Borders

The Horn of Africa needs reconciliation, not new borders | Opinions

Recent arguments advocating for the international recognition of an integral part of Somalia called Somaliland rest on a series of assumptions that deserve closer scrutiny. While proponents portray Somaliland as a unified, stable, and strategically indispensable state deserving immediate recognition, the realities on the ground tell a far more complicated story.

The first and most fundamental misconception is that the former British Somaliland Protectorate exists today as a coherent political entity. It does not.

The territory that briefly gained independence in June 1960 ceased to exist when it voluntarily united with the Trust Territory of Somalia to form the Somali Republic. More importantly, the geographic and political boundaries claimed by today’s Somaliland administration are neither uncontested nor uniformly accepted by the populations living within them.

Over the past two years, the eastern regions of Sool, Sanaag, and parts of Cayn (SSC) have demonstrated precisely this reality. Following prolonged conflict and popular mobilisation, local communities overwhelmingly rejected rule from Hargeisa and established the North Eastern administration, which has since aligned itself with the Federal Government of Somalia. The people of these regions have made clear that they do not share Somaliland’s secessionist project and instead seek their future within a federal Somali state alongside the vast majority of the Somali people. This development alone undermines the central claim that Somaliland represents a unified political community exercising uncontested authority over the territory it claims.

In the west of the Somaliland region, growing political movements in Awdal have increasingly questioned Hargeisa’s perceived monopoly over political and economic decision-making. Calls for a distinct regional administration have gained momentum, reflecting longstanding grievances regarding political representation, economic development, and governance. These dynamics suggest that the future political map of northwestern Somalia is far more fluid than some advocates of recognition acknowledge.

Recognition advocates frequently point to Somaliland’s stability. Yet, stability cannot be measured solely by the existence of institutions or periodic elections. Genuine stability requires political inclusion, territorial legitimacy, and social consensus. None of these conditions currently exists within the Somali territory of Somaliland.

The reality is that the Somaliland secessionist project faces significant internal opposition. Political disagreements, clan-based tensions, territorial disputes, and competing visions of governance remain unresolved. International recognition cannot erase these challenges. Indeed, it risks intensifying them by encouraging zero-sum political calculations among communities that already feel excluded from decision-making processes.

Equally problematic is the argument that Somaliland’s recognition should be driven primarily by geopolitical competition in the Red Sea. The Horn of Africa should not become another arena where local political disputes are transformed into instruments of broader regional rivalries. Moreover, the attempts to frame Somaliland as a strategic asset in competition with Iran, the Houthis, China, or other global actors overlook a basic reality: sustainable security arrangements cannot be built on unresolved sovereignty disputes.

History offers numerous examples of external powers pursuing short-term strategic gains only to discover that local realities ultimately prevail. Durable partnerships emerge from political legitimacy and regional consensus, not from efforts to bypass internationally recognised states.

Recent developments surrounding Israel’s engagement in the region further illustrate this danger. Rather than producing greater cohesion, external involvement has generated new political tensions and heightened anxieties among local communities concerned about militarisation, foreign influence, and the future direction of regional governance.

The disingenuous assumption that foreign recognition of the Somaliland part of Somalia automatically translates into stability is not supported by any evidence. Moreover, recognition of Somaliland would not simply affect Somalia, as it would carry implications far beyond the Horn of Africa.

The African Union has consistently maintained its commitment to preserving inherited borders and resolving disputes through dialogue. This principle has been essential in preventing countless territorial conflicts across the continent. Creating exceptions without a broad regional consensus risks opening debates that many African states have spent decades working to contain.

The path to lasting peace and stability in Somalia, like in most post-conflict states, lies not in fragmentation but in reconciliation, dialogue, and constitutional settlement among Somalis themselves. Significant progress has already been made through federal institutions, expanding political participation, and locally driven governance arrangements. While challenges remain, they are best addressed through inclusive internal political processes rather than externally imposed outcomes in line with international law.

The Somali government remains committed to dialogue, reconciliation, and constitutional processes that allow all Somali communities to participate in shaping the country’s future. Sustainable peace and stability globally and, specifically, in the Horn of Africa at this most challenging time in human history will be achieved not through fragmentation, but inclusive political solutions that strengthen cooperation, legitimacy, and national unity.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

Source link

High Tension in Congo, South Sudan Borders Following Escalating Attacks

The security landscape along the border between the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and South Sudan is deteriorating amid a series of alarming attacks attributed to armed men believed to be South Sudanese soldiers. The Kakwa chiefdom, particularly the Roumou tribal group and the village of Agoroba in Aru territory, Ituri province, has been severely affected by these incursions. 

