De’Aaron Fox, scoring against Lakers guard Luka Doncic, and teammates continually drove past their defenders during an NBA Cup game Wednesday at Crypto.com Arena.
(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
But making changes at that time was difficult, the coach acknowledged. The Lakers were in the midst of a seven-game winning streak. But they’re 2-3 in the last five games, which have laid their defensive struggles bare, and coaches are “looking at everything.”
“If this continues,” Redick said Friday, “he’ll definitely get his opportunities.”
After practice Friday, Vanderbilt stayed on the court shooting extra three-pointers with staff members.
Meanwhile, Reaves will be reevaluated in approximately one week, the Lakers said after practice.
The guard averaging 27.8 points, 6.7 assists and 5.6 rebounds has led the Lakers in total minutes played as the team weathered stretches without James and Doncic. Reaves responded with a career-best start. He is ninth in the NBA in scoring and could be on track to earn his first All-Star nod as he enters a critical contract decision this offseason.
Reaves will miss at least Sunday’s game at Phoenix, Thursday’s game at Utah and a Dec. 20 game at the Clippers. After another game at Phoenix on Dec. 23, the Lakers begin a stretch of five consecutive home games, starting with a marquee Christmas Day matchup against the Houston Rockets.
Etc.
The Lakers assigned guard Bronny James to the G League on Friday.
SEOUL, Dec. 17 (UPI) — The United Nations Command objected to a legislative effort in South Korea that would transfer authority over non-military access to the Demilitarized Zone from the UNC to Seoul, as debate grows over control of one of the world’s most sensitive border areas.
The UNC’s rare public statement follows renewed calls by Unification Minister Chung Dong-young and ruling party lawmakers for a bill that would allow the South Korean government to approve civilian entry into the DMZ without prior UNC authorization.
In a press release issued Tuesday, the U.S.-led UNC reiterated its authority to implement and enforce the 1953 Korean Armistice Agreement, including control over access to the DMZ.
“Since 1953, UNC has been the successful administrator of the Demilitarized Zone, a role that has been essential in maintaining stability, especially amid periods of heightened inter-Korean tensions,” it said.
Citing provisions that assign “civil administration and relief” within the zone to the UNC commander and grant the UNC Military Armistice Commission exclusive jurisdiction over entry approvals, the command stressed that no person, military or civilian, may enter the DMZ without specific authorization.
“Civil administration and relief in that part of the Demilitarized Zone which is south of the Military Demarcation Line shall be the responsibility of the Commander-in-Chief, United Nations Command,” the statement said.
The release added that the UNCMAC reviews access requests under established procedures designed to avoid actions that could be perceived as provocative or that could endanger safety.
The issue resurfaced earlier this month after Chung publicly backed legislation that would allow South Korea to grant access for “peaceful use” without UNC approval, arguing that current restrictions undermine Seoul’s sovereignty and the civilian use of the DMZ.
Chung cited recent cases in which Deputy National Security Adviser Kim Hyun-jong and Cardinal Lazzaro You Heung-sik were denied access to the buffer zone.
Seoul’s defense and foreign ministries have expressed reservations about the proposal, however, warning that separating civilian access from UNC procedures could complicate armistice maintenance and military coordination.
The UNC statement noted that the South Korean military already carries out “critical tasks such as policing, infrastructure support, medical evacuation [and] safety inspections,” highlighting what it described as Seoul’s sovereignty and primary role in its own defense.
In a follow-up release Wednesday, the UNC said it had granted Kim access to the DMZ for a briefing on North Korean military activities and South Korea’s response measures, as well as discussions on preventing accidental clashes.
“UNC is committed to maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula and actively supports measures that reduce the risk of miscalculation between military forces near the Military Demarcation Line,” it said.
Welcome back to the Times of Troy newsletter where the final days of the college football season are upon us. I’ve spent the past week trying to catch up on shopping for Christmas, which — checks notes — is only 10 days away??
So what better time to consider what USC might need for the year to come and put together a transfer portal wishlist of sorts, with portal season fast approaching.
Fight on! Are you a true Trojans fan?
5. Offensive line
Returning starters: LT Elijah Paige, LG Tobias Raymond, C Kilian O’Connor, RG Alani Noa, RT Justin Tauanuu
Other expected returners: Elijah Vaikona, Aaron Dunn, Alex Payne, Kaylon Miller
Notable newcomers: OT Keenyi Pepe, OG Esun Tafa
Offensive line coach Zach Hanson did a great job this season with the hand he was dealt. USC had injuries up and down its line, as Paige and O’Connor missed half the season. With most of last year’s line potentially returning, and a lot of young linemen entering Year 2, USC should have more depth to work with up front.
That said, it could stand to upgrade on the interior. USC pursued a transfer center to start over O’Connor last year and struck out on J’Onre Reed. Could they take another swing at that spot? As this season proved, there’s no such thing as having too many capable linemen.
4. Wide receiver
Returning starters: Tanook Hines
Other expected returners: Zacharyus Williams, Corey Simms
Makai Lemon is on his way to the NFL, and my expectation is that Ja’Kobi Lane will follow him. That leaves USC with just one returning starter at receiver, albeit one with a lot of promise.
