Argentina

BUENOS AIRES, June 9 (UPI) — International fashion, luxury and sports brands are accelerating expansion into Argentina after years of absence, driving multimillion-dollar investments and prompting the country’s leading shopping mall operators to expand capacity to meet growing demand for retail space.

The renewed interest from foreign companies reflects Argentina’s changing economic environment since President Javier Milei took office.

Looser import restrictions and other market-opening measures have revived the appeal of a market that for years had been left out of the expansion plans of many international firms.

The expansion comes despite a challenging consumer environment. According to consulting firm Scentia, sales of mass-market consumer goods fell 3.8% year over year in April 2026 and were down 3.3% during the first four months of the year.

Federico Vaccarezza, an economist and professor in Austral University’s Faculty of Business Sciences, told UPI that international brands closely monitor sales data from Argentina’s leading shopping malls because they reflect the behavior of the consumers targeted by their products.

He noted that many of these brands are not seeking to reach the broader population, but rather higher-income consumers — a segment that has shown greater resilience in maintaining spending levels despite economic difficulties.

Vaccarezza said those groups represent roughly the top 10% to 20% of income earners in Argentina.

The international chains that have announced plans to enter Argentina are focusing their projects on Buenos Aires’ most exclusive shopping centers and key cities across the country. The trend includes companies entering the market for the first time, brands returning after years away and firms expanding existing operations.

International companies view Argentina as a long-term opportunity because of its market size, with more than 45 million residents, and expectations surrounding recent economic changes.

The influx of brands is already affecting the commercial real estate sector. Shopping mall operators report growing demand for retail space from foreign companies.

To meet that demand, several groups have accelerated expansion and construction projects. Chilean retailer Cencosud, one of Latin America’s largest retail groups, will invest $60 million to expand Unicenter, Argentina’s largest shopping mall, betting on rising demand for commercial space from international brands.

The project will add more than 215,000 square feet of space and 85 new stores by 2027.

“This expansion represents a concrete long-term commitment to Argentina,” Dolores Fernández Lobbe, country manager of Cencosud Argentina, told La Nación.

Meanwhile, IRSA, Argentina’s largest shopping mall operator and owner of some of the country’s most valuable retail assets, including Alto Palermo, Patio Bullrich, Alcorta Shopping and DOT, is moving forward with three new developments in the Buenos Aires area and the cities of La Plata and Mar del Plata. The company has not opened a new shopping center since 2015, when it inaugurated a project in the Patagonian province of Neuquén.

“Shopping mall customers are still there. What has changed is that competition on prices is now more intense,” IRSA President Eduardo Elsztain told La Nación.

According to business news outlet iProfesional, the expansion spans multiple sectors. Fashion, beauty, sports equipment, accessories and luxury goods are among the industries seeking to capitalize on Argentina’s new economic environment.

June is expected to be one of the busiest months for store openings. U.S.-based Skechers will open a new location, while Dolce & Gabbana will launch its first store in Argentina.

In July, Bullpadel, a company specializing in padel equipment, will enter the market. Padel has experienced rapid growth across Latin America in recent years.

U.S. apparel company Lucky Brand will enter Argentina through a partnership with local group Oxford. According to La Nación, the company plans an initial $1 million investment, will open its first store in July and aims to develop a network of 30 standalone stores across the country.

The company also plans to align prices with those in the U.S. market to compete with other brands in the segment.

Spanish fashion retailer Mango confirmed its return to Argentina through a franchise agreement with local group Grimoldi. The company plans to open five stores over the next five years, including a first location at Alto Palermo scheduled for September.

Vaccarezza said 2025 was a favorable year for Argentina’s shopping malls, although the trend began to weaken in 2026, with sales declining about 5% in the first quarter compared with the same period a year earlier.

The economist said looser import regulations and previously unmet demand help explain foreign companies’ interest in Argentina. He added that investment decisions by international brands are driven primarily by market-specific studies rather than broader economic indicators.

“It is a calculated risk. Companies have a clear understanding of the consumers they want to reach. The results will become evident later,” he said.

Economist and consultant Néstor Requelme expressed a similar view, saying the arrival of new international brands reflects recent economic changes and the presence of consumers with strong purchasing power.

Martín Burgos, an economist and researcher at the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences, or Flacso, said the arrival of new companies could increase competition and help lower clothing prices in Argentina, a market that has historically been more expensive than many others.

“There is a policy aimed at reducing clothing prices. For years, apparel prices in Argentina were above international levels, and the easing of import restrictions is facilitating the arrival of these brands,” he told UPI.

However, Burgos agreed that many of the companies entering the country are primarily targeting higher-income consumers, one of the segments that has best withstood recent economic changes.

“The data show that overall consumption remains weak, but these brands are targeting consumers with greater purchasing power. For that reason, their expansion does not necessarily reflect a broad recovery in consumer spending,” he said.

Germany earned a 2-1 victory against World Cup co-hosts United States in the final warm-up game for both teams.

Kai Havertz had an early goal for Germany cancelled out by Antonee Robinson’s stunning volley before Leroy Sane’s winner for Julian Nagelsmann’s side.

“I’m happy with the performance of everyone,” said US coach Mauricio Pochettino, who believed his side were “unlucky” to lose.

“We played one of the most important teams in the world. I think we need to be happy with that.”

The US will start their World Cup campaign against Paraguay on 12 June, while Germany, who have won nine games in a row, begin with a game against Curacao on 14 June.

Germany coach Julian Nagelsmann said his side’s win against the US had been a “perfect test for us, both in terms of the weather and the opponent”.

Brazil beat Egypt 2-1 in the final warm-up game for both countries, with Newcastle United midfielder Bruno Guimaraes scoring early on for the winners.

Mostafa Zico equalised for Egypt but Raphinha set up Endrick to win it for the South American side, who had to take defender Wesley off after 17 minutes.

Egypt forward Mohamed Salah, who recovered from a “minor muscle injury” to play for Liverpool towards the end of the season, came on for the second half against Brazil.

“Salah underwent a rehabilitation program with Liverpool and then with the national team, and he is now ready for matches,” said Egypt coach Hossam Hassan.

Egypt’s opening game of the World Cup on Monday, 15 June will be against Belgium, who thrashed Tunisia 5-0.

Leandro Trossard, Charles de Ketelaere, Kevin de Bruyne, Dodi Lukebakio and Nicolas Raskin each scored against a Tunisia side reduced to 10 men following the dismissal of Ismael Gharbi after 62 minutes.

Belgium boss Rudi Garcia brought Romelu Lukaku on after 66 minutes as he manages the striker’s return to action.

