County

A mental health diversion granted to a former Kern County politician is coming under fire from numerous California lawmakers and child welfare advocates, who say a repeatedly amended state law is allowing an accused child abuser to avoid prosecution and possible jail time.

Zack Scrivner, a former Kern County supervisor, was charged with felony child abuse in February after he was accused of inappropriately touching one of his children in 2024. But because of a Dec. 19 ruling by a judge, he will avoid a trial and instead be funneled into a mental health diversion program — an initiative aimed at helping defendants with mental health disorders get treatment instead of imprisonment for certain crimes.

While supporters say mental health diversions help certain defendants get needed mental health treatment, lawmakers in both parties have blasted the Scrivner decision and the legislative changes that led to it. Assemblymember Dr. Jasmeet Bains (D-Delano) issued a scathing statement, describing the ruling as an “Epstein loophole,” a reference to convicted child sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

“I specialize in family and addiction medicine, so I know the value of mental health diversion … It was designed to help people get treatment and rehabilitation in appropriate cases, not to provide an escape hatch to sexually assault children,” she said. “This Epstein loophole needs to be closed.”

At the end of their 2018 legislative session, California lawmakers approved a number of legal reforms, many aimed at keeping homeless people out of jail. One of these altered what defendants could qualify for mental health diversions. The change specifically excluded people accused of crimes such as murder, rape and child sex crime but did not exclude those accused of child abuse. Then, in 2022, another amendment to the law directed courts to allow a diversion if a diagnosed mental health disorder played a significant role in the alleged crime unless there is “clear and convincing” evidence it wasn’t a motivating factor.

Since then, controversies have arisen over several judicial decisions. In 2024, a judge granted a mental health diversion to a Pasadena doctor accused of trying to kill his family by driving the family Tesla off a cliff with his wife and two children inside. In Sacramento County, Sheriff Jim Cooper and other officials have criticized a mental health diversion granted to a father arrested in connection with the death of 1-year-old “Baby A,” who had suffered from severe injuries while in her father’s custody.

Emergency personnel respond to a vehicle over the side of Highway 1 on Jan. 1, 2023, in San Mateo County. A Pasadena doctor, Dharmesh Patel, was charged that year with three counts of attempted murder in crashing the car over a cliff, injuring his two young children and his wife. A judge granted him a mental health diversion in 2024, allowing him to live with his parents while receiving treatment.

(Sgt. Brian Moore / Associated Press)

“People are becoming very skeptical of mental health treatment because it’s being used in ways nobody ever intended,” said Matthew Greco, deputy district attorney of San Diego County and author of the California Criminal Mental Health Handbook. The 2022 law change limited the discretion of judges — one reason the California District Attorneys Assn. opposed it, he said. Greco has since heard from judges across the state that they feel their hands are tied. In San Diego County, the number of mental health diversions granted has steadily risen since 2019.

The 2018 law establishing the program had good intentions, he said, but lacked proper legislative vetting.

“We know the central premise behind mental health diversion is that if we obtain mental health treatment for those that are mentally ill that are committing crimes, the public will be safer,” he said. “But we need to have both public safety and treatment.”

In Kern County, Scrivner has numerous political connections in the Republican Party and beyond. He served for 13 years as a county supervisor before resigning in August 2024. He also served on the Bakersfield City Council and had spent four years working for former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy.

Kern County Dist. Atty. Cynthia Zimmer is also the aunt of Scrivner, and before recusing herself from the case, she played a key role in alerting law enforcement to his actions.

At a news conference in April 2024, Kern County Sheriff Donny Youngblood said he received a call from Zimmer that Scrivner was armed and experiencing “some type of psychotic episode” at his Tehachapi home. Deputies responded and found that Scrivner had fought with his children, with one of them stabbing him in his torso amid allegations that he had sexually assaulted another of his children, Youngblood said. While Scrivner’s four minor children were at the house at the time, his wife, who had previously filed for divorce, was not.

According to Youngblood, detectives obtained a search warrant and ended up seizing 30 firearms, psychedelic mushrooms, electronic devices and possible evidence of sexual assault in the house.

Things got complicated at that point, given that Kern County’s district attorney was obligated to recuse herself and Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta’s office took over the case.

In February 2025, Bonta’s office charged Scrivner with two felony counts of possessing assault weapons and three felony counts of child abuse. The charges, however, did not include sexual assault, even though the state’s complaint said Scrivner had “consumed mind and/or mood altering drugs and substances, got into bed” with a child and inappropriately touched the child.

On Dec. 19, a Kern County Superior Court judge approved a motion filed by Scrivner’s attorney, H.A. Sala, to allow the former county supervisor to enter a mental health diversion program. Sala, who has not returned multiple requests for comment, presented the court with a medical diagnosis conducted by doctors that Scrivner had been suffering from mental health disorders, including alcohol-use disorder, depression and anxiety, according to a report in the Bakersfield Californian. Sala argued that a treatment program would be the best option for Scrivner, in keeping with the intent of the Legislature.

ln her ruling, Superior Court Judge Stephanie R. Childers sided with Sala, noting the state had “offered no alternative” to the medical diagnosis of Scrivner that had been submitted to the court, according to the Bakersfield Californian.

In response, the state attorney general’s office released a statement saying that it opposed the judge’s decision and “we are reviewing our options.” It added that the office filed charges that it believes the state “can prove beyond a reasonable doubt at trial.” So far, the Kern County Superior Court has declined to release Scrivner’s attorney’s motion, stating it is confidential.

During Scrivner’s Dec. 19 court appearance, according to the Californian, Deputy Atty. Gen. Joe Penney stated that Scrivner “got into bed with the minor victim — while he had alcohol, Ambien, benzos (benzodiazepines) and cocaine metabolites in his system — and fondled her breast area and genital area for a period about 10 minutes while she was frozen in fear.”

State Sen. Shannon Grove (R-Bakersfield) is one of the lawmakers calling for reform of the program in light of Scrivner’s case. She questioned when the state justice system would prioritize vulnerable victims over “the monsters who harm them.”

“A program intended to promote treatment must never be allowed to erode accountability for the most serious and violent crimes against children,” she said in a statement online.

Several lawmakers have introduced bills to modify the mental health diversion law. In 2024, Assemblymember Maggy Krell (D-Sacramento) was unsuccessful in her attempt to exclude defendants from qualifying from the program if they had been charged with child abuse and endangerment, domestic violence that causes great bodily harm or human trafficking.

Krell, a former deputy attorney general, said cases that have stirred outrage seem to be appearing in just about every county, including in her district.

“We should ensure that people who are mentally ill are receiving treatment,” she said, but there has to be accountability when people break the law as well. Krell said she intends to try to submit the bill again. “We need to give courts discretion to make these determinations. We also need to make sure we’re keeping victims safe. There’s just too many examples where this has failed.”

Although some elected officials are seeking reforms to the program, Kern County organizer Flor Olvera said she thinks the focus should include whether Scrivner received preferential treatment.

“You can have a mental health diversion granted, but what is the justice system doing to hold people accountable?” she said. “When it’s people in these powerful positions, it does seem like the system moves differently for them.”

In a Dec. 20 statement, Bains said she sent a letter asking U.S. Assistant Atty. Gen. Harmeet Dhillon and U.S. Atty. Eric Grant to investigate whether Scrivner violated federal civil rights statutes by leveraging his former status as an elected official.

“This is not justice, and this is not over,” she said.