Hines has the ability to be the Trojans’ No. 1 wideout, but he won’t be able to hold down the passing attack alone. USC will need to add at least one starter to the mix to fill out a receiving corps that is suddenly quite thin. Fortunately, USC has never had trouble finding a transfer for that purpose.
Zacharyus Williams seemed primed to contribute in 2025, but injuries derailed his start to the season. He could step into a bigger role. Several freshmen could see opportunities early, too, the most intriguing to me being Mosley, whose shiftiness reminds me of Lemon.
3. Cornerback
Returning starters: Marcelles Williams
Other expected returners: Chasen Johnson, Alex Graham, RJ Sermons, Kevin Longstreet
Notable newcomers: Elbert Hill, Brandon Lockhart
Injuries decimated this group last season and made it difficult for the secondary to find its stride. Now the room will have to be mostly rebuilt, with several corners out of eligibility or leaving in the portal.
Marcelles Williams should be better. Chasen Johnson was primed to start in 2025 and should be expected to step into that spot in 2026, while other young players, like Alex Graham and RJ Sermons, could take a huge step in Year 2.
But if there’s a lockdown outside corner in the portal, USC needs to do whatever it can to get them to L.A.
2. Interior defensive line
Returning starters: Devan Thompkins, Jide Abasiri
Other expected returners: Jahkeem Stewart, Floyd Boucard, Jah Jarrett
USC was supposed to be much improved on the interior in 2025, and that simply wasn’t the case, especially against the run. Experienced tackles like Keeshawn Silver and Thompkins, who entered the season with a lot of hype, never lived up to expectations. Jarrett was a disappointment before getting hurt, and Abasiri was inconsistent.
Stewart and Boucard both showed glimpses of major potential in spite of injuries, and both need to be on the field more next season. But this group is in need of a game-wrecker against the run, a stopper who can clog up the interior and hold his own in the Big Ten.
Those tackles don’t grow on trees, unfortunately. USC has tried to find them — and failed — on multiple occasions, the latest being Silver. But unless USC wants to rely heavily on its youth at defensive tackle next season, it’s going to need to find reinforcements from the transfer portal, no matter what.
1. Linebacker
Returning starters: Desman Stephens
Other expected returners: Jadyn Walker, Ta’Mere Robinson, AJ Tuitele
Notable newcomers: Talanoa Ili, Shaun Scott
This group was rough in 2025, and it’s set to lose its leader in Eric Gentry. Stephens felt miscast as a middle linebacker this season, and Walker, while dynamic, was still trying to figure things out in his first full season.
Walker and Stephens should be better with another offseason under their belt. But would anyone feel good going into next season with both as the primary starters at linebacker? I doubt it.
USC has already been linked to North Carolina linebacker Khmori House, and I doubt he’ll be the last linebacker that’s talked about as a possible Trojan. USC may bring in multiple linebackers and also have no choice but to count on a few of its young guys making the leap. Ili, in particular, is intriguing as a top-100 recruit.
Where does Makai Lemon’s season rank?
Makai Lemon
(Eric Thayer/Los Angeles Times)
Makai Lemon’s coronation as college football’s top receiver in 2025 was made complete last week as he became the second Trojan wideout to be awarded the Biletnikoff.
The only other Biletnikoff winner in the award’s 30 years of existence was Marqise Lee, who finished the 2012 season with an NCAA-leading 118 catches, 1,721 yards and 14 receiving touchdowns. Lemon had 39 fewer catches and 565 fewer yards this season.
That’s largely a reflection of how prolific Lee was in 2012. But the fact that Lemon’s Biletnikoff-winning performance doesn’t rank in the top 10 statistically in any category in USC history shows just how many great receivers USC has had in the last quarter century.
Five USC receivers have caught over 100 passes in a season, four of which came in the last 15 years. Drake London would have made it six — and won his own Biletnikoff — if he hadn’t injured his ankle in 2021.
Lemon’s 79 catches rank 13th in USC history, his 11 touchdowns are tied for 11th.
That’s not to take away from what Lemon has done this season. His ability to create yards after the catch is perhaps unlike any other receiver in school history. But in the annals of great seasons for USC receivers, Lemon may never look quite as impressive on paper as it felt in person.
Lindsay Gottlieb
(Eric Thayer/Los Angeles Times)
—Waymond Jordan will return to USC in 2026. And that’s huge news for USC’s rushing attack, which will now be able to deploy one of the Big Ten’s most dynamic 1-2 punches with Jordan and King Miller. Jordan didn’t play the second half of the season after suffering an ankle injury that required surgery. Had he continued his pace from the first half of the season, Jordan probably wouldn’t be coming back to USC in 2026 … because he’d be on his way to the NFL. I don’t think it’s an exaggeration to say that Jordan comes into next season as arguably the best returning back in the Big Ten. If USC hopes to hold up during its gauntlet of a conference slate, the run game will have to lead the way.