“It is a good preparation for the World Cup, we know this team can do great things,” said Garcia, whose side were beaten 2-0 by Croatia in their previous game.

Previous World Cup appearances: 0
Player to watch: Mousa Tamari
FIFA world ranking: 63

Jordan are appearing at the World Cup finals for the first time, with their Moroccan coach Jamal Sellami hoping that his players can emulate the heroics of The Atlas Lions four years ago.

“In big competitions, many teams can surprise. My country, Morocco, ‌reached the semifinals in the last World Cup,” the Reuters news agency quoted him as saying during a training camp in Antalya, Turkiye, in late March.

“That gives us belief.”

While a run to the semifinals might be a little bit optimistic, Jordan are coming into the tournament on a good run of form.

The Middle East nation reached the final of the 2023 Asian Cup, losing to hosts Qatar, and also played Morocco in the final of the 2025 Arab Cup, agonisingly falling short in a 3-2 defeat after extra time.

Jordan also scored 32 goals in World Cup qualifying, marking their highest tally in a single qualification campaign. But eight of those goals were scored by Yazan Alnemat, who will miss this summer’s tournament due to injury.

Sellami takes Jordan into the big time

The Al-Nashama, or the “noble ones”, have developed into a significant force in Arab football since Sellami took over as coach in June 2024 and built on the work of his predecessor, compatriot Hussein Ammouta.

Sellami believes the team he has built can deliver a shock similar to Algeria beating Germany in 1982, Cameroon stunning reigning champions Argentina in 1990, and Senegal repeating the feat against holders France in 2002.

“These results open horizons of hope and ambition for the fans, so they can dream,” Sellami, who played for Morocco at the 1998 World Cup, told Arabic sports channel TFK.

“And we too have the right to dream and to strive to be a strong team and present ourselves well,” he added.

The 55-year-old former midfielder has built a well-structured, disciplined team that utilises their wealth of creative forward talent to hit opponents on the break with lightning-quick transitions.

Star striker misses out

While Jordan’s qualifying campaign gives them plenty of hope for this summer’s tournament, their team in North America will be missing a big part of what made them such a force in Asian qualifying.

Forward Yazan Alnemat contributed eight goals, but will miss the World Cup finals after suffering an ACL injury in the Arab Cup quarterfinals last December.

“Yazan is a player who cannot be replaced,” conceded Sellami. “But we will find a combination for the team that can still be dangerous to the opponent, and that also gives us balance in our defensive performance.”

Alnemat’s likely replacement, Ali Olwan, has recovered from an Achilles injury sufficiently to take his place in Sellami’s extended squad. He contributed nine goals in qualifying, highlighting Jordan’s depth in attacking options.

‘Jordan’s Messi’ hopes to shine

Captain Mousa Tamari is one of Jordan’s biggest attacking threats and will be looking to torment defenders on the right wing.

The 28-year-old Rennes midfielder is the only Jordan player who competes in one of Europe’s top five leagues and has enjoyed a strong season in France, scoring seven goals and grabbing 11 assists in 36 appearances for the Ligue 1 outfit.

He’s also been a key player at international level, scoring 23 goals in 76 appearances for the Jordan national team.

If Jordan are to upset the odd’s at this summer’s World Cup, they will need to rely heavily on the man known as “Jordan’s Messi”.

How does Jordan’s group look?

Defending champions Argentina provide formidable opposition in Jordan’s final game in Group J, with the real Messi squaring up against his Jordanian counterpart.

Sellami’s side will face Austria in their opening match in San Francisco, with the European nation making their first appearance at the World Cup since 1998.

Jordan are the lowest-ranked team in their group, but perhaps their best opportunity of success will come against the second-lowest-ranked side, Algeria.

The African side recorded eight wins in World Cup qualifying and will look to Riyad Mahrez to provide goals and assists.

Jordan’s group stage match dates and kickoff times:

⚽ June 16: Austria v Jordan (San Francisco Bay Area, US), 9pm (04:00 GMT on June 17).

⚽ June 22: Jordan v Algeria (San Francisco Bay Area, US), 8pm (03:00 GMT on June 23).

⚽ June 27: Jordan v Argentina (Dallas, Texas, US), 9pm (02:00 GMT on June 28).

Al Jazeera’s prediction:

A fight for third in their group, but ultimately, qualification for the knockouts may be a stretch for Jordan.

Full squad

Goalkeepers: Yazeed Abulaila (Al-Hussein), Abdullah al-Fakhouri (Al-Wehdat), Noor Bani Attiah (Al-Faisaly).

Defenders: Abdallah Nasib (Al-Zawraa), Ehsan Haddad, Saed al-Rosan, Saleem Obaid (Al-Hussein), Yazan al-Arab (FC Seoul), Mohammad Abualnadi (Selangor), Husam Abu Dahab, Anas Banawi (Al-Faisaly), Mohannad Abu Taha (Al-Quwa Al-Jawiya), Mohammad Abu Hasheesh (Al-Karma).

Midfielders: Noor Al-Rawabdeh (Selangor), Nizar al-Rashdan (Qatar), Ibrahim Saadeh (Al-Karma), Rajaei Ayed, Mahmoud Al-Mardi (Al-Hussein), Amer Jamous (Al-Zawraa), Mohammad al-Dawoud (Al-Wehdat).

Forwards: Mousa Tamari (Rennes), Odeh al-Fakhouri (Pyramids), Mohammad Abu Zrayq (Raja Casablanca), Ali Azaizeh (Al-Shabab), Ibrahim Sabra (Lokomotiva Zagreb), Ali Olwan (Al-Sailiya).

BUENOS AIRES, June 5 (UPI) — Argentine retirees have become one of the groups hardest hit by President Javier Milei’s fiscal austerity measures, which have pushed a growing number of older adults back into the workforce to supplement incomes that no longer cover the cost of living.

Over the past two years, the number of employed Argentines age 65 and older increased 12.7%, sociologist Candelaria Rueda, a researcher at the Argentina Grande Institute, told UPI.

The trend has had a particularly strong impact on women. Labor force participation among people older than 65 increased 14.5% for women, nearly four percentage points higher than the 10.8% increase recorded among men, according to a report by the think tank based on official data from the National Institute of Statistics and Census, known as INDEC.

One of those women is Patricia Guscione, 63. She worked as a teacher for decades and retired in 2021 at age 60, the legal retirement age for women in Argentina.

But rising living costs gradually eroded the value of her pension, leaving her unable to cover household expenses. When a call for retired teachers was issued in 2024, she applied. Today, she is back teaching in public schools.

“I lived on my pension for three years, but the reality is that it lost so much value that there came a point when I could no longer make it to the end of the month. I still have two teenage children who depend on me,” she told UPI.