In a Dec. 24 interview with radio host Ralph Bailey, Sheriff Youngblood said that deputies arrived at Scrivner’s home that day in 2024 and confirmed that the county supervisor was unarmed. Scrivner then got on the phone and asked the sheriff to send the deputies away.

“My response was, ‘no, they’re going to do what they have to do,’” he said. A deputy said there was more to investigate, and Youngblood supported it. Zimmer, the Kern County district attorney, did not ask for a favor, Youngblood said.

Yet questions remain as to why deputies did not arrest Scrivner immediately. Speaking to local media, Youngblood said he had no one who could arraign the supervisor within a limited time frame, but Kern County prosecutors dispute that. Late Wednesday, the sheriff’s office directed inquiries to the state attorney general’s office, after declining to respond to questions over the last week.

Joseph A. Kinzel, the county’s assistant district attorney, said in an email that because Scrivner was not arrested that night, there was no request from law enforcement that charges be filed. Kinzel said that the office immediately determined it would be inappropriate to get involved with the case, and that the office “did everything it should have to ensure that a conflict-free prosecution would occur.”

In the radio interview, Youngblood said that he believed the state attorney general’s office “didn’t do their job correctly” by letting Scrivner avoid a sex crime charge.

“I can only speak for the sheriff’s office, and I can tell you that the deputies that investigated that did absolutely the right thing,” he said. “I believe that the children were all on board and would have done exactly what the court asked them to do, and that is, tell the truth. So from my standpoint, this stinks.”

Have you heard of Orange County? It’s where the good Republicans go before they die.

It should come as no surprise that Orange County, a beloved county for the grandfather of modern American conservatism, Ronald Reagan, would be the fertile landscape for far-right ideology and white supremacy. Reaganomics aside, the O.C. has long since held a special if not slightly off-putting place, of oceanfront leisure, modern luxury and all-American family entertainment — famed by hit shows (“The Real Housewives of Orange County,” “The O.C.” and “Laguna Beach,” among others). Even crime in Orange County has been sensationalized and glamorized, with themes veneered by opulence, secrecy and illusions of suburban perfection. To Eric Lichtblau, the Pulitzer Prize winner and former Los Angeles Times reporter, the real story is far-right terrorism — and its unspoken grip on the county’s story.

“One of the reasons I decided to focus on Orange County is that it’s not the norm — not what you think of as the Deep South. It’s Disneyland. It’s California,” Lichtblau says. “These are people who are trying to take back America from the shores of Orange County because it’s gotten too brown in their view.”

His newest investigative book, “American Reich,” focuses on the 2018 murder of gay Jewish teenager Blaze Bernstein as a lens to examine Orange County and how the hate-driven murder at the hands of a former classmate connects to a national web of white supremacy and terrorism.

I grew up a few miles away from Bernstein, attending a performing arts school similar to his — and Sam Woodward’s. I remember the early discovery of the murder where Woodward became a suspect, followed by the news that the case was being investigated as a hate crime. The murder followed the news cycle for years to come, but in its coverage, there was a lack of continuity in seeing how this event fit into a broader pattern and history ingrained in Orange County. There was a bar down the street from me where an Iranian American man was stabbed just for not being white. The seaside park of Marblehead, where friends and I visited for homecoming photos during sunset, was reported as a morning meet-up spot for neo-Nazis in skeleton masks training for “white unity” combat. These were just some of the myriad events Lichtblau explores as symptoms of something more unsettling than one-offs.

Samuel Lincoln Woodward, of Newport Beach, speaks with his attorney during his 2018 arraignment on murder charges in the death of Blaze Bernstein.

(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)

Lichtblau began the book in 2020, in the midst of COVID. He wanted to find a place emblematic of the national epidemic that he, like many others, was witnessing — some of the highest record of anti-Asian attacks, assaults on Black, Latino and LGBTQ+ communities, and rising extremist rhetoric and actions.

“Orange County kind of fit a lot of those boxes,” Lichtblau says. “The horrible tragedy with Blaze Bernstein being killed by one of his high school classmates — who had been radicalized — reflected a growing brazenness of the white supremacy movement we’ve seen as a whole in America in recent years.”

Bernstein’s death had been only two years prior. The Ivy League student had agreed to meet former classmate Woodward one evening during winter break. The two had never been close; Woodward had been a lone wolf during his brief time at the Orange County School of the Arts, before transferring due to the school’s liberalness. On two separate occasions over the years, Woodward had reached out to Bernstein under the pretense of grappling with his own sexuality. Bernstein had no idea he was being baited, or that his former classmate was part of a sprawling underground network of far-right extremists — connected to mass shooters, longtime Charles Manson followers, neo-Nazi camps, and online chains where members bonded over a shared fantasy of harming minorities and starting a white revolution.

“But how is this happening in 2025?”

These networks didn’t appear out of nowhere. They had long been planted in Orange County’s soil, leading back to the early 1900s when the county was home to sprawling orange groves.

Mexican laborers, who formed the backbone of the orange-grove economy (second to oil and generating wealth that even rivaled the Gold Rush), were met with violence when the unionized laborers wanted to strike for better conditions. The Orange County sheriff, also an orange grower, issued an order. “SHOOT TO KILL, SAYS SHERIFF,” the banner headline in the Santa Ana Register read. Chinese immigrants also faced violence. They had played a large role in building the county’s state of governance, but were blamed for a case of leprosy, and at the suggestion of a councilman, had their community of Chinatown torched while the white residents watched.

Gideon Bernstein and Jeanne Pepper Bernstein, center, parents of Blaze Bernstein, speak during a news conference after a 2018 sentencing for Samuel Woodward at Orange County Superior Court.

(Jeff Gritchen/Pool / Orange County Register)

Leading up to the new millennium brought an onslaught of white power rock coming out of the county’s music scene. Members with shaved heads and Nazi memorabilia would dance to rage-fueled declarations of white supremacy, clashing, if not worse, with non-white members of the community while listening to lyrics like, “When the last white moves out of O.C., the American flag will leave with me… We’ll die for a land that’s yours and mine” (from the band Youngland).

A veteran and member of one of Orange County’s white power bands, Wade Michael Page, later murdered six congregants at at a Sikh temple in Wisconsin in 2012.

“It’s come and gone,” says Lichtblau, who noticed these currents shifting in the early 2000s — and over the years, when Reagandland broke in certain parts to become purple. Even with sights of blue amid red, Trump on the landscape brought a new wave — one that Lichtblau explains was fueled by “claiming their country back” and “capturing the moment that Trump released.”

It can be hard to fathom the reality: that the Orange County of white supremacy exists alongside an Orange County shaped both economically and culturally by its immigrant communities, where since 2004, the majority of its residents are people of color. Then again, to anyone who has spent considerable time there, you’ll notice the strange cognitive dissonance among its cultural landscape.

It’s a peculiar sight to see a MAGA stand selling nativist slogans on a Spanish-named street, or Confederate flags in the back of pickup trucks pulling into the parking lots of neighborhood taquerias or Vietnamese pho shops for a meal. Or some of the families who have lived in the county for generations still employing Latino workers, yet inside their living rooms Fox News will be playing alarmist rhetoric about “Latinos,” alongside Reagan-era memorabilia proudly displayed alongside framed Bible verses. This split reality — a multicultural community and one of the far-right — oddly fills the framework of a county born from a split with its neighbor, L.A., only to develop an aggressive identity against said neighbor’s perceived liberalness.

It’s this cultural rejection that led to “the orange curtain” or the “Orange County bubble,” which suggest these racially-charged ideologies stay contained or, exhaustingly, echo within the county’s sphere. On the contrary, Lichtblau has seen how these white suburban views spill outward. Look no further than the U.S. Capitol insurrection on Jan. 6, also the book’s release date.