—Notre Dame is losing its scheduling leverage. The tides have really started to turn on the Irish ever since they declined a bowl invite following their College Football Playoff snub. That didn’t sit well with the rest of the college football world. Neither did the news that Notre Dame, according to Yahoo’s Ross Dellenger, negotiated a deal for preferential playoff access starting next season. In fact, according to Dan Wolken, also of Yahoo, it has led athletic directors in other leagues to threaten to freeze Notre Dame out in the future. We’ll see if anyone actually follows through on that threat — I have my doubts — but it does seemingly give USC an upper hand when it comes to getting a deal done soon … if it wants one. It’s probably no coincidence that athletic director Pete Bevacqua now appears optimistic about getting a deal done quickly, after blaming USC for the hold-up. Bevacqua told The Echoes podcast last week that he thought the two schools would come to an agreement on a short-term extension, potentially with a gap in the series after that. That’s the deal that USC has been trying to sell Notre Dame on since August.
—USC did add a non-conference matchup to its 2026 slate. Louisiana will come to the Coliseum on Sept. 12, 2026, to face USC for the first time in program history. USC will pay the Ragin’ Cajuns $1.3 million for the rights to what should be an easy non-conference victory. The Trojans now have 11 of 12 games scheduled for 2026, with one very glaring opening remaining.
—Chad Baker-Mazara is leading the Big Ten in scoring and exceeding all preseason expectations. The sixth-year senior came to USC in search of a bigger scoring role, and with Rodney Rice out, he’s made the most of his opportunity. Baker-Mazara is averaging 25 points per game over USC’s last four, in the wake of Rice’s injury, and shooting the lights out, hitting 53% of his shots during that stretch. Even beyond his offensive output, Baker-Mazara’s energy has been an important part of USC’s identity early on. If he can keep scoring efficiently when Rice and freshman Alijah Arenas return from injury, USC could be a legitimate threat come March.
—Nike did a cool thing to honor Gigi Bryant during what would’ve been her freshman year at Connecticut. During Saturday’s USC-UConn matchup, every player on the court wore a different pair of Kobe’s. Even players who didn’t play wore different pairs of Kobe’s. Nike says that’s the first time it has ever done that in a college basketball game.
—I’ve always appreciated Lindsay Gottlieb’s willingness to be vulnerable. And she showed that part of herself again Saturday, in response to a mass shooting at her alma mater, Brown. She addressed the shooting before talking about USC’s loss to UConn and was clearly shaken by the situation. She said a former teammate at Brown was waiting to hear from a kid who was hiding in the basement of a library. Gottlieb didn’t pull any punches: “It’s the guns,” she said. “We’re the only country who lives this way.”
Poll results
We asked, “Which of these five options would you put at the top of USC’s transfer portal wish list?”
After 402 votes, the results:
Reinforcements at linebacker, 40.7% A run stopper on the interior, 39.7% A shutdown cornerback, 10.1% A standout edge rusher, 7.9% A No. 1 wide receiver, 1.6%
Top 5 … restaurants in L.A.
In honor of one of my favorite things we do at The Times — our 101 best restaurants list — here’s my take on the five best fine dining establishments in L.A. …
5. Funke. Really, I could choose any of Evan Funke’s restaurants in this position. Mostly because the focaccia bread, so deliciously dripping with olive oil, requires recognition.
4. Bavel/Bestia. Cheating, I know, but I love both of these restaurants equally. The Peruvian scallop crudo at Bestia is one of the best appetizers I’ve ever had. Meanwhile anything involving lamb at Bavel is out of this world.
3. Republique. It’s the most breathtaking setting of any restaurant in L.A., built into an old church, and the pastries and bread are unforgettable. Any trip requires ordering pan drippings on a baguette, as strange as that may sound.
2. Providence. The ultimate special occasion spot. I still think about the 12-course meal I had there 10 years ago.
1. Dunsmoor. This is a new top restaurant for me within the last year, but I was absolutely blown away by Dunsmoor. The cornbread is an all-time dish for me, and there’s just something about eating your entire meal from a hearth that does it for me. It was so good that I had to mention it in a previous newsletter, and here I am, writing about it again.
It’s not often these days that a show delivers a story so unexpected that I have no idea where it’s headed. But “Pluribus” is one of those shows. Maybe I shouldn’t be surprised given that Vince Gilligan, the writer and showrunner, is a master of storytelling.
The story follows Carol, played by Rhea Seehorn, whose world is turned upside down suddenly by a humanity-altering event that mysteriously does not affect her. Seehorn is terrific as always, and the story has been genuinely gripping so far.
Until next time …
That concludes today’s newsletter. If you have any feedback, ideas for improvement or things you’d like to see, email me at ryan.kartje@latimes.com, and follow me on X at @Ryan_Kartje. To get this newsletter in your inbox, click here.
Dec. 17 (UPI) — There are no legal or national security justifications for the Trump administration’s attacks on ships in the eastern Pacific and Caribbean Sea, Sen. Chris Murphy said following a bipartisan classified briefing on the strikes.
At least 95 people have been killed in 25 military strikes on ships the Trump administration accuses of being used by drug cartels and gangs designated as terrorist organizations since Sept. 2.
The strikes have drawn mounting domestic and international condemnation and questions over their legality by both Democratic and Republican lawmakers.
The administration defends the strikes as legal under both U.S. and international law, arguing the United States is at war with the drug cartels who are flooding the country with deadly substances.
State Secretary Marco Rubio and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth held a classified briefing on the strikes with members of Congress on Tuesday, with many Democrats, including Murphy, D-Conn., calling foul.