Rueda said inflation remains a defining factor in Argentina’s economy and “causes incomes to lose value at an unusually rapid pace.”

“In addition, there has been a clear political decision to deregulate prices, which has led private health insurance premiums to rise 400% over the past two years,” she said.

At the center of the issue is Argentina’s minimum pension, the basic benefit received by more than half of the country’s retirees. It currently totals 450,300 Argentine pesos per month, or about $320. That includes a government assistance bonus that has remained frozen since early 2024.

Because the supplement has not been adjusted, the purchasing power of the minimum pension has fallen by nearly 10% compared with late 2023.

At the same time, food prices have continued to rise sharply, further reducing retirees’ spending power. Economic pressures have also intensified following cuts to free prescription drug coverage provided through the Comprehensive Medical Care Program, known as PAMI, Argentina’s main public healthcare system for retirees and pensioners.

Mario Perelli, 70, spent most of his career as an accountant, but now drives for ride-shareing platforms to supplement his income.

“I had never seen an economic situation like the one we are living through now. It keeps getting harder. I thought I had completed my working years and that retirement would allow me to enjoy life, travel and rest. Instead, I ended up driving for an app because I need to help support my household,” he said.

Juan Gómez, 76, faces a similar reality. After years working at an accounting firm, he now work for Uber and drives a taxi.

“I lived through different economic periods, and there were difficult moments under other governments, but this is terrible. I see it in retail stores, butcher shops, auto parts stores and oil-change businesses. There are hardly any customers. I hope things can be resolved and that we can move forward,” he said.

Gala Díaz Langou, executive director of the International Panel on Social Progress, linked the crisis to public spending cuts implemented by the current administration.

“In 2024, which was the year of the deepest adjustment, 19% of fiscal spending cuts were applied to the pension system,” she told UPI.

She also pointed to the continued freeze on the bonus supplement for lower pensions and the end of a program that allowed workers who had not completed the legally required 30 years of contributions to qualify for retirement benefits.

The trend of older adults extending their working lives is not limited to Argentina. It has become a regional phenomenon as Latin America faces a rapid demographic transition, lower levels of economic development and weaker social protection systems.

According to the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, employment among older adults is increasing across much of the region because pensions are insufficient to cover basic living expenses.

“As a result, employment among retirees functions as a refuge from the shortcomings of the system rather than a choice. When someone who contributed for decades ends up cleaning houses at age 82 or selling goods on the street, what that reflects is a protection system that failed to sustain the old age it helped create,” the commission said.

Carlos Román, executive director of SeniorLab UC, an aging innovation laboratory at the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile, told UPI that 1 in 4 older adults in Latin America was part of the labor force in 2024.

He said the trend is particularly visible in Chile among older age groups, where a significant share of people who have already reached retirement age continue working.

For Román, the phenomenon raises two key questions: Under what conditions do older adults work and what drives them to remain economically active?

Regarding working conditions, he warned that labor informality rises sharply with age.

“Labor informality does not decline over time. It accelerates, rising from 27.7% among people ages 60 to 64 to nearly 48% in the next age group and exceeding 60% among those older than 70,” he said.

He added that the impact is uneven across social groups.

“Among the poorest women ages 65 to 69, nearly 9 out of 10 work without a contract or pension coverage. About half of older adults working informally are self-employed workers without access to social protection,” he said.

While some older adults continue working because they are living longer and want to remain active, Román said “the evidence shows that, in most cases, the primary reason is economic necessity.”

He contended that the trend reflects a deeper structural problem that goes beyond national circumstances.

“Aging arrived in Latin America before the region built the economic model and social protection system capable of supporting it,” he said. “Economists often summarize this reality with a phrase that has become common in regional discussions: We will grow old before we grow rich.”

He said the region’s long-term challenge is to ensure that longer life expectancy does not translate into more years of economic insecurity and precarious living conditions.

L.A. will soon explode in color as Angelenos and tourists alike don jerseys and wave flags representing their favorite soccer teams playing in the 2026 FIFA World Cup, with some of the matches taking place at Inglewood’s SoFi Stadium.

The action kicks off with Mexico vs. South Africa on June 11 and will continue through July 19, with later matches determined by which teams advance. Forty-eight countries are represented in the tournament, including heavyweights like Brazil and Argentina with multiple titles under their belts, and hopeful underdogs like Haiti, whose men’s team qualified for the competition for the first time in 52 years.

Local restaurants, sports bars, coffee shops and breweries are getting in on the action with World Cup viewing parties, complete with big-screen TVs, extended hours, food and drink specials, games, giveaways and live performances. Some require tickets or a reservation, but many are free, family-friendly and open to all.

Some spots are committed to screening every game throughout the tournament, while others are focused on championing the countries their cuisines hail from, including an Argentinian bistro in South L.A. offering discounted empanadas, a German beer garden in Eagle Rock serving vegan sausages and schnitzel and a Panamanian restaurant in Long Beach where you can watch the Central American team play while you sip soursop lemonade alongside jerk mac and cheese.

From Hawthorne to Sherman Oaks, here are 31 restaurants and bars screening World Cup matches this summer:

Messi works on ‘specific exercises’ as he recovers from muscle fatigue in his left hamstring before the World Cup.

Lionel ‌‌Messi has trained on his own ⁠⁠during Argentina’s first practice session at their base camp in the United States, where the squad has assembled this week for their World Cup preparations.

The defending ⁠⁠World Cup champions held their first pretournament training in Kansas City, Missouri, on Monday.

The ⁠⁠Inter Miami captain has been dealing with muscle fatigue in his left hamstring ⁠⁠since May 24 but is expected to be ready for Argentina’s opener against Algeria on June 16 in Kansas City.

Messi, ‌‌38, joined Argentina at their training base and worked on “specific exercises” along with several teammates who are also dealing with fitness concerns.

“The players who are suffering from ⁠⁠niggles and injuries continue ⁠⁠to work with the physiotherapy team on specific exercises on the pitch and are making good progress,” Argentina’s Football ⁠⁠Association said.

Argentina, ranked number three in the world, will play their final ⁠⁠tune-up match against Iceland on June 9 in Auburn, Alabama.

Messi, the two-time MLS MVP and eight-time Ballon ‌‌d’Or winner, is competing in his record sixth World Cup. The midfielder is Argentina’s ‌‌all-time ‌‌leader in caps (198) and goals (116) since making his debut with the national team in 2005.

Netflix’s latest worldwide wager is a menu of programming designed to feed the building fútbol frenzy that will explode in mid-June, when the FIFA World Cup begins. They might even win some Stateside converts ahead of the platform’s presentation of the CONCACAF Gold Cup and Nations League finals in 2027 and 2029.