While popular belief might assume these insurrectionists came from deeply conservative areas, it was actually the contrary, as Lichtblau explains. “It was from places like Orange County,” he says, “where the voting patterns were seeing the most shift.” Some might argue — adamantly or reluctantly — that Jan. 6 was merely a stop-the-steal protest gone wrong, a momentary lapse or mob mentality. But Lichtblau sees something much larger. “This was white pride on display. There was a lot of neo-Nazi stuff, including a lot of Orange County people stuff.”

As a society, it’s been collectively decided to expect the profile of the lone wolf killer, the outcast, wearing an identity strung from the illusions of a white man’s oppression — the type to rail against unemployment benefits but still cash the check. Someone like Sam Woodward, cut from the vestiges of the once venerable conservative Americana family, the type of God-fearing Christians who, as “American Reich” studies in the Woodward household, teach and bond over ideological hate, and even while entrenched in a murder case, continuously reach out to the victim’s family to the point where the judge has to intervene. The existence of these suburban families is known, as is the slippery hope one will never cross paths with them in this ever-spinning round of American roulette. But neither these individuals nor their hate crimes are random, as Lichtblau discusses, and the lone wolves aren’t as alone as assumed. These underground channels have long been ingrained in the American groundscape like landmines, now reactivated by a far-right digital landscape that connects these members and multiplies their ideologies on a national level. Lichtblau’s new investigation goes beyond the paradigm of Orange County to show a deeper cultural epidemic that’s been taking shape.

Beavin Pappas is an arts and culture writer. Raised in Orange County, he now splits his time between New York and Cairo, where he is at work on his debut book.

DEVON has no short supply of beautiful beaches – whether you’re after gold sands, surfing waves or craggy caves to explore.

The two coasts – north and south – vary slightly in what they offer, though you’re sure to find something to keep everyone happy on your £9.50 Holiday in this beautiful part of the world.

North Devon is known for its dramatic scenery and surfing scene, with longer sandy beaches that are more open to the elements than on the south coast.

Here, expect a jagged coastline and windier conditions on the whole.

Meanwhile, South Devon generally has smaller, more sheltered beaches and coves to explore.

Conditions here are typically tamer, and many of its beaches are well-equipped with facilities – especially handy if you’ve got kids in tow. 

We’ve spoken to local experts and Sun readers who have holidayed in Devon to discover the best beaches, whether you’re after something family-friendly or a beach with a pub. 

Here’s what they said…  

Best for surfing 

If you’re keen to surf, North Devon with its exposure to the Atlantic is the place to go.

Croyde, Woolacombe and Saunton Sands are among the best places to surf, with great waves all year round and plenty of surf schools and options for equipment hire.

Paul Braithwaite, General Manager at Ruda Holiday Park near Croyde, said: “Croyde is one of the best beaches in the country, not just in the South West.

“It’s a huge surfer’s paradise and we have a park ranger team keeping the beach clean and tidy.”

The beach is also a fantastic option for accessible surf sessions with The Wave Project who run “Surf Therapy” sessions for youngsters. 

Meanwhile, on the south coast, Bantham has fairly reliable conditions (tip: be mindful of the rips that can take inexperienced surfers by surprise).

Gem Krupa, Holiday Home Sales Manager at Challaborough Bay recommends trying a surf lesson with a company like Discovery Surf School in Bigbury-on-Sea (beginner lessons from £42pp, surfboard hire from £15).

Best beach to escape the crowds

If you’re based in South Devon, you can escape the business of the bigger beaches like Challaborough and Bigbury if you’re prepared to walk.

Ayrmer Cove is around a 20-minute walk from the car park – and has no facilities – but when you arrive, you’re likely to have this picturesque sandy cove with rock pools to yourself.

Tip: this one’s not suitable for wheelchairs or prams.

The next beach along, Wyscombe Beach, is even more remote, around an hour’s walk from the nearest car park (at Ringmore).

Gem Krupa says: “Westcombe is one of my favourites because it has a secret beach that most people don’t realise exists.

“You walk through a cave from Wyscombe at low tide, or at high tide you can paddleboard there.

“But you have to catch it when the tide is right, so check the tides before you go so you don’t get cut off.”

In North Devon, Tessa Lomas suggests Barricane Beach.

She says: “It’s a lot smaller and more hidden than Woolacombe so feels much quieter. It’s good for swimming and there’s a little cafe there, too.”

Best beach with a pub

Just across from Bigbury-on-Sea and Bantham, Burgh Island Hotel plays host to celebs like Nicholas Cage and Paloma Faith – but you don’t have to be an A-lister to visit the island.

Next door, the 700-year-old Pilchard Inn is a former fisherman’s pub, with a cosy atmosphere and great value food.

Pop over for lunch – Kids can tuck into fish and chips (£7) or a side of fries (£4.50) while you crack on with cider battered haddock (£9.50) and a locally-brewed craft beer.

Gem Krupa, Holiday Home Sales Manager at Challaborough Bay, said: “You’re looking at a minimum of £650 a night to stay at Burgh Island Hotel.

“But if you time it right and you go there with the tide out, you don’t have to catch the sea tractor, which costs you £2 per person. You can walk over there for free and have a look.”

Best for families

On the south coast, Challaborough and Bigbury are great family-friendly options, as you can roll a pram straight onto the beach and there are facilities nearby, including cafes and toilets.

Sun reader Richard Tilley, 62, from Devizes in Wiltshire, recommends Paignton Sands for families, saying: “There’s nice soft sand for building sandcastles and the sea doesn’t go deep straight away, which is good for kids.

“You can hire pedalos and you’re also close to family-friendly pubs on the seafront, plus arcades and a pirate-themed pitch and putt (Pirates Bay Adventure Golf).” 

On the north coast, families are also well catered for. For instance, Westward Ho! Has rock pools to explore and showers to rinse sandy feet, while Croyde and Instow have car parks and slipways that are ideal for prams.

Sun reader Dawn Brannigan says Saunton Sands is a good bet for families: “Saunton Sands is brilliant for collecting driftwood – I like to collect it and make driftwood models. It also has its own restaurant and shop, plus showers and toilets.”

Best for dogs

Dog walkers staying near the North Devon coast can take their pick of coastal walks.

Braunton Burrows, a vast area of sand dunes and rural farmland, are great to explore with dogs, who are allowed off the lead.

Dawn Brannigan says: “You can park at Braunton Burrows then walk through the dunes and countryside until you reach the coast at the far end of Saunton Sands. It’s a lovely walk.” 

On the south coast, Bigbury-on-Sea is dog-friendly all year round, but while most people head west towards Bantham, Gem Krupa suggests heading in the other direction.

She said: “If you turn right out of our park at Challaborough, you’ve got three beaches that are pet-friendly and all within walking distance – Ayrmer Cove, Mothecombe and Wyscombe.” 

Best for wild swimming 

Daniel Start, author of the new Wild Guide South West, recommends a dip in one of the tidal pools on the North Devon coastline.

He said: “In the Victorian era wild swimming was very popular for its health benefits, especially along the North Devon coast.

“Tunnels Beach in Ilfracombe is only accessible via a series of hand-carved Victorian tunnels.

“The different pools were once demarcated for men and women, to keep them separate.

“Swim in the crystal-clear waters of a secluded tidal pool, sheltered from the open sea by natural rock formations. When the tide is low, explore the rock pools teeming with marine life.”