“While I obviously can’t tell you any classified information I learned, I can tell you this: that the administration had no legal justification for these strikes, and no national justification for these strikes,” Murphy said in a video posted to his X account.
On the national security front, the administration admitted to the lawmakers that there is no fentanyl coming to the United States from Venezuela and the cocaine that is coming from Venezuela is mostly going to Europe, he said.
“And so we are spending billions of your taxpayer dollars to wage a war in the Caribbean to stop cocaine from going from Venezuela to Europe,” he said. “That is a massive waste of national security resources and of your taxpayer dollars.”
On the legal front, the administration is justifying the strikes by stating they are targeting gangs and cartels that the Trump administration has designated as terrorist organizations.
Since February, President Donald Trump has designated 10 cartels and gangs as terrorist organizations, with Clan de Golfo blacklisted on Tuesday.
Murphy said that while the president has the power to designate groups as terrorist organizations, it does not give him the ability to carry out military strikes targeting them.
“A designated ‘terrorist organization’ allows the president to impose sanctions on those organizations and individuals,” he said. “Only Congress, only the American public, can authorize war. And there’s just no question that these are acts of war.”
Dec. 16 (UPI) — President Donald Trump on Tuesday ordered “a total and complete blockade” of all sanctioned oil tankers going to or from Venezuela, raising already high tensions between Washington and Caracas by going after the South American nation’s main revenue source.
Trump has sought to oust Venezuela’s authoritarian president Nicolas Maduro since his first term and has ratcheted up the pressure on the socialist leader since returning to the White House in January.
He has accused Maduro of sending an invasion of criminals to the United States and of being the leader of a narcotics trafficking organization, allegations that U.S. intelligence agencies have not publicly supported.
An armada of U.S. naval vessels has been deployed to waters near Venezuela, and the U.S. military has been attacking civilian ships in the region the Trump administration alleges are trafficking drugs to the United States, drawing domestic and international condemnation.
“Today, I am ordering A TOTAL AND COMPLETE BLOCKADE OF ALL SANCTIONED OIL TANKERS going into, and out of, Venezuela,” Trump announced in a statement on his Truth Social media platform.
“America will not allow Criminals, Terrorists or other Countries, to rob, threaten or harm our Nation, and, likewise, will not allow a Hostile Regime to take our Oil, Land or any other Assets, all of which must be returned to the United States IMMEDIATELY.”
It was not immediately clear what U.S. land or assets Trump was referring to, though he has repeatedly stated that the United States has been wrongly denied access to Venezuela’s oil reserves.
“Venezuela is completely surrounded by the largest Armada ever assembled in the History of South America. It will only get bigger, and the shock to them will be like nothing they have ever seen before — Until such time as they return to the United States of America all of the Oil, Land and other Assets that they previously stole from us,” Trump said.
Trump accused Maduro in the statement of using oil revenues to finance drug terrorism, human trafficking and murder.
Venezuela rejected Trump’s demands and called on the residents of the United States and the rest of the world to do likewise, saying the South American nation will “never again be a colony of any empire or foreign power.”
“The President of the United States intends to impose, in an absolutely irrational manner, a so-called blockade on Venezuela with the aim of stealing the wealth that belongs to our Homeland,” Venezuela’s foreign ministry said in a statement.
Dec. 16 (UPI) — President Donald Trump has awarded 13 soldiers and Marines the newly established Mexican Border Defense Medal for their contributions to safeguarding the U.S. southern border.
The service members are the first to receive the commendation, created Aug. 13 in a memo signed by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth to honor those deployed to the U.S.-Mexico border.
The commander-in-chief awarded the medals to the service members at the White House.
“On day one of my administration, I signed an executive order making it [the] core mission of the United States military to protect and defend the homeland. And today, we’re here to honor our military men and women for their central role in the protection of our border,” Trump said during the ceremony.
Since returning to the White House in January, Trump has overseen crackdowns on immigration and crime that have included the deployment of troops to the U.S.-Mexico border.
More than 10,000 U.S. military service members attached to Joint Task Force Southern Border have been deployed to the U.S.-Mexico border in support of the Department of Homeland Security, with the missions to secure the border, disrupt transnational criminal organizations and respond to national security threats.
Trump said Monday that more than 25,000 service members have served in this “incredible and historic operation,” which has overseen 13,000 patrols along the border.
“They’ve spent night and day enduring scorching hot and bitter cold, and they’ve given up their holidays and their weekends, working with the offices of Customs and Border Protection,” Trump said.
“And today, we give these great warriors the recognition that they have earned — and they have really earned it.”
The medal, according to the Department of Defense, is identical to the Mexican Border Service Medal awarded for service in 1916 and 1917 in the Mexican state of Chihuahua as well as the U.S.-Mexico border regions in New Mexico and Texas.
It is bronze with a sheathed Roman sword hanging on a tablet on the front, which bears an inscription that reads: “For Service on the Mexican Border.”
Those eligible for the award must have been permanently assigned to a designated Department of Defense military operation supporting CBP within the area of eligibility for at least 30 consecutive or non-consecutive days from Jan. 20 of this year.