“We say our goal is to entertain the world; in order to [do that], we need to entertain every single country” where Netflix has a presence, says Francisco Ramos, the streamer’s vice president of original content, Latin America. “Our superpower is that we’re so deeply rooted into local storytelling, then that becomes global.

“Netflix is uniquely qualified at building global audiences” for international sports content, he says. “We are very conscious and deliberate about it.”

Not that original sports content is anything new for the streamer; its first-ever original international series, “Club de Cuervos,” was a Mexican dramedy about a soccer club. But this salvo is precision-guided to hit as about 5 billion viewers get hyped for the global tournament.

“Four years ago, during the World Cup, we launched [an Argentine] documentary called ‘Sean eternos: Campeones de América’ [‘Captains of the World’], and it was massive, and then Argentina ended up winning a few months later,” says Ramos. “Right now, as the World Cup arrives, it’s very passionate.”

It’s not just Latin America that’s being targeted with new programming: There’s a trio of documentaries about Jamie Vardy, Liverpool’s 2005 Champions League-winning team and footballer-turned-actor Vinnie Jones under the “Untold UK” banner; “Poldi,” on German superstar Lukas Podolski; and “The Bus: A French Football Mutiny,” about the national team’s rocky 2010 World Cup journey.

A scene from “USA ’94: Brazil’s Return to Glory.”

(Netflix)

The World Cup-contending squad

For fans, the slate offers documentaries on landmark moments in Cup history (“USA ’94: Brazil’s Return to Glory”), superstar players (“Emi Martínez: The Kid Who Stops Time” and “James”) and even up-and-comers in a prestigious amateur tournament in Brazil (“The Root of the Game”).

But for the uninitiated, apart from the streamer’s FIFA soccer simulation game coming this summer, the gateway drug may be “Ronaldinho: The One and Only.” The doc spotlights one of the most improvisational and dynamic players ever, soccer’s Magic Johnson. The legendary attacking midfielder was a wizard on the pitch and a charisma machine off it.

“Ronaldinho retired from soccer [in 2018], and he’s still in the mainstream. He has 80 million followers on Instagram,” says Luis Ara, director of “Ronaldinho” and “USA ‘94.” “You have [superstars Lionel] Messi and Neymar [da Silva Santos Júnior] talking about him like he’s God.

“He was always so cool … for him, it was not only about winning a game; it was also about entertaining the people.”

Scripted offerings include the feature “Mexico ’86,” starring a wildly hustling Diego Luna. It’s a nasty comedy about the wheeling and dealing (and outright bribery) that landed Mexico the right to host its second World Cup. Non-soccer fans might enjoy the snarky dialogue and bare-knuckled machinations — it plays like a Spanish-language, soccer-themed “Succession” or “Marty Supreme.”

“Brazil ’70: The Third Star” is a miniseries about that country’s campaign to win a third World Cup, led by a name even non-fans know: Pelé. Rodrigo Santoro stars as Coach João Saldanha.

“Brazil was in the midst of the dictatorship; they had to somehow generate some sort of national pride,” says Ramos. “The only thing that unites Brazilians 100% is their team. It becomes this compelling thing about how society is so intertwined with sports, and how sports are so intertwined with politics in Latin America.”

Soccer superstar Ronaldinho Gaúcho is interviewed in the new Netflix documentary “Ronaldinho.”

(Netflix)

Is converting new American fans a realistic goal?

When soccer is the No. 1 sport in so many nations, why isn’t it bigger here?

It might have to do with the U.S. not having been a major player on the world stage, at least on the men’s side. The men’s team’s highest World Cup finish in the modern era is the quarterfinals in 2002, while U.S. women’s teams have won a record four World Cups. But the men have qualified for the tournament this year — which will be played partially in the States — and analysts say the team has improved, though they’re no one’s favorites to win it all.

Ramos says if American audiences stop seeing it as a competition between football and fútbol, they might come to appreciate soccer’s nuances.

“Take a look at the last 20 minutes of the World Cup four years ago, between France and Argentina. It’s the most extraordinary, beautiful art of people moving, and moving in extraordinary coordination. It’s like, the most-watched online thing ever.”

Beyond Netflix’s big bet on the World Cup slate, it’s not hard to get Ramos and Ara to make further wagers on this year’s tournament.

“Four teams have huge chances to win: Spain, France, Argentina and Brazil,” says Ara. “My heart is with Uruguay, but I don’t know if we’re gonna have a chance. Because of my bond with Brazil nowadays, I wish they could win again. A player once said to me, ‘Brazil is the second national team for any fútbol supporter.’ ”

“Oh my God, I will get in trouble,” says Ramos. “I’m Mexican, and it takes place in Mexico [and the U.S. and Canada], but … I’m gonna go with Argentina. My No. 2 would be Brazil.”

Lionel Messi will play in a sixth World Cup as he captains holders Argentina at the 2026 tournament.

The 38-year-old forward, who led his country to a third World Cup triumph in Qatar with a penalty shootout victory over France four years ago, was named in Lionel Scaloni’s 26-man squad on Thursday.

With 26 appearances, Messi holds the current record for the most World Cup matches by any player – and will join Portugal forward Cristiano Ronaldo, 41, as the only male players to appear in a sixth edition of football’s biggest event this summer.

Aston Villa’s Emiliano Martinez, who was named the goalkeeper of the tournament in 2022, has been selected, as have defenders Lisandro Martinez and Cristian Romero from Manchester United and Tottenham respectively.

Liverpool midfielder Alexis Mac Allister and Chelsea midfielder Enzo Fernandez are also among the five British-based players in the squad for the finals, which will be held in the United States, Canada and Mexico.

Argentina are in Group J and begin their campaign in Kansas City against Algeria (Wednesday, 17 June, 02:00 BST), before they play two games in Dallas, against Austria (Monday, 22 June, 18:00 BST) and Jordan (Sunday, 28 June, 02:00 BST).

Messi had been substituted during Inter Miami’s latest Major League Soccer match on Monday, but his club said he had not sustained an injury and was suffering from “muscle fatigue” in his left hamstring.

He has made 198 appearances for Argentina and will reach the 200-mark if he plays in both of his country’s friendly matches – against Honduras in Texas (Sunday, 7 June, 01:00 BST) and then against Iceland in Alabama (Tuesday, 9 June).

Lionel Messi was injured in Inter Miami’s MLS game on Sunday, but Argentina are confident he will be fit for World Cup.

Argentina coach Lionel Scaloni said the initial news regarding superstar Lionel Messi’s fitness “is not that bad” and hopes further examinations will confirm that diagnosis, with the World Cup just two weeks away.