ANAHEIM — State Treasurer Kathleen Brown and state Insurance Commissioner John Garamendi brought their gubernatorial campaigns to a convention of Orange County Democrats on Saturday, virtually ignoring each other and instead aiming their fire at Gov. Pete Wilson.

In a straw poll taken throughout the day, Brown beat Garamendi by 140 votes to 114. The third Democrat in the race, state Sen. Tom Hayden of Santa Monica, did not attend the meeting but received 27 votes.

The convention of about 500 Orange County Democrats served as a pep rally for the political party seeking to build momentum in a county controlled by the Republican Party, which holds an 18-point voter registration margin over Democrats.

Leading off a forum for statewide candidates, Brown said that until Wilson faced the pressure of an election year he did not fight the migration of California jobs to other states, that he cut education funding without trying to improve schools, and that he “talks tough on crime at the front door while he lets dangerous parolees out the back door.”

Californians, she said, do not feel safer and do not feel more economic security than they did before Wilson took office.

“And that’s why we need a change from the Rip Van Wilson who’s been sleeping and slumbering for the last three years in the governor’s office,” Brown told the delegates.

Garamendi, who has attracted attention in local communities throughout the state by “working” side-by-side with everyday workers such as jailers, teachers and factory workers, said Wilson “does not have a clue; does not have the foggiest understanding of what’s taking place” on issues such as worker safety and California’s choked transportation system.

Garamendi grew more passionate as he spoke about health care. His own plan for California, never approved, served as a starting point for development of President Clinton’s health care plan that has run into a firestorm of criticism.

“When I hear after 25 years of my crusade to establish a national health plan, when I hear the Republicans say to me that there’s no health crisis, oh boy, I’m telling you, we are in for a fight,” Garamendi said. “We will have a national health plan that provides health care to every single American, and it will be done.”

Earlier in the day, state Democratic Party Chairman Bill Press urged Orange County Democrats to help “get rid of that cruel and that cold and that callous, incompetent and poor excuse for a governor named Pete Wilson.”

Convention organizers said the convention should serve as a reminder to Democratic statewide candidates that Orange County should not be ignored–that Democrats here can cut into the huge margins that statewide Republican candidates often rely on to carry them over the top.

WITH its wide open beaches, vibrant seaside towns and cathedral-studded cities, Lincolnshire makes for a perfect UK getaway.

Add to that brilliant food and drink options, incredible natural wonders and family-friendly attractions, and it’s no wonder the East Midlands county is one of the top destinations for 9.50 holidaymakers.

In fact, there are so many great places to explore near your £9.50 Holiday park that the hardest question will be: where to visit first?

The coast is unmissable. Long, sandy beaches ripple for more than 50 miles along the eastern shore of England from the Humber to the Wash.

Seaside towns like Mablethorpe, Skegness, Cleethorpes and Ingoldmells are consistently highly rated and hark back to traditional bucket-and-spade holidays.

Expect quintessentially British promenades, piers and arcades as well as super-clean beaches that have earned Blue Flag Award status.

Here you can find everything from the thrilling rides of Fantasy Island to family-friendly land trains and more.

But you’ll also find secret beaches if you prefer – head somewhere like Anderby Creek for beach fun without the crowds.

If it’s nature you’re after, you’ll be spoilt for choice in Lincolnshire.

Again, the coast is a good place to start, with its landscape of sand dunes, open marshland and protected nature reserves like the Lincolnshire Coastal Country Park and Gibraltar Point.

You can also spot seals at Donna Nook, one of the UK’s largest grey seal colonies, and learn more about them and other marine life at Mablethorpe Seal Sanctuary and Wildlife Centre.

If you prefer your wildlife-watching somewhere cosy with a cuppa, the North Sea Observatory is free to enter and makes for a brilliant wet weather option, too. 

Keen to dabble in history? Then Lincoln Castle, around an hour’s drive from the coast, should be top of your list.

It contains one of only four surviving original copies of the Magna Carta, as well as having medieval walls, dungeons and towers to explore.

While in the city, you can soak up more history at the Cathedral or swing by Louth with its historic market. 

It may be the birthplace of the Lincolnshire sausage, but there’s far more to this county on a culinary level.

Of course, you’ll find a decent carvery like The Beck in Mablethorpe and budget-friendly cafes like Cosy Corner Cafe in Skegness.

But there are also cafes with quirky touches you won’t find elsewhere, like the 1940s-style Blitz Tea Room.

Top chippies are hard to whittle down in this part of the world, but good places to start include Salts Fish & Chip Shop in Skegness and The Marina Fish & Chips in Chapel St Leonards.

Meanwhile, Hardys Fish & Chips and Meggies, both in Cleethorpes, are also highly rated chip shops – with prices that won’t break the bank.

A top tip for a pint on the beach is to make for somewhere like the Admiral Benbow, which has a bar in a boat on the sand at Chapel St Leonards. 

For families seeking a day out, there’s everything from seal sanctuaries and wildlife parks to explore.

Hubbard’s Hills is a good budget option, costing just £1 to park before you access picnic areas, dog walking trails and a cafe with a play area.

Meanwhile, Rand Farm Park not only offers indoor and outdoor play areas and a variety of animals to meet and help feed, it also offers childcare should you need some time to yourself on your holiday (book ahead).

Walking out of a Skid Row market, Harold Cook, 42, decides to play a game.

How long after opening YouTube will it take for him to see an ad asking him to join the latest wave of sex abuse litigation against Los Angeles County?

“I can literally turn my phone on right now, something’s going to pop up,” said Cook, opening the app.

Within a few seconds, a message blares: “They thought you’d never speak up. They figured you was too young, too scared, too Black, too brown, too alone. … L.A. County already had to cough up $4 billion to settle these cases. So why not you?”

Since the historic April payout to resolve thousands of claims of sex abuse in county-run facilities, law firms have saturated L.A.’s airwaves and social media with campaigns seeking new clients. For months, government officials have quietly questioned who is financing the wall-to-wall marketing blitz.

The ad Cook heard was from Sheldon Law Group, one of several law firms active in sex abuse litigation in California that receive backing from private investors, according to loan notices and SEC filings. The investors, which often operate through Delaware companies, expect to profit from the payouts to resolve the cases.

Sheldon, based in Washington, D.C., has been one of the most prolific L.A. advertisers. The firm has already gathered roughly 2,500 potential clients, according to a list submitted to the county. The lawsuits started being filed this summer, raising the prospect of another costly settlement squeezed out of a government on the brink of a fiscal crisis.

“We act in the best interests of our clients, who are victims in every sense of the word and have suffered real and quite dreadful injuries,” a spokesperson for Sheldon Law Group said in a statement. “Without financial and legal support, these victims would be unable to hold the responsible parties, powerful corporate or governmental defendants, accountable.”

The financing deals have raised alarms among lawmakers, who say they want to know what portion of the billions poised to be diverted from government services to victims of horrific sex abuse will go to opaque private investors.

Kathryn Barger, a member of the L.A. County Board of Supervisors, said she was contacted by a litigation investor who sought to gauge whether sex abuse litigation could be a smart venture. “This is so predatory,” Barger told The Times.

(Juliana Yamada/Los Angeles Times)

“I’m getting calls from the East Coast asking me if people should invest in bankrupting L.A. County,” Supervisor Kathryn Barger said. “I understand people want to make money, but I feel like this is so predatory.”

Barger said an old college friend who invests in lawsuits reached out this spring attempting to gauge whether L.A. County sex abuse litigation could be a smart venture. Barger said the caller referred to the lawsuits as an “evergreen” investment.