“We’re proud of this mission,” Hegseth said during the White House event. “We’re proud to defend the American people and pinning these medals on is an example of how important it is to us.”
The Trump administration states that its crackdown has resulted in more than 2.5 million undocumented migrants removed from the United States and the lowest level of illegal border crossings since 1970.
Four years after the family of deceased Angels pitcher Tyler Skaggs filed a wrongful death suit against the Angels, and two months into often contentious testimony in an Orange County Superior Court courtroom, jurors are set to begin deliberations on whether Skaggs’ widow and parents deserve hundreds of millions of dollars.
During closing statements Monday, plaintiffs lawyer Daniel Dutko argued that the Angels were negligent in failing to supervise Eric Kay, the drug-addicted team communications director who gave Skaggs the fentanyl that killed him in 2019.
However, Angels lawyer Todd Theodora insisted that Skaggs was a selfish, secretive opioid addict who for years manipulated Kay into obtaining drugs for him. Theodora told the jury that the Angels didn’t owe the Skaggs family any award.
“He died when he was doing things we teach our children and grandchildren not to do — do not chop up and snort pills from the street,” Theodora said.
But it’s not just Skaggs’ family and the Angels who have a lot riding on the jury’s decision. Among those powerful stakeholders who have been watching the proceedings closely are the agencies that insure the Angels.
According to people with knowledge of the Angels’ defense, the team is insured by several companies that each provide coverage with various limits, and it’s possible that those insurers could facilitate a case settlement even before the jury reaches its verdict.
“Insurance companies are in the business of mitigating risk; they don’t like uncertainty,” said Brian Panish, a Los Angeles personal injury lawyer who was not involved in the case but has won several landmark jury verdicts. “They calculate risk and proceed from there. In this case we are talking about multiple insurance companies, a tower of insurance.”
Even though the insurance companies represent the Angels, they ultimately could reduce risk for the Skaggs family and their lawyers through an 11th-hour settlement.
Legal experts say that in cases where enormous sums of money are at stake, the two sides can reach what is called a high-low agreement, with the insurance companies promising to pay plaintiffs an agreed-upon sum even if the jury awards nothing. In exchange the plaintiffs accept an agreed-upon cap to their award — even if the jury thought they deserved more.
A nightmare outcome for the Skaggs family would be the jury awarding them nothing, meaning that in addition to widow Carli Skaggs and parents Debbie Hetman and Darrell Skaggs leaving empty-handed, their high-powered legal team that has spent thousands of hours on the case wouldn’t be paid. Their contingency fee — typically 35% to 40% of an award — would be zero.
A high-low agreement with the Angels would ensure that Skaggs’ lawyers are paid and the family gets some money even if the jury denies them anything.
Both sides are scrambling to assess risk before the jury returns a verdict. Another source of information for the Angels has been a “shadow jury,” a half-dozen or so people hired by the insurance companies to sit in on the trial and provide feedback to the Angels lawyers on their reactions to the testimony.
Next could come negotiations with little time to spare.
“Who is going to blink first?” Panish said. “The posturing and maneuvering is over. The hay is in the barn. The bricks have been laid. I’d be very surprised if they aren’t talking already.”
A person with knowledge of backroom negotiations between the two sides said one insurance company with a relatively low limit on its coverage of the Angels — near the bottom of the tower — has blocked progress toward a settlement. The insurance companies eventually made a “lowball offer” more than a month ago that was rejected by the Skaggs family.
“If a settlement proposal is within the insurance policy limits, there will be pressure on the defense to settle,” Panish said. “But if it is above the limits, say coverage is for $50 million and the demand is $100 million, the insurance companies can’t force the Angels to settle because they would have to pay the excess amount.”
The facts regarding Skaggs’ death are not in dispute. An autopsy concluded the 27-year-old left-hander accidentally died of asphyxia after aspirating his own vomit while under the influence of fentanyl, oxycodone and alcohol the night of July 1, 2019, when the Angels were in Texas for a three-game series against the Rangers.
Kay provided Skaggs with the counterfeit oxycodone pill laced with fentanyl and is serving 22 years in federal prison for his role in the death.
The Skaggs family legal team, led by attorneys Rusty Hardin, Shaun Holley and Dutko, argued that several Angels employees knew about Kay’s own years-long addiction to opioids and ignored team and Major League Baseball policies by failing to report or punish Kay.
Dutko said Kay was operating within his scope of employment when he gave Skaggs and several other players opioid pills — a stance vigorously opposed by Theodora. Dutko referred to testimony that Kay did anything he could to please players — obtaining Viagra prescriptions and marijuana vape pens for them, booking tee times and massages, and humoring them by taking a fastball off his knee and eating pimples off the back of star outfielder Mike Trout.
“From Viagra to vape pens to opioids. Eric Kay’s job responsibility was to get the players anything they wanted,” Dutko said.
Theodora continually portrayed Skaggs as a conniving drug addict who callously pressured Kay to obtain pills for him and doled out pills to teammates, even pressuring Kay to deliver opioids shortly after the longtime employee and admitted drug addict came out of rehab.
On Monday, Theodora reviewed testimony from five of Skaggs’ teammates dating back to 2011 and argued that not only had Skaggs’ drug use escalated over a nine-year period, but that Skaggs had introduced Kay to them and personally obtained pills for the players.