Messi has been diagnosed with muscle fatigue in his left hamstring by his Major League Soccer (MLS) club Inter Miami after he made an abrupt exit from Miami’s 6-4 victory over Philadelphia in the 73rd minute on Sunday.

Even at 38 and eyeing a sixth World Cup finals appearance, Messi remains the side’s talisman for the defence of the title they won in Qatar four years ago.

The former Barcelona and Paris Saint-Germain forward has scored 116 goals in 198 appearances for Argentina.

“Obviously, we would have preferred that nothing had happened,” Scaloni told Argentinian TV station DSports on Tuesday.

“Now one has to wait and see how it evolves and above all, the new tests they are going to conduct in order to see if it confirms their original diagnosis.”

Scaloni, who is due to name his squad next week, added he had watched the match on TV at the federation’s headquarters and been relieved that Messi had asked to come off.

Inter manager Guillermo Hoyos explained after the match that Messi was tired, the pitch was heavy and no one wanted to take a risk with his fitness.

Inter Miami issued a statement on Monday saying: “The timeline for his return to physical activity will depend on his clinical and functional progress.”

That gave little indication about the status of the eight-time Ballon d’Or winner.

Argentina are set to begin their World Cup campaign on June 16, against Algeria in Kansas City.

They then play Austria on June 22 and round off their Group J campaign against Jordan on June 28.

Messi has managed his workload since joining Inter Miami in 2023, with team staff regularly excusing him from matches in congested fixture periods.

MLS has started a break in its season for the World Cup, which is cohosted by the United States, Mexico and Canada.

Messi has not formally confirmed he plans to play in the World Cup, but is widely expected to return for what would be a record-matching sixth appearance at the finals. His highlight was the victory in the final against France at the 2022 edition.

His great Portuguese rival Cristiano Ronaldo and potentially Mexican goalkeeper Guillermo Ochoa would also be making a sixth appearance.

Argentina are set to play two pre-World Cup friendlies against Honduras on June 6, and Iceland on June 9, both in the US.

Hundreds marched in Buenos Aires against President Javier Milei’s austerity policies and cuts to Argentina’s healthcare system. Protesters said funding cuts and rising costs are worsening access to healthcare and medicines and pushing the public health system into crisis.

Israel and Argentina have launched a direct flight starting in November as the two countries boost their ties under Argentina’s far-right President Javier Milei and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

The twice-a-week flight comes as Israel is aggressively pushing to cement its geopolitical footprint in Latin America amid its growing international isolation and its entrenched image as an occupying power.

On May 7, Israel’s national carrier, El Al, opened bookings for a direct flight between Tel Aviv and Buenos Aires covering a distance of 12,000 kilometres (7,460 miles) – the longest route in the airline’s history.

However, the 16.5-hour journey is driven by political ambitions rather than mere commercial viability.

During a celebratory event in occupied East Jerusalem last month, Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu welcomed Argentina’s Milei to hail the “first direct flight” between the two nations.

The event showcased a striking political alignment, further highlighted by the presence of US Ambassador Mike Huckabee, who jokingly promised to buy the first ticket and described the two leaders as US “President Donald Trump’s biggest friends”.

The route aims to translate the “Isaac Accords” – a Latin American framework inspired by the “Abraham Accords” – into tangible reality. Morocco and Sudan established diplomatic ties with Israel as part of the Abraham Accords signed under President Trump’s first term.

Championed behind the scenes by Rabbi Axel Wahnish, Argentina’s ambassador to Israel, the framework aims to establish strategic cooperation in security, counterterrorism, and artificial intelligence with Latin American nations, including Ecuador, Costa Rica and Paraguay.

Trading tech for legitimacy

Israel is acutely aware that its status as an occupying power, exacerbated by the genocidal war on Gaza, has severely damaged its international standing. To secure recognition and bypass boycotts, particularly from an increasingly critical Europe, Israel is leveraging its advanced military and surveillance technologies.

Ihab Jabarin, an analyst specialising in Israeli affairs, told Al Jazeera that Israel’s strategy has shifted.

“Israel’s moral image has completely eroded,” Jabarin said. “The logic now is: ‘you may not like us, but you need us.’ Israel is offering its expertise in cybersecurity, AI systems like Lavender, border management, and drones – technologies tested on Palestinian bodies and land – to countries grappling with internal conflicts and organised crime,” he told Al Jazeera.

Jabarin noted that Israel uses infrastructure – whether ports, underwater cables, or civilian aviation – as tools for national security and influence. “This flight is not just about transporting passengers; it is a permanent corridor for security and tech businessmen,” he explained.

This strategy of using technology and security to buy diplomatic loyalty mirrors Israel’s approach in Africa. It has forged close ties with Ethiopia, Kenya and Chad. Last December, Israel became the first country in the world to recognise Somaliland, a breakaway region of Somalia.

It has used smaller island states like Micronesia in the Asia Pacific to secure favourable votes at the United Nations and break its international isolation.

“Israel is trying to create a global network of interests that forces countries to weigh their relationship with Israel against their stance on the Palestinian cause,” Jabarin added. “It wants to make the world unable to live without it.”

The Milei-Netanyahu chemistry

The driving force behind this Latin American link is the ideological bond between Netanyahu and Milei. While left-wing leaders in the region, such as Brazil’s Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, have severed ties or strongly condemned Israel’s actions in Gaza, Milei has embraced the Israeli narrative unconditionally.

For Milei, who declared himself the most Zionist president in the world in March, the alliance offers rapid positioning in the Middle East, closer ties to Washington lobbies, and a stance against Latin America’s traditional left. For Netanyahu, Milei offers unconditional emotional and symbolic support that Israel has largely lost in Europe.

“Netanyahu understands the value of a symbolic ally,” Jabarin said. “He needs leaders who can be marketed as proof that Israel can still forge ideological alliances, not just pragmatic ones. Argentina, under Milei, has become Israel’s most important ‘island of influence’.”

A ‘safe haven’ from war crime probes

The direct flight also serves a highly practical security purpose for Israel. With mounting legal challenges and arrest warrants targeting Israeli soldiers and officials in Europe over alleged war crimes in Gaza, the Tel Aviv-Buenos Aires route offers a crucial bypass.

On Tuesday, Israel’s far-right Finance Minister ⁠Bezalel Smotrich said he was informed that the ⁠International Criminal ⁠Court (ICC) ⁠had ⁠requested a warrant for his arrest. Prime Minister Netanyahu is also sought by the ICC for war crimes committed in Gaza.

Currently, travellers between the two countries rely on 21 to 33-hour transit flights through European hubs like Madrid or Paris.