“That means it keeps on giving,” she said. “There’s no end to it.”

The county has spent nearly $5 billion this year on sex abuse litigation, with the bulk of that total coming from the $4-billion deal this spring — the largest sex abuse settlement in U.S. history.

The April settlement is under investigation by the L.A. County district attorney office following Times reporting that found plaintiffs who said they were paid by recruiters to join the litigation, including some who said they filed fraudulent claims. All were represented by Downtown LA Law Group, which handled roughly 2,700 plaintiffs.

Downtown LA Law Group has denied all wrongdoing and said it “only wants justice for real victims.” The firm took out a bank loan in summer 2024, according to a financing statement, but a spokesperson said they had no investor financing.

Lawyers who take the private financing say it’s a win-win. Investors make money on high-interest rate loans while smaller law firms have the capital they need to take on deep-pocketed corporations and governments. If people were victimized by predators on the county’s payroll, they deserve to have a law firm that can afford to work for free until the case settles. Money for investors, they emphasize, comes out of their cut — not the clients’.

But critics say the flow of outside money incentivizes law firms to amass as many plaintiffs as possible for the wrong reasons — not to spread access to justice, but rather ensure hefty profit for themselves and their financial backers.

“The amount of money being generated by private equity in these situations — that’s absurd,” said former state lawmaker Lorena Gonzalez, who wrote the 2019 bill that opened the floodgate for older sex abuse claims to be filed. “Nobody should be getting wealthy off taxpayer dollars.”

For residents of L.A.’s poorest neighborhood, ads touting life-changing payouts have started to feel inescapable.

Waiting in line at a Skid Row food shelter, William Alexander, 27, said his YouTube streaming is punctuated by commercials featuring a robotic man he suspects is AI calling on him to sue the county over sex abuse.

Across the street, Shane Honey, 56, said nearly every commercial break on the news seems to feature someone asking if he was neglected at a juvenile hall.

In many of the ads, the same name pops up: Sheldon Law Group.

Austin Trapp, a case worker in Skid Row, was among several people in the neighborhood who said ads seeking people to join sex abuse litigation against L.A. County have become increasingly common.

(Gina Ferazzi/Los Angeles Times)

Sheldon’s website lists no attorneys, but claims the firm is the “architect” behind “some of the largest litigations on Earth.” They list their headquarters online at a D.C. virtual office space, though the owners on their most recent business filing list their own addresses in New York. The firm’s name appears on websites hunting for people suffering from video game addiction, exposure to toxins from 9/11, and toe implant failure.

Sheldon Law Group was started by the founder of Legal Recovery Associates, a New York litigation funding company that uses money from investors including hedge funds to recruit large numbers of plaintiffs for “mass torts,” cases where many people are suing over the same problem, according to interviews with former advisers, court records and business filings.

Those clients are gathered for one of their affiliated law firms, including Sheldon Law Group, according to two people involved in past transactions.

Ron Lasorsa, a former Wall Street investment banker who said he advised Legal Recovery Associates on setting up the affiliate law firms, told The Times it was built to make investors “obscenely rich.”

“It’s extremely profitable for people who know what the hell they’re doing,” Lasorsa said.

The idea, he says, emerged from a pool cabana at a Las Vegas legal conference called Mass Torts Made Perfect in fall 2015.

A man visiting friends on Skid Row holds up his phone showing an ad recruiting clients for sex abuse case in Los Angeles County on December 11, 2025 in Los Angeles, California.

(Gina Ferazzi/Los Angeles Times)

Lasorsa had just amassed 14,000 clients for personal injury lawsuits in one year using methods that, he now says, were legally dubious. A favorite at the time: using call centers in India that had access to Americans’ hospital records and phoning the patients to see if they were feeling litigious.

Near the pool at a Vegas hotel, Lasorsa said Howard Berger, a former hedge fund manager barred by the SEC from working as a broker, asked if he could turbocharge the caseload of Legal Recovery Associates, where he worked as a consultant.

Lasorsa said he soon teamed up with the founders of LRA — Gary Podell, a real estate developer, and Greg Goldberg, a former investment manager — to create “shell” law firms based in Washington. The nation’s capital is one of the few places where non-lawyers can own a law firm, profiting directly from case proceeds.

Goldberg, who is not licensed to practice law in D.C., would become a partner in at least six D.C. law firms including Sheldon Law Group by 2017, according to a contract between Legal Recovery Associates and a hedge fund that financed the firms’ cases.

Sheldon, which said it was responding on behalf of Podell, said in a statement that all their partners are lawyers, though declined to name them. Goldberg did not respond to a repeated request for comment.

The Sheldon spokesperson said Legal Recovery Associates is a separate entity that engages in its “own business and legal activities.”

Investors typically make money on litigation by providing law firms with loans, which experts say carry interest rates as high as 30%, representing the risk involved. If the case goes south, investors get nothing. If it settles, they make it all back — and then some.

Lasorsa said he helped the company gather 20,000 claims using the same Indian call centers before a bitter 2019 split. He later accused the owners of unethical behavior, which led to a half-million dollar settlement and a non-disparagement agreement that he said he decided to breach, leading to a roughly $600,000 penalty he has yet to pay, according to a court judgment.

Lasorsa was also ordered to delete any disparaging statements he’d made, according to the judgment.

D.C. law firms with non-lawyers as partners must have the “sole purpose” of providing “legal services,” according to the district’s bar. Some attorneys have argued no such service was provided by the firms associated with Legal Recovery Associates.

Troy Brenes, an Orange County attorney who co-counseled with one of the firms over flawed medical devices, accused the company of operating a “sham law firm” as part of a 2022 court battle over fees.

“The sole purpose … appears to have been to allow non-lawyers to market for product liability cases and then refer those cases to legitimate law firms in exchange for a portion of the attorney fees without making any effort to comply with the D.C. ethics rules,” Brenes wrote.

A spokesperson for Sheldon and LRA noted in a statement that “no court or arbitration panel has ever concluded” that its business structure violates the law.

In the medical device cases, the affiliate firm, which was responsible for funding the marketing campaign, took 55% of recoverable attorney fees, according to an agreement between the two firms. The profit divide mirrors the 55/45 breakdown between Sheldon Law Group and James Harris Law, a two-person Seattle firm they have partnered with on the L.A. County sex abuse cases, according to a retainer agreement reviewed by The Times.

A person on Skid Row in downtown L.A. shows an ad on their phone seeking plaintiffs to joint a lawsuit over sexual abuse in juvenile halls.

(Gina Ferazzi/Los Angeles Times)

This summer, ads linking to a webpage with the name of James Harris appeared online, telling potential clients they could qualify in 30 seconds for up to $1 million. When a Times reporter entered a cell-phone number on one of the ads, a representative who said they worked for the firm’s intake department called dozens of times.

After The Times described these marketing efforts in a story, Harris emphasized in an email that he did not know about the ads or the persistent calls and said they were done by his “referring firm.” The landing page the ads led to was replaced with the name of Sheldon Law Group.

Harris said his firm and Sheldon, which he described as “functioning as a genuine and independent co counsel law firm,” have “been highly selective and have only prosecuted cases that we believe are legally and factually meritorious.”

“I continue to believe that lawyer advertising, when conducted ethically and without misleading claims, serves as a vital tool for raising public awareness about legal rights and available recourse, particularly for survivors of abuse seeking justice,” he said.

Over the last five years, experts say, the practice of funding big mass tort cases has boomed in the U.S.