“It’s called the chain of distribution,” Theodora said.
The Skaggs family is seeking not only lost earnings and emotional distress damages but also punitive damages. California law doesn’t allow punitive damages in a wrongful death case, but precedent going back to the O.J. Simpson case makes an exception if the person suffered property damage before death. Skaggs lawyers believe Kay was responsible for fentanyl contaminating the pitcher’s iPad, which was confiscated and never returned to the family.
“The jury first must find the defendant liable for economic and emotional distress damages, and then a second deliberation will determine if punitive damages are appropriate,” said Edson K. McClellan, an Irvine lawyer who specializes in high-stakes civil and employment litigation. “The purpose of punitive damages is to send a message to the defendant: Don’t do this again.”
McClellan said a purpose of closing statements is to “sway hearts,” to persuade jurors who might not have made up their minds. Both sides gave impassioned arguments that the case they presented over two months validated a verdict in their favor.
Dec. 15 (UPI) — Trinidad and Tobago announced Monday that it will open up its airport to U.S. military flights as tensions escalate between the United States and Venezuela.
The country’s foreign ministry announced it has “granted approvals” to military jets to use its airports, adding that the United States said the flights would be “logistical in nature, facilitating supply replenishment and routing personnel rotations.”
“The Ministry of Foreign and CARICOM Affairs maintains close engagement with the United States Embassy in Trinidad and Tobago,” an announcement from Trinidad and Tobago said.
“The honorable prime minister, Kamla Persad-Bissessar, has affirmed the government’s commitment to cooperation and collaboration in the pursuit of safety and security for Trinidad and Tobago and the wider region. We welcome the continued support of the United States.”
At its closest point, Trinidad is just 7 miles from Venezuela.
The country allowed the USS Graverly to dock Oct. 26 and conducted joint military drills with the U.S. 22 Marine Expeditionary Unit in October and November.
The U.S. military also installed a high-tech radar unit, AN/TPS-80 G/ATOR at the ANR Robinson International Airport in Crown Point, on Tobago, ostensibly to combat drug trafficking.
Persad-Bissessar initially denied reports of Marines being in Trinidad and Tobago. She retracted those statements last month, saying there were Marines working on the radar, runway and road.
Some on the island have expressed concern that it could be used as a launchpad for fighting with Venezuela, but Persad-Bissessar has denied that. She has voiced support of the U.S. attacks on boats in the Caribbean.
The United States has placed a large number of ships in the Caribbean, including warships, fighter jets, Marines and the USS Gerald R. Ford to show force against Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, a foe of President Donald Trump.
The use of hybrid warfare tactics was the most dangerous aspect of the threat posed by an “aggressive, expansionist and revisionist” Russia, MI6 chief Blaise Metreweli was set to say Monday in her first speech since taking over at Britain’s spy agency in October. File photo courtesy U.K. Foreign Office/EPA-EFE
Dec. 15 (UPI) — Incoming spy chief Blaise Metreweli will use her first speech as head of MI6, Britain’s foreign intelligence service, to warn of the grave threat from Russia, particularly from its use of hybrid warfare.
The agency’s first woman head was set to warn of what she called “an acute threat posed by an aggressive, expansionist and revisionist Russia” and that its use of cyberattacks and drones meant “the frontline was everywhere.”
Metreweli, who took over from the outgoing “C,” Sir Richard Moore, on Oct. 1, will detail incidents of hacking and flying of drones near vital infrastructure by Russian proxies as examples of its use of hybrid tactics.
Russia has been waging this type of low-grade war on Ukraine‘s Western allies since Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022, according to analysts, flying drones into NATO airspace neighboring Ukraine, disrupting flights by allegedly flying drones near European airports and cutting undersea cables.
In Britain, this has included recruiting Britons to spy for it, allegedly paying individuals to carry out an arson attack on a factory in London owned by Ukrainians and pointing lasers at RAF jets tracking Russian spy ships.
Speaking at MI6 HQ in central London, Metreweli was expected to vow Britain would not let up its campaign to impede Russian President Vladimir Putin’s aggression against Ukraine, noting recent sanctions imposed on Russian organizations and individuals the government believes were involved in information warfare.
“The export of chaos is a feature not a bug in the Russian approach to international engagement; and we should be ready for this to continue until Putin is forced to change his calculus,” she is expected to say.
As expected, Metreweli, who previously served as MI6’s technology and innovation lead, made famous by the character “Q” in the James Bond movie franchise, will stress the key role technology must play going forward.
She will urge intelligence officers to become technology experts “not just in our labs, but in the field, in our tradecraft.”
“We must be as comfortable with lines of code as we are with human sources, as fluent in Python [the computer progamming language] as we are in multiple languages.”
In September, MI6 launched Silent Courier, a secure messaging platform on the dark web, enabling spies to anonymously upload information useful to British intelligence from anywhere in the world. A YouTube video tutorial accompanied the launch.
Britain was, Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper said “bolstering their efforts with cutting-edge tech so MI6 can recruit new spies for the United Kingdom — in Russia and around the world.”
The service also carried the following disclaimer from the Foreign Office.
“MI6 advises individuals accessing its portal to use trustworthy VPNs and devices not linked to themselves, to mitigate risks which exist in some countries.