Diego Ruzzarin, a Brazilian writer and analyst, argued that the project aims to secure hassle-free travel for Israelis, particularly military personnel, sparing them from international security interrogations or the risk of arrest in Europe.

Jabarin echoed this assessment, noting that the fear of legal pursuit in Europe is a significant concern within the Israeli establishment.

“The direct flight bypasses any potential legal harassment in Europe,” he said. “Latin America is now appearing in Israeli calculations as a more politically flexible space compared to rights-focused Europe.”

Economic risks and domestic pushback

Despite its strategic value, the flight faces significant logistical and economic hurdles. Because Israeli planes are banned from the airspace of several African nations, including Libya, the flights must take a costly detour over the Mediterranean and the Atlantic.

To mitigate the economic risks of the long-haul route, the Israeli government has taken the unusual step of granting El Al a 20-million-shekel ($5.4m) subsidy, spread over three years.

The success of the route will heavily depend on Argentina’s Jewish community – the largest in Latin America, estimated at up to 300,000. According to Sabre data, roughly 55,300 people travelled between the two countries in 2025, a 37 percent increase from 2024, but still below the 71,200 recorded in 2019.

The project has sparked domestic criticism in both countries. In Israel, the transport ministry reportedly warned that pulling Boeing 787 Dreamliners from highly profitable US routes to service Buenos Aires could drive up ticket prices for Israelis travelling to North America.

In Argentina, left-wing congresswoman Myriam Bregman accused Milei’s government of dragging the country into an “imperialist war” without congressional approval, warning of a constitutional overreach.

Furthermore, the influx of Israeli tourists, many of whom are recently discharged soldiers, has caused friction in southern Argentina. Local residents and activists have blamed Israeli tourists for devastating fires in the Patagonia nature reserves due to negligence, the most recent being a massive blaze in January 2026 that destroyed 77,000 hectares (190,000 acres) and led to the arrest of an Israeli tourist.

For Israelis, however, an El Al flight to Buenos Aires carries profound historical symbolism. In May 1960, the Mossad used an official El Al flight to smuggle captured former Nazi official Adolf Eichmann out of Argentina to face trial and execution in Israel.

Argentina has withdrawn the last of its A-4AR/OA-4AR Fightinghawks, modernized versions of the classic A-4 Skyhawk, a type that saw six decades of service in the South American nation. The retirement of the A-4s comes as the Argentine Air Force (locally, the Fuerza Aérea Argentina, FAA) introduces the F-16 as its new fighter, signaling a major overhaul of capabilities.

The FAA announced the “definitive decommissioning” of the Fightinghawk fleet at Villa Reynolds Air Base in San Luis province yesterday. The base was home to the final Argentine A-4 unit, the 5th Air Brigade (V Brigada Aérea).

As well as the FAA’s introduction of the F-16, the decision to stand down the A-4s was based on prioritizing “operational efficiency and economic sustainability,” the service said. In a statement, it also pointed to the costs of maintenance and sustainment of the aging jets; keeping these aircraft operational had become an increasingly difficult challenge in recent years.

Los F-16 comenzaron su actividad de vuelo en el Área Material Río IV, operando en sectores autorizados.

Nuestros pilotos continúan su familiarización con el sistema de armas.

Esto reafirma nuestro compromiso con la defensa aeroespacial integral. pic.twitter.com/lExbKUIwS1

— FuerzaAéreaArgentina (@FuerzaAerea_Arg) March 30, 2026

A version that was unique to Argentina, the Fightinghawk emerged from a major modernization program carried out by Lockheed Martin on former U.S. Marine Corps A-4M and OA-4M Skyhawks, which were taken out of storage at the Aerospace Maintenance and Regeneration Center (AMARC). Work on the first batch of aircraft was conducted by Lockheed Martin in Ontario, California, with the remainder upgraded in Córdoba, Argentina.

Fightinghawk deliveries to Argentina comprised 32 A-4ARs and four OA-4ARs, beginning in the mid-1990s. Interestingly, these upgraded jets were equipped with the same AN/APG-66 radar used in early F-16 variants and were capable of carrying AIM-9M Sidewinder air-to-air missiles. In the cockpit, the Fightinghawk introduced hands-on-throttle-and-stick (HOTAS) controls, multifunction displays, and a new head-up display. Also installed were an onboard computerized mission-planning system and a new navigation/attack computer. Radar-warning receivers and onboard oxygen-generating equipment rounded out the upgrade package.

Although significantly more capable than the Vietnam-era Skyhawks they evolved from, the Fightinghawk was never designed as a dedicated air-defense fighter. Nevertheless, it was forced into that role after Argentina retired its last French-built Mirage fighters in 2015.

Against this backdrop, the FAA spent years trying to rebuild its ‘fighter’ capability but was repeatedly hampered by British efforts to block potential fighter buys. There was even speculation that Argentina might push to secure a deal with either China or Russia. Numerous aircraft options were evaluated before the U.S. government finally approved the transfer of F-16s from Denmark to Argentina in October 2023.

Early the following year, Argentina’s President Javier Milei confirmed that Buenos Aires would purchase the secondhand F-16s from Denmark. Welcoming the news, the U.S. Department of State described the jets in question as “low-cost high-performance multirole aircraft.”

The FAA is now in the process of introducing 24 F-16s, in the form of 16 single-seat F-16AMs and eight two-seat F-16BMs. It is also receiving several older Viper airframes for use as training aids and a spare parts source.

The retirement of the Fightinghawk also concludes the legacy of the wider A-4 series in Argentine service.

Argentina’s relationship with the A-4 began when the FAA took delivery of 26 former U.S. Navy A-4Bs in 1966, becoming the first export customer for the Skyhawk. A second batch of 26 A-4Bs arrived in 1970 and similarly joined the 5th Air Brigade at Villa Reynolds.

In 1976, another batch of 26 aircraft was delivered to the FAA, these being A-4Cs, again from U.S. Navy stocks. Their arrival allowed another unit to be equipped, this time the 4th Air Brigade at El Plumerillo.

For FAA service, these aircraft received the official designation A-4P from the U.S. government and the manufacturer, but were locally still often referred to as A-4B/Cs.

As well as equipping its air force, Argentina acquired A-4s for its naval air arm. In 1970, the Argentine Navy received a batch of 16 A-4Qs, a unique designation that applied to upgraded former U.S. Navy A-4Bs. These were primarily intended to serve aboard the aircraft carrier Veinticinco de Mayo, a Colossus class vessel that was transferred from the United Kingdom after service with the U.K. Royal Navy and the Royal Netherlands Navy. Unlike the first-generation FAA A-4s, the naval Skyhawks had, from the outset, provision for AIM-9 Sidewinder air-to-air missiles to provide air defense cover for the carrier group. They could also be fitted with a buddy refueling store.