Of the five main firms in L.A. County’s initial $4-billion sex abuse settlement, two took money from outside investors shortly before they began suing the county, according to public loan filings.

The loans to both Herman Law, a Florida-based firm that specializes in sex abuse cases, and Slater Slater Schuman, a New York-based personal injury firm, came from Delaware-registered companies. Deer Finance, a New York City litigation funding firm that connects investors with lawyers, is listed on business records for both companies.

The loan documents do not specify which of the firms’ cases were funded, but show each deal was finalized within months of the firms starting to sue L.A. County for sex abuse. Neither firm responded to questions about how the outside funding was used.

Slater, which received the loan in spring 2022, represents more L.A. County plaintiffs than any other firm, by far.

Slater’s caseload surged after the county signaled its plan to settle for $4 billion in October 2024. Several of the main attorneys on the case told The Times they stopped advertising at that point, reasoning that any new plaintiffs would now mean less money for the existing ones.

The next month, Slater Slater Schulman ran more than 700 radio ads in Los Angeles seeking juvenile detention abuse claims, according to X Ante, a company that tracks mass tort advertisements.

By this summer, the number of claims jumped from roughly 2,100 to 3,700, according to court records, catapulting Slater far beyond the caseload of any other firm.

This fall, another Delaware-registered company took out a lien on all of Slater’s attorney fees from the county cases, according to an Oct. 6 loan record. The law firm assisting with the transaction declined to comment.

“These are extraordinarily complex cases and litigating these cases effectively requires resources,” said an outside attorney representing Slater in a statement, responding to questions from The Times.

The firm, which also represents roughly 14,000 victims in the Boy Scouts sex abuse cases, was singled out by the judge overseeing the litigation this fall for “procedural and factual problems” among its plaintiffs. The firm was one of several called out by insurers in the litigation for using hedge fund money to “run up the claim number.”

The firm has said they’re working “tirelessly” to address the issues and justice for survivors is its top priority.

April Mannani, who says she was assaulted in the 1990s by an officer while she was housed at MacLaren Children’s Center, said she feels lawyers on the sex abuse cases are putting profits ahead of the best interests of clients.

(Jimena Peck/For The Times)

Many plaintiffs told The Times they were discouraged to see how much money stood to be made for others off their trauma.

April Mannani, 51, sued L.A. County after she said she was raped repeatedly as a teenager at MacLaren Children’s Center, a shelter now notorious for abuse. Mannani accepts that her lawyers are entitled to a cut for their work on the case, but said she was disheartened watching the numbers of cases suddenly skyrocket this year. With the district attorney investigating, a pall has been cast over the entire settlement.

“We’ve been made fools of and we were used for financial gain,” she said. “They all just see it as a money grab.”

That firm that represents her, Herman Law, has filed roughly 800 cases against L.A. County. Herman Law took out a loan in 2021 from a Delaware-registered company affiliated with Deer Finance, according to a loan notice. The firm said they use traditional bank loans for “overall operations.”

Herman Law is the most prolific filer of county sex abuse cases outside of L.A. County since the state changed the statute of limitations.

Herman Law has filed about half of these roughly 800 sex abuse lawsuits that have been brought outside of L.A. County, according to data reviewed by The Times.

Herman Law has sued several tiny counties, where public officials say they’ve been inundated with advertisements on social media and TV looking for plaintiffs. Some counties say they threw out relevant records long ago and have no way to tell if the alleged victim was ever in local custody.

A judge fined Herman Law about $9,500 last month for failing to dismiss Kings County from a lawsuit despite presenting no evidence the county ever had custody of the victim, calling the claim “factually frivolous” and “objectively unreasonable.” An attorney for Herman Law said in a court filing the client believed she’d been in a foster home there, and the lack of records didn’t conclusively establish anything.

“There are not records. There’s nothing that exists,” said Jason Britt, the county administrative officer for Tulare County, which has been sued at least eight times by Herman Law. “Counties at some point are not gonna be able to operate because you’re essentially going to bankrupt them.”

The firm said its clients are always its top priority.

“No lender or financial relationship has ever influenced, directed or played any role in legal strategy, client decisions or case outcomes, including any matters involving the Los Angeles County,” the firm said. “Herman Law’s work is driven solely by our mission to advocate for survivors in their pursuit of justice and healing.”

Joseph Nicchitta, L.A. County’s acting chief executive officer, said he believed the region’s social safety net was now “an investment opportunity.” In an October letter to the State Bar, he called out the “explosive growth” of claims, arguing a handful of firms were “competing to bring as many cases as possible” to the detriment of their existing clients.

He estimated that attorney fees in the lawsuit would amount to more than $1 billion. “It begs reform,” he wrote.

Beavertown Brewery’s Cosy Pub Index has named Staffordshire as the top county for cosy pubs, beating traditional favourites with its impressive collection of welcoming venues

Christmas is nearly upon us, and it’s time to wrap up in a jumper and gather by the fire with those closest to us.

For countless people, the perfect winter scene features a softly lit, toasty and inviting space with beverages and the sound of crackling flames, offering shelter from the bitter weather outside.

Little wonder, then, that online searches for “cosy pubs” have jumped by almost 50% over the past month – and with this trend in mind, Beavertown Brewery examined the nation’s finest establishments based on several criteria to identify the top destinations.

Taking into account ceiling heights, lighting, warmth and festive decoration, their Cosy Pub Index named Staffordshire as Britain’s premier choice for the season, boasting an impressive 230 cosy pubs.

Derbyshire comes second with 196 venues, followed by Cheshire with 188, Cornwall with 186 and North Yorkshire with 182, reports the Express.

Staffordshire might not immediately spring to mind as a pub culture destination, but a swift glance at the region’s highest-rated establishments on TripAdvisor reveals they’ve been steadily enhancing their reputation for some time.

The county’s highest-rated pub is Osmar’s Table at The Fox Inn in Dosthill, awarded 4.9 stars and lauded for its “warm atmosphere” and a menu that appears tailor-made for festive occasions.

Close behind is The Feathers Inn in Lichfield, commended by guests for its laid-back ambience, substantial dishes and vibrant evenings. Next on the list is The Lazy Trout in Meerbrook, an incredibly sought-after venue that’s frequently fully booked, reviewers report.

Enthusiasts say it delivers that quintessential pub atmosphere whilst boasting views of the surrounding hills.

The Masons Arms in Stoke-on-Trent is distinguished as “a gem of a pub”, whilst The Blue Mugge in Leek completes the top five as a locally favoured, charming and reasonably priced venue with “fantastic” atmosphere.

“Everyone’s got a favourite pub they love to escape to when the cold hits”, explained Sam Millard, the brand’s Head of Innovation. “Winter is when pubs become rituals. It’s hard to resist the glow coming from a window filled with condensation, and the UK pub scene is arguably one of the best places in the world to throw your coat down onto a bench and keep warm with friends.”

The full county-by-county breakdown of prime cosy pub destinations reveals that the North and Midlands command the leading spots, whilst the South East is notably ranked lower.

Scottish havens for warmth such as Glasgow and Edinburgh offered 169 and 139 wintry watering holes respectively. Down in the South West, Dorset (169) edged ahead of Devon (161), with both trailing Cornwall.

The study also identifies a “cosy pub corridor” that could prove ideal for tourists, stretching from Cheshire across Derbyshire, Staffordshire, Gloucestershire and into the Cotswolds.

After steadily gaining power and influence for more than a decade, the watchdogs that provide civilian oversight of the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department face an uncertain future.