“Do not use a name, phone number or other data linked to your real identity when creating this account,” it added.
PHOENIX — LeBron James missed the first free throw that would have tied it. Then, bailed out by a foul with 3.9 seconds remaining, he missed the second. A long-awaited swish finally quieted a restless Phoenix crowd.
The Lakers squandered a 20-point, fourth-quarter lead and survived only after the Suns’ Devin Booker fouled James on a three-pointer with 3.9 seconds left, pulling out a 116-114 win on Sunday.
Luka Doncic led the Lakers with 29 points, James added 26 and Deandre Ayton had 20 points and 13 rebounds against his old team. Playing without Austin Reaves (calf strain), the Lakers attempted 43 free throws in a testy game that featured five technical fouls and one late ejection.
Dillon Brooks hit the go-ahead three-pointer with 12.2 seconds left to complete the Suns’ comeback, but he was ejected after he bumped chests with James and got his second technical foul. Brooks received a technical in the first quarter and James drew a technical in the third after a perceived slight from Brooks, who slapped a loose ball toward James during a pause in the action.
Brooks had 18 points and missed most of the third quarter after picking up his fifth foul.
The Lakers finished that quarter on a 15-0 run, largely off hustle plays from Jake LaRavia. The forward who has averaged 5.1 points in the last 10 games, including two scoreless outings, played more than eight minutes in the first half and had nothing to show for it besides two missed shots and a foul. He made just one shot in the third quarter and watched an easy layup roll around the rim and pop out. But he made an impact on defense with two steals, a block and four rebounds in the quarter.
His defense led to the offensive highlight of the third as he stole a pass and shoveled the ball to Jaxson Hayes in transition. The 7-foot center cocked the ball behind his head on a violent, two-handed dunk over Oso Ighodaro and finished the three-point play from the free-throw line.
Hayes had 12 points and nine rebounds off the bench. After getting just five bench points from anyone not named Marcus Smart in losing their last game to the San Antonio Spurs, the Lakers (18-7) got a balanced 30-point lift from their reserves, including seven from Jarred Vanderbilt, who played his first significant minutes in a month.
Vanderbilt had been relegated to the bench since the return of James, but brought a much-needed lift Sunday as the team hoped to rediscover its defensive mentality. The forward was active on defense, had seven rebounds in 15 minutes off the bench and even hit a three-pointer.
But the Lakers fell out of their rhythm when that second unit went to the bench in the fourth quarter. With their starting five in for the final three minutes, the Lakers let a 111-97 lead evaporate as they missed shots, gave up threes and committed fouls and turnovers.
In June 1967, when the sun was rising over the Eastern Mediterranean Sea, Israeli fighter squadrons skimming through the coastlines at low altitude struck Egyptian airbases with a devastating blow. Within barely a couple of hours, most of the Egyptian air forces were destroyed. Operation Focus was not a mere initiation of the Six-Day War, but it determined the final outcome of the war. When the ground offensives advanced across the Sinai, Gaza, the West Bank, and the Golan Heights, Israel had already established its critical military superiority, namely, air supremacy. The Six-Day War remains a typical case of how a short, incisive, and highly compressed conflict could overturn the premise of regional deterrence and restructure the long-term strategic reality.
Almost 60 years later, a very different state is studying similar lessons. Based on its nuclear and missile capabilities and deepened defense cooperation with the Russians, nuclear-armed North Korea is refining tools that could enable its own version of a swift and high-impact attack. North Korea’s KN-23 and KN-24 series—quasi-ballistic missiles modeled upon the Russian Iskander-M—have irregular, low-altitude trajectories that are designed to complicate missile defense. Through their recent use by Russia against Ukraine, North Korea has gained invaluable live-fire battlefield data, accelerating improvements in precision, reliability, and mobility during flight. In addition, thanks to Russian assistance—advanced technology, training assistance, and potential space-oriented targeting support—North Korea is securing capabilities that were unattainable in the past.
The strategic risk lies not in whether Pyongyang could literally replicate Operation Focus. Instead, the genuine risk lies in Kim Jong-un drawing wrongful lessons from the Six-Day War and the Russia-Ukraine War: that surprise, speed, and concentrated firepower could overwhelm the opponent before activating an effective response. If Pyongyang is convinced that a blitzkrieg is achievable or judges that nuclear blackmail could suppress the US and Japan’s intervention for a certain timeframe, the incentives for war could increase.
Ways That North Korea Could Attempt a Six-Day War-Style Blitzkrieg
Such perception—that momentum has changed—endangers the nowadays Korean Peninsula. North Korea’s nuclear capabilities are expanding both in terms of magnitude and precision. Meanwhile, North Korea’s SRBM and MLRS systems could strike almost all major airbases and C2 nodes located within South Korea. North Korean SOF, who have long trained themselves with penetration operations via tunnels, submarines, and UAV drops, are carefully analyzing Russian tactics used in the Russia-Ukraine War, ranging from loitering munition to precision targeting of critical infrastructures. Pyongyang may imagine that by combining missile salvos, swarm drones, electronic jamming, SOF penetration, and nuclear escalation, it could paralyze South Korea’s initial response in the first few hours of the war and create a meaningful fissure in alliance coherence.