Local sources said the suspected South Sudanese soldiers looted cattle and money, and abducted Congolese civilians.

“These armed men coming from South Sudan have looted from the population, taking away cows, goats, money, and even abducting young men, whom they continue to hold in the bushes. This situation does not date today. It has been several months since these armed men have been crossing the border to attack our villages,” a local chief told HumAngle.

Dieudonne Tabani, a national parliamentarian,  has raised concerns about the worsening security situation along the border between the DRC and South Sudan in the Aru territory of Ituri province. He condemned how the repeated incursions in several localities of Kakwa chiefdom are characterised by the looting of belongings as well as the abduction of civilians.

“The number of our soldiers along the border with South Sudan is very minimal. When these armed men enter, they are not faced by a rigorous response. We call on the provincial authorities, under the state of siege, to urgently reinforce the military presence in the zone,” a local in the Ituri province told HumAngle. “The central government must also get involved in diplomatic overtures with a view to clearly demarcating the boundary, most times given as a reason for the incursions into our territory.”

Amid this troubling situation, Ituri provincial authorities have called on the population to remain calm, assuring that the authorities in Kinshasa have already been briefed and that measures will eventually be taken to secure the zone.

In January, DRC and South Sudan completed a major prisoner exchange following a diplomatic meeting. The border town of the Aru territory in the DRC serves as a haven for numerous South Sudanese refugees escaping the civil conflict in their homeland.

The security situation is worsening along the border between the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and South Sudan, with escalating attacks by suspected South Sudanese soldiers.

The Kakwa chiefdom, specifically the Roumou tribe and Agoroba village in Ituri province, has been affected by looting and abductions.

Local leaders and a national parliamentarian have expressed concerns, highlighting inadequate military defense and urging provincial authorities to strengthen border security. They also call for diplomatic engagement to resolve boundary disputes that contribute to these incursions.

Despite the tensions, provincial authorities have assured residents that measures are being taken to address the situation.

Meanwhile, in January, DRC and South Sudan conducted a prisoner exchange to promote security cooperation, as the Aru territory continues to host South Sudanese refugees fleeing civil conflict.

Source link

World’s biggest lake borders five countries and is the size of Japan

It’s so big that it crosses two different continents

The world’s biggest lake is so large that it is the same size as Japan. There are more than 304 million lakes worldwide, filled with slowly moving or standing water.

Many of the largest in the world can even be classed as inland seas. However, the lakes are still landlocked and connected to the oceans via rivers or narrow channels.

The Caspian Sea is the largest lake in the world, with a surface area of 386,400 sq km (149,200 sq mi). It sits across both Europe and Asia.

The huge lake is bordered by Kazakhstan, Russia, Azerbaijan, Iran and Turkmenistan. Its surface is about 27 metres below sea level.

In comparison, the Caspian Sea is almost five times as large as Lake Superior, which lies on the border of Canada and the US and covers 82,000 sq km (31,660 sq mi).

The Caspian Sea is so large that it accounts for up to 44% of the world’s lake waters.

The Caspian Sea is believed to be around 30 million years old and became landlocked about 5.5 million years ago. Europe’s longest river, the Volga, flows into the Caspian Sea and is the main freshwater source.

Due to this flow, the Caspian Sea’s water is almost fresh. Over 130 rivers go into the Caspian Sea, including the Ural River and the Kura River.

There are several small islands in the lake, with most of them in the North. Some islands are near the coasts, but none are found in the deeper parts.

Baku, the capital of Azerbaijan, is the largest city by the Caspian Sea, with others also including Astara in Iran, Atyrau in Kazakhstan and Derbent in Russia.

The lake is home to a wide range of species, and it is particularly known for its caviar and oil.

Sadly, pollution from the oil industry and dams on rivers that drain into the lake have harmed its ecosystem.

Due to global warming, it has been reported that the depth of the sea will decrease by nine to 18 meters.

About 850 animal and more than 500 plant species live in the Caspian, many of which are endemic. Six critically endangered species of sturgeon live in its waters, as well as the unique Caspian seal and beluga.

Source link