A recent leadership exodus has left behind gaps in experience and knowledge, and a succession of legal challenges and funding cuts by the county have left some concerned that long-fought gains in transparency are slipping away.

“It is beginning to look like the idea of effective oversight of the Sheriff’s Department is a pipe dream,” said Robert Bonner, former chairman of the Civilian Oversight Commission, who announced in June that he was being pushed into “involuntarily leaving” before he completed pending work.

Current and former oversight officials have argued that the office of county counsel, the Board of Supervisors and the Sheriff’s Department have repeatedly undermined efforts to rein in law enforcement misconduct.

The cumulative effect, some advocates worry, is that the public will know less about law enforcement activity, and that there will be fewer independent investigations into deputies and department leaders alike.

“The Sheriff is committed to transparency in law enforcement,” the department said via email. “As we move forward it is essential to strengthen collaboration with the [Civilian Oversight Commission] while ensuring that the rights and safety of our personnel are protected.”

In recent years, oversight bodies have uncovered information about so-called deputy gangs, published reports on inhumane jail conditions and issued subpoenas for records related to on-duty use of force incidents.

Inspector General Max Huntsman’s sudden announcement last week that he was retiring from the position he’s held since its creation more than a decade ago completed a trifecta of departures of top law enforcement oversight officials this year.

In addition to Bonner’s departure, former Civilian Oversight Commission chairman Sean Kennedy stepped down from the body in February in response to what he described as improper county interference in the commission’s activities.

L.A. County Sheriff Robert Luna, right, talks with Sean Kennedy during an event on April 5 in Baker. Kennedy left his position on the Civilian Oversight Commission earlier this year.

(William Liang / For The Times)

Kennedy and others have said the Sheriff’s Department has refused to comply with multiple subpoenas by the commission for personnel files and records related to deputy misconduct.

“The attack on integrity and on oversight capacity is threatening all of us in Los Angeles County,” Hans Johnson, who took over as chairman of the Civilian Oversight Commission following Bonner’s departure, said at a recent public meeting. “We look forward to making sure that oversight is preserved and protected and not muzzled and not unplugged or sabotaged.”

The Executive Office of the Board of Supervisors said in a statement that it maintains a “long-standing commitment to strong oversight.”

The Sheriff’s Department said only one request it has received from oversight officials this year remains pending.

“The Department remains committed to working cooperatively to provide all requested information as required by law,” the statement said.

On the state level, reform advocates recently scored what they described as a victory for transparency.

In October, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a bill known as AB 847, which granted civilian oversight bodies across California the ability to view confidential law enforcement records in private sessions. L.A. County officials had previously balked at sharing certain sensitive files on sheriff’s deputies, and some reformers worry the new law may not go far enough.

Dara Williams, chief deputy of the Office of the Inspector General, said at a July public meeting that the Sheriff’s Department has a history of being “painfully slow” to respond to requests for records related to homicides by deputies. In one instance, she said, Huntsman’s office served the department with a subpoena in October 2024 “and we are still waiting for documents and answers.”

The Sheriff’s Department said it has hired an outside attorney who is “conducting an independent review” of its records to determine if “those materials actually exist and can be found.”

The department’s statement said it will abide by the law and that protecting confidential information “remains of the utmost importance.”

Some involved in oversight have also become the subject of probes themselves.

In June, the Office of the County Counsel said it was investigating Kennedy for alleged retaliation against a sergeant who had worked for a unit that had been accused of pursuing cases for political reasons during Sheriff Alex Villanueva’s tenure.

Kennedy has denied the allegations, telling The Times in June, “I was just doing my job as an oversight official.”

Budget cuts — some already instituted, others threatened — are also a concern.

Huntsman said earlier this year that the Executive Office of the Board of Supervisors was reassigning or eliminating a third of his staff.

Former L.A. County Inspector General Max Huntsman listens during a hearing at Loyola Law School’s Advocacy Center on Jan. 12, 2024.

(Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)

He too left amid acrimony with county officials.

“The County has made it very clear over the past couple of years that they are not going to enforce the state oversight laws,” Huntsman told The Times. “Instead the county supports the sheriff limiting the flow of information so as to restrict meaningful oversight.”

The Executive Office of the Board of Supervisors said the changes implemented this year have had a “minimal” impact that “neither limits OIG’s responsibility nor their capacity.”

The possibility of eliminating the Sybil Brand Commission, which monitors L.A. County jails, was discussed in an August report to the Board of Supervisors. County officials said it would save about $40,000 annually.

Sybil Brand commissioner Eric Miller told The Times in September that he believes “the county is attempting to limit oversight of the Sheriff’s Department … to avoid lawsuits.” The department, he said, “is a powerful constituency within the county.”

In September, California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta launched a state lawsuit over what he described as a “humanitarian crisis” inside L.A. County jails.

There are even concerns that the Sheriff’s Department is seeking greater control over local groups that facilitate conversations between deputies and members of the public — often some of the only opportunities for community concerns to be heard.

In the Antelope Valley, the Palmdale Sheriff’s Station Community Advisory Committee has been roiled by allegations that a local Sheriff’s Department captain appointed a new member without other members’ approval.

The chair of the committee, Georgia Halliman, resigned in October and committee member Sylvia Williams has alleged that the Sheriff’s Department captain tried to force her out.

“I was going to leave, but they need someone who’s real in there,” Williams told The Times. “You have to have an overseer.”

The department said it is reviewing the situation.

Melissa Camacho, a senior staff attorney with the ACLU of Southern California, said the county is at a crossroads.

“The main question right now is what is the county going to do?” she said. “Is this going to be a moment when the Board of Supervisors decides to actually invest in oversight?”

Dec. 19 (UPI) — A 12-person jury has found Milwaukee County Judge Hannah Dugan guilty of obstructing federal agents attempting an immigration arrest near her courtroom in April.

The jury deliberated for more than six hours before delivering its guilty verdict on one count of obstruction, but acquitted her on a second count of concealment.

She could face up to five years’ imprisonment and a $250,000 fine when sentenced. A sentencing date has not been set.

The ruling is a victory for President Donald Trump and his administration, who have portrayed Dugan as an example of judges interfering with their immigration enforcement policies.

Dugan was arrested by FBI agents in late April and charged with knowingly concealing a person whose arrest warrant had been issued in order to prevent their apprehension, and corruptly endeavoring to influence, obstruct and impede the administration of law enforcement.

Federal prosecutors said she misdirected federal agents on April 18 to allow undocumented migrant Eduardo Flores-Ruiz to evade arrest.

Court documents state that she confronted federal agents in the court’s hallway after escorting Flores-Ruiz and his counsel out of her courtroom.

Flores-Ruiz was arrested by immigration enforcement agents following a foot chase.

The arrest came amid the early stages of Trump’s immigration crackdown, part of which was the rescinding of a Biden administration policy prohibiting immigration enforcement action in or near courthouses.

Critics and justice advocates — including nearly 150 former state and federal judges — rebuked the arrest as an effort to intimidate the judiciary, warning it threatened judicial independence and the Constitution.

Interim U.S. Attorney Brad Schimel for the Eastern District of Wisconsin told reporters following the jury verdict that while some have sought to make the case about a larger political battle, “it’s ultimately about a single day — a single bad day in a public courthouse.”

“The defendant is certainly not evil, nor is she a martyr for some great cause. It was a criminal case, like many that make their way through this courthouse every day,” he said.

“And we all must accept the verdict.”

Steven Biskupic, Dugan’s lead attorney, told reporters the defense was “obviously disappointed” with the verdict and that it does not make sense for his client to be found guilty on one count and acquitted on the other since they are based on the same elements.