By the time of the Falklands/Malvinas War in 1982, which began with Argentina’s surprise attack on the tiny British South Atlantic territory, nearly 8,000 miles from the United Kingdom, around 36 A-4s were in FAA service, with another eight more operational with the Argentine Navy.

At least one A-4 was tested from the airfield at Port Stanley in the Falklands, but the type was not judged suitable for sustained combat operations there. As for the Argentine Navy A-4s, these were initially embarked on the Veinticinco de Mayo, but the loss of the cruiser Belgrano forced the Argentine carrier back to port to avoid a similar fate.

All this was fortunate for the British, since the FAA and Argentine Navy A-4s were forced to operate from bases on the mainland, at the very margins of their range.

For the A-4s, the war began with the support of the initial amphibious landings near Port Stanley, after which FAA Skyhawks clashed for the first time with the British task force on May 12, 1982. Although four A-4s were brought down by air defenses in this confrontation, they inflicted heavy damage on the destroyer HMS Glasgow.

Argentinian pilots attacking British warships in San Carlos Water during The Falklands War

Typically, the FAA A-4s would transit to the islands at high levels, refuel from a KC-130 Hercules tanker, then drop down for a low-level attack run, dropping U.S.- or British-made free-fall bombs. Considering the challenges of these operations and the fact that the combination of low-level release and often-incorrect fusing meant many bombs failed to detonate, the jets had a major impact. In the course of more than 200 combat sorties, FAA A-4s sunk four warships and damaged several more. The service suffered eight losses at the hands of U.K. Royal Navy Sea Harriers out of a total of 19 A-4s lost, together with 17 pilots.

Meanwhile, the Argentine Navy A-4s claimed to have inflicted fatal damage on two warships (claims disputed by the British), for the loss of three Skyhawks and two pilots.

The bravery of the FAA pilots is noteworthy here, since the A-4s were flying with no air-to-air missile armament, no radar, no modern navigation system, delivering unguided munitions, and without radar-warning equipment. As you can read about here, as far as self-protection systems, the few examples that were introduced by the Argentines during the conflict were the result of desperate ingenuity.

The end of the conflict saw operations hampered by a U.S. arms embargo, but the Argentine Skyhawks soldiered on. The Argentine Navy stood down its last A-4Q in 1988, while the last of the first-generation FAA A-4s was retired in 1999.

With the retirement of the Fightinghawk, the A-4 remains in active military service only with neighboring Brazil.

The Brazilian Navy also acquired A-4s for carrier operations, but the retirement of its sole flattop, Sao Paulo, means that the value of its Skyhawks, locally designated AF-1, is increasingly questionable. However, work has been undertaken to upgrade these aircraft to ensure they remain viable, albeit now operating from a land base, at São Pedro da Aldeia. In all, five single-seaters and a pair of two-seaters were brought up to AF-1B and AF-1C standards, respectively. The seven upgraded Skyhawks received airframe and engine overhauls, a new Elta Systems EL/M-2032 multi-mode radar, a glass cockpit with HOTAS controls, and various other improvements.

Now that Saab Gripen E/F fighters are joining the Brazilian Air Force, retaining the Skyhawk fleet is also less important, and their time in service will likely come to an end soon.

In the meantime, however, the A-4 continues to provide good service to private military contractors, who appreciate the jet for its versatility, agility, and relatively low operating costs, meaning that it excels as both an adversary and as a test and training platform. Chief among these operators is the Canadian Top Aces, flying ex-Israeli A-4s, and Florida-based Draken International, which operates a fleet of the jets that previously flew with the Royal New Zealand Air Force.

As we have discussed in the past, the capabilities of some of these contractor-operated A-4s would be beyond the imagination of many of the pilots who originally flew the jets in military service. The latest standard of A-4s operated by Top Aces, for example, includes an active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar and an infrared search and track (IRST) system to better replicate more modern threats.

Therefore, while the A-4 may be fast disappearing from the inventories of air forces, its legacy is set to live on in the most tangible form, as it continues to serve in a variety of support roles around the world in the hands of commercial operators.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

Large crowds marched across Argentina’s major cities to demand that President Javier Milei comply with a university funding law, and reverse sweeping budget cuts to the country’s tuition-free public university system.

The World Health Organization says the hantavirus poses a low risk to public health.

Arrangements are underway to repatriate passengers from a cruise ship after three people on board died.

So, how are officials applying the lessons learned during the COVID-19 pandemic to respond to the hantavirus?

Presenter: James Bays

Guests:

Dr Mukesh Kapila – Professor Emeritus of Global Health and Humanitarian Affairs at the University of Manchester

Dr Margaret Harris – Lecturer at the United Nations Institute for Training and Research, former W.H.O. spokeswoman

Nicholas Locker – Professor of Virology at the Pirbright Institute, near Guildford, UK

In the fragmented mysteries of the great Argentine filmmaker Lucretia Martel, her explorations always start with sensory flashes: faces, spaces, objects, sounds in transfixing procession. The language is its own, resulting in disorienting but undiluted depictions of the worlds of modern elites (“La Ciénega,” “The Headless Woman”) and 18th century colonists (“Zama”) alike.

But now, with her first feature documentary, “Our Land (Nuestra Tierra),” Martel unravels a political crime and the larger offenses behind it with a vital clarity. The film is centered on the 2009 murder of Javier Chocobar, an Indigenous Chuchagasta man from Argentina’s northwestern Tucumán province, who was shot while defending his ancestral homeland from a thuggish incursion. The weight of the issue at hand — stolen land, territorial rights and the overdue recognition of a colonized country’s original peoples — brings out a tantalizing lucidity from the typically elusive Martel on a serious subject that requires discipline.

In one sense, she’s dealing with a rights issue too painful to be aggressively aestheticized, but she’s also exploring a blood-soaked injustice that can’t be treated conventionally. She begins, in fact, with rolling satellite images from space — as if to say: This appropriation of nature is the world’s problem, not just Argentina’s.

What follows, toggling between a courtroom and vast, contested land (filmed with dreamlike urgency by cinematographer Ernest de Carvalho), is a righteous, visually arresting swirl of fact and feeling, past and present. It’s also anchored by the stories of a community desperate to claim territory they’ve cultivated for centuries. “Our Land” is as honorable a documentary as you’re likely to encounter this year about what fighting looks like in today’s era of grab-what-you-can thievery.

First, we hear from the defendants, captured by Martel’s cameras at their 2018 trial in Buenos Aires (an unconscionable nine years after the shooting). The three accused men — a businessman and two ex-cops — flounder at positioning themselves as the true victims when their own handheld video of the incident shows otherwise: The confrontation with the Chuchagastas only escalated because they brought a gun. Their lawyers obnoxiously push a narrative of ownership versus trespassers, backed by reams of documents and tossed-around historical dates.