Here the Six-Day War offers a second powerful lesson. The opening phase of the war has greater importance than other phases. In 1967, Israel’s preemptive strike wiped out Arab air forces on the ground, granting unlimited air dominance to the IDF. Although North Korea could not attain air superiority, it could attempt something functionally similar—denying the US, Japan, and South Korea’s ability to conduct operations normally in the initial hours of the war. This could include simultaneous missile saturation on air defense batteries, fuel depots, hardened aircraft shelters, runways, and long-range sensors. Meanwhile, missiles with irregular trajectories might avoid radar detection and try to penetrate interception layers comprised of PAC-3, L-SAM, THAAD, and Aegis destroyers. Swarm drones could overwhelm short-range air defense or neutralize petroleum, oil, and lubricant (POL) depots and movable C2 vehicles. Cyber operations and GPS jamming would complement such a kinetic assault, creating friction and delays in the alliance response cycle.
Eventually, Pyongyang could conduct its own version of Operation Focus ‘in reverse,’ not to secure air dominance but to prevent opponents from achieving air supremacy. This is to enable North Korea to conduct SOF penetration, a limited armored push in and around the DMZ, and nuclear blackmailing to prevent reinforcement. Such an operation would be based on the similar logic—the ideal mixture of shock, speed, and confusion—that Israel showcased in Sinai and the Golan Heights.
Deterring Blitzkrieg: Lessons for the US, Japan, and South Korea
By using the Six-Day War as a reference, the US, Japan, and South Korea could figure out ways to deter North Korea’s aforementioned provocations. Israel’s victory in 1967 was not achieved solely by air supremacy but also through resilience in its mobilization system and the adaptability of its reserve forces. Once securing air dominance, the IDF swiftly mobilized its reserve forces, stabilized major frontlines, and executed critical maneuvers before Arab countries coordinated with one another. Meanwhile, North Korea might use an intensive SOF operation in the initial phase of the war to wreak havoc on South Korea—recreating the chaos that Israel’s opponents had to experience in 1967—by attacking leadership, transportation centers, and communication nodes.
The solution is clear. If South Korea could prevent internal paralysis in the first 24 to 48 hours of the war, North Korea’s ambitious surprise attack would be largely unsuccessful. Therefore, Seoul should treat protection against SOF, city defense, and civil-military resilience at a level equivalent to ‘air superiority.’ This means diffusion of C2, reinforcement of police and reserve forces, hardening communication, and ensuring that local governments could fully function even under missile strikes and SOF infiltration. Irrespective of the high intensity of an opening barrage, state function should be able to survive, maintain consistency, and prepare for countermeasures.
The political aftermath of the 1967 war is also an important lesson. Israel’s swift victory engendered long-term strategic burdens: the occupation problem, regional backlash, and disputes on legitimacy. It well demonstrates that a short and decisive war could create unpredictable, long-term spillover effects. Applying it to the Korean Peninsula, the US and its allies should have a clear picture regarding North Korea’s failed surprise attack or a regime change. Issues like securing WMD, China’s intervention, refugee flow, humanitarian stabilization, and restructuring North Korea’s political order cannot be managed in an impromptu manner.
The strategic task for Washington, Tokyo, and Seoul is to deny Pyongyang any illusion of a short war. Deterrence should be based on the confidence that North Korea cannot achieve within 6 hours what Israel achieved in 6 days. To make that happen, integration of missile defense systems, real-time intelligence sharing, enhancing the survivability of air bases, diffusion of key assets, and rapid counter-strike capabilities are necessary. Moreover, the US and its allies should establish a political foundation that could withstand a war of attrition—a type of conflict that North Korea cannot tolerate.
Dec. 14 (UPI) — Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said Sunday that his country may give up its dreams of NATO ascension, at least temporarily, for an end to the war and security guarantees from the United States and Europe, reports said.
Zelensky, who has said that NATO ascension is unlikely because of Russian opposition, held that Ukraine would still seek security guarantees similar to the bloc’s Article 5 clause for mutual protection for members under attack.
“This is already a compromise on our part,” Zelensky said.
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz will host talks Sunday between Zelensky, as well as Steve Witkoff and President Donald Trump‘s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, at the Federal Chancellery.
Zelensky added that he has not yet received a response from the Trump administration on revised peace proposals sent last week, the reports said.
Under that peace plan, The New York Times reported, Ukraine said any decision to give up Ukrainian territory would need to be put to a vote and it removed a measure put in place by American negotiators preventing it from ever joining NATO, indicating that Zelensky holds on to hope Ukraine could join the defense alliance in the future.
Yuri Ushakov, the foreign policy adviser to President Vladimir Putin, said on state television Sunday that Russia would have “sharp objections” if the United States adopted any Ukrainian or European suggestions for the plan.
Both Ukraine and Russia have seemingly rejected a proposal from the Trump administration that would create a sort-of demilitarized zone in parts of eastern Ukraine that it still holds, requiring only Ukrainian troops to withdraw from the buffer area.
Zelensky said Sunday he did not consider it fair that Russian troops were not also asked to withdraw deeper into the occupied territories.
“We stand where we stand,” he said. “That is precisely a ceasefire.”