“I would just say the case is a long way from over,” he said.

Norm Eisen, executive chair of the nonpartisan Democracy Defenders Fund, issued the same sentiment in a statement emailed to UPI.

“This case is far from over. Substantial legal and constitutional issues remain unresolved, and they are exactly the kinds of questions appellate courts are meant to address,” Eisen said.

“Higher courts will have the opportunity to determine whether this prosecution crossed the lines that protect the judiciary from executive overreach.”

Republicans and members of Trump’s administraiton swiftly celebrated the ruling, with Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche remarking that “nobody is above the law” and Rep. Tom Tiffany of Wisconsin stating, “Now, lock her up.”

CORNWALL is known for its breathtakingly beautiful beaches – and for good reason.

With over 300 beaches to choose from, there’s a stretch of sand to suit everyone, from vast, wide open beaches to hidden coves accessible only at low tide.

As a rule of thumb, Cornwall’s north coast is wild and rugged, and generally best for surfing, where beaches are backed by windswept cliffs or sand dunes and exposed to the Atlantic swell.

By comparison, the south coast of Cornwall tends to be more sheltered, boasting some of the most picturesque fishing harbours, green landscapes and stunning estuaries.

You’ll also find mainland England’s most southerly and westerly points (Lizard Point and Land’s End), with their legendary shipwrecks. 

But which beach should you visit first on your £9.50 Holiday? Here’s our handy guide – with tips from Cornwall experts, local holiday park and Sun readers to help you whittle the choice down… 

SHORE IS NICE

Cornwall’s ‘Forgotten Corner’ has unspoilt beaches & few tourists in summer

ON HOLS

Cornwall on a budget with Hols from £9.50 home to world’s best beach & £5 chippies

Best for scenery 

Whichever beach you pick in Cornwall, the vistas will blow you away.

Perhaps the most stunning visually is Kynance Cove, with its white sands and mesmerising rock stacks.

Its islands and caves are only accessible at low tide (tip: check tide times before you visit) and it’s best to visit early in the day to avoid the crowds.

Carol Harris, 72, from Clacton-on-Sea, Essex, stayed at Parkdean Resorts Lizard Point on a 9.50 Holiday and she said: “Kynance Cove is less than a 15-minute drive away, and it’s just stunning – the scenery is incredible.

“It also has a National Trust car park so is free for members to park, and staff are helpful at pointing out the easier and harder routes to walk as you arrive.”

Best for surfing 

Cornwall expert and Sun travel writer Ellie Ross recommends Newquay for surfing. She said “The town is regarded as the UK’s surf capital, and you’ve got 12 beaches to choose from, so there are lots of options for all abilities.

“For instance, beginners can catch small waves in the sheltered Towan Beach (beside the harbour) while intermediate and advanced surfers can find consistent swell at Fistral Beach.

“There are loads of surf schools to choose from – I’d recommend trying Newquay Activity Centre or Fistral Beach Surf School.”

Best beaches to escape the crowds

Anne Walton, 71, from Newport, stayed at Hendra Holiday Park in Newquay.

She said: “Cornwall’s beaches are second to none – they’re one of the reasons that I prefer to go to Cornwall rather than abroad.

“The beaches around St Ives and Carbis Bay have the best sand – it’s so soft.

“Then I like the waves at Fistral Beach. But it can get busy so I prefer the neighbouring Little Fistral Beach.

“It’s much smaller and only accessible at low tide, but not as many people know about it so you can get the beach to yourself. It’s a more secret beach.” 

“Another tip is knowing where to park in Newquay. We avoid the main Fistral Beach car park, and instead park at Towan Headland Car Park, which not as many people know about and only costs around £1.50 per hour.

“From here, you can walk to Rick Stein’s fish and chip shop and everything else on Fistral Beach in five minutes.

You’re also right next to the steps that lead down to the lesser-known Little Fistral Beach.”

The Sun’s Head Of Travel (Digital), Caroline McGuire said: “I stay in St Mawes every summer and one of my favourite beach days is when we take the tiny 12-seater Place Ferry across to Place Landing, on St Anthony Head.

“From there, a lovely 25-minute walk through the countryside, along car-less lanes takes you out to Great Molunan beach and Little Molunan beach, beautiful sheltered cove with crystal clear waters that are never busy.

Best beach with a pub

For a beach with beer, Ellie Ross recommends Perranporth Beach – a vast sandy beach that’s fantastic for everything from surfing and sea swimming to dog walking (tip: dogs must be on leads in July and August).

She said: “The Watering Holebeach bar sits right on the sand and it’s the perfect place for a pint as the sun sets.

“As well as serving great food with a sea view, the pub is also a local favourite and hosts live music events all year round.”  

Best for families

Ellie recommends Watergate Bay, on the edge of Newquay, for families, saying: “There’s a ramp all the way down to the sand – perfect for prams – and at low tide it’s rockpooling heaven for children.

“Crantock, just a ten-minute drive from Newquay is also a good choice for families – it’s backed by sand dunes, with a river for shallow paddling.

“Crantock also has a coffee truck, Cargo Coffee, right on the beach selling everything from local pastries to handmade ice creams.”

(Tip: the coffee truck is weather dependent so check their Instagram page; Crantock National Trust car park gets busy in summer, so arrive early to avoid long queues!)

Best for dogs

Not all of Cornwall’s beaches allow dogs all year round – many have a summer ban, so check ahead if you’re travelling with a four-legged friend.

Watergate Bay, Fistral Beach and Crantock Beach are among the beaches with no summer restrictions, so are great choices for canine lovers.

Dec. 17 (UPI) — Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis is facing a Georgia state Senate committee over her attempts to prosecute President Donald Trump in a 2020 election interference case as well as her hiring of Nathan Wade, with whom she had a romantic relationship.

Willis has fought the subpoena requiring her to appear before the committee since the summer of 2024. Her attorney is former Georgia Gov. Roy Barnes, who said she maintains that the committee’s actions are politically motivated.

Barnes argued before the Georgia Supreme Court on Dec. 9 that the subpoena to testify issued by the committee is invalid because it was issued after the legislature adjourned.

The committee plans to ask about her decisions regarding the case against Trump and his supporters, some of whom pleaded guilty to charges. Sidney Powell, Jenna Ellis, Kenneth Chesebro and Scott Hall took plea deals after agreeing to testify. Trump later gave them all federal pardons.

Wade and Willis were removed from the case, and Willis fought to stay on the case, but lost her appeal. The case against Trump was dropped after a new prosecutor took over the case.

Charlie Smyth kicked a 47-yard field goal with six seconds left on the clock to give the New Orleans Saints a 20-17 win over division rivals the Carolina Panthers.

The former Gaelic footballer from Mayobridge in County Down was making his third career start at the Superdome and also kicked a 42-yarder as well two extra points in the win.

The Saints had trailed 17-7 in the third quarter but Smyth’s first field goal of the game brought them back within a score.

Chris Olave’s touchdown grab then gave Smyth the opportunity to tie the game with the 24-year-old duly adding the extra point to make it 17-17 with two minutes and eight seconds remaining.

The Panthers could only manage one first down on their next drive to give the Saints the ball back and the chance for a second straight win.

Rookie quarterback Tyler Shough led New Orleans into position with the Saints’ cause aided by a 15-yard unnecessary roughness penalty called on the Panthers’ Lathan Ransom.

Smyth’s kick then gave the side their fourth win of the season and second in succession after last week’s victory over the Tampa Bay Buccaneers.