But as Martel patiently unfolds the Chuchagastas’ perspective — personal narratives that come to life in intimate photos, atmospheric sound design and warm home footage — we begin to understand that documents and files are a bogus battleground given their hundreds of years of careful tending. One community member distrusts dialogue to begin with, calling it a means to “give up something.”

“Our Land” is the work of a director whose attention is rigorous, whose care is genuine, but who is also conscious of her outsider’s perspective. It’s an ally’s respect. There’s no better proof of that than in her drone shots of this embattled community’s sun-soaked valley: elegant, purposeful, even awkward (a bird hits one) visitations from the air. They’re a reminder that she’s the filmmaker, surveying a story that belongs to others. Documentaries don’t get much more honest than that.

A passenger from the cruise ship hit with a Hantavirus outbreak has spoken to Al Jazeera from isolation about what took place on board. Three passengers died from respiratory illness on the MV Hondius as it travelled from Argentina to West Africa.

On one of her previous visits to Los Angeles, Argentine filmmaker Lucrecia Martel found herself having a smoke on Hollywood Boulevard.

There, while she stepped over the famous concrete-embedded stars, an unhoused man struck up a conversation with her.

“He kept explaining to me that he was poorly dressed because he was currently living on the street after someone robbed him, but he had written a screenplay,” Martel, 59, recalls in Spanish over coffee on a morning in April at a West Hollywood hotel.

“He told me they had stolen a watch from him — not a Rolex but a known brand,” she continues. “The whole time he was trying to convince me he was a millionaire who just so happened to be on the street because of random circumstances.”

One of Latin America’s most indispensable storytellers, Martel is fascinated by how prevalent that dream still is in L.A. — that movies can change your life overnight.

“That particular fantasy is par for the course in this city,” she says, though she’s not above it. It’s the reason she’s back to promote her first documentary, “Our Land,” out Friday.

Unhurried when it comes to her output, Martel has only made four fiction features, among them 2001’s “La Cienaga” and 2008’s “The Headless Woman” (returning to theaters this month in a new 4K restoration). Her biting and formally audacious narratives examine class, politics and — a speciality — the interiority of women through enigmatic portraits of psychologically complex individuals.

“Our Land,” a piercing indictment of the enduring wounds of colonialism, chronicles the murder of Indigenous Argentine activist Javier Chocobar in 2009 and the prolonged trial of the perpetrators in 2018.

Chocobar was shot during a confrontation with armed men over land in the Tucumán province of Argentina where the Chuschagasta Indigenous community has lived for many generations. Martel explores the killing not as an isolated event in her country’s recent past but as part of a long history of dispossession.

“Racism is a foundational element,” she says of her homeland. “The only consistent thing in Argentina, from the country’s birth to the present day, is the rejection of Indigenous people.”

In Argentina, Martel explains, public education has indoctrinated the population into believing Indigenous people no longer exist. Yet many Argentines proudly claim a connection to the Europeans, Italians in particular, who arrived in the country in the late 1800s and early 1900s.

“When giving speeches, our presidents always say, ‘We are a country of immigrants,’ or ‘We came from the boats,’” says Martel. “They use metaphors like these because deep down Argentines feel much more indebted to European immigration than to our Indigenous population. But more than half of the people in Argentina have Indigenous ancestors.”

In 2020, Chocobar’s three convicted murderers appealed their guilty verdicts and were set free. “Our Land” premiered at the Venice Film Festival in September 2025, which brought renewed attention to the case. A month later, the sentence was upheld and two of the men returned to prison (one died in the interim).

Martel believes that outcome was a response to her film. “Communities wage the fight but cinema helps,” she says.

“I believe that we must use cinema for its enormous power to alter perception and not soothe the rich,” Martel says. “It’s not about delivering a message but rather about showing how an idea functions.”

(Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)

For over 14 years, Martel worked on “Our Land” on and off. This time included periods when she focused on 2017’s “Zama,” her masterful period piece following a Spanish official in 18th century Argentina “who doesn’t want to be American,” she says, referring to the continent. In her mind, both “Zama” and “Our Land” come from the same impulse to dissect colonialism.

As part of her research process, Martel and her team created a detailed archive of documents related to the case that the Chuschagasta community now has at its disposal. Over the years, Delfín Cata, one of the Indigenous men present during the attack, would call Martel. He never asked about how her film was going, but the director sensed he was tacitly checking in on her progress, hoping that she was not losing faith.

“That was a confirmation that, beyond my own interest, there were people who needed this film,” she says. “I felt the immense satisfaction of knowing I was doing something that would be concretely useful.”

For Martel, the question of whether she was the right person to make this film (one she got in Venice) seems unfair. “It’s wrong to prevent a human being from speaking about their own history because they are not a woman, because they are not Black, or because they are not Indigenous,” she says. “It’s better to make mistakes trying to understand something than not to try at all. The chances of making a mistake are enormous in a film, no matter how good your intentions are.”

A key piece of evidence in the Chocobar case, prominent in the film, is a video that one of the attackers filmed, presumably expecting the Indigenous community to react violently, to justify firing his gun at them. The Chuschagasta men that faced them weren’t armed. As used by their aggressors, the camera functioned as a weapon.

Hollywood feels incompatible with Martel’s sophisticated, confrontational movies rooted in her country’s troubles. By Martel’s own admission, it doesn’t feel like a fit for her.

“I would have to force myself to create something outside my own country, outside my own language,” she says. “And that doesn’t really appeal to me.”

Still, Marvel Studios famously asked to meet with her when seeking a director for 2021’s “Black Widow.” Martel says she was among many directors they contacted, but she was curious to take the meeting even if she knew nothing would come of it.

“They wanted to do it over Zoom and I happened to be here in Los Angeles,” she remembers. “I told them I could come in, because I wanted to see what the whole process was like.”

Martel describes the month she spent in L.A. — an eye injury prevented her from flying home sooner — as a “lot of fun in the end,” even if no blockbuster emerged from it. More recently, another Hollywood offer did tempt her, but she ultimately passed.

“It was a good book suggested to me by an actress of undoubted talent,” Martel shares, careful to avoid names. “I considered it, but you very quickly have to picture yourself spending three years or at least a year and a half living in the United States making a movie. I have a thousand things in Argentina to worry about.”

Still, Hollywood, and its significance to moviemaking, has a singular, unnerving allure on her. Two of Martel’s favorite movies set in L.A. are David Lynch’s nightmarish “Mulholland Drive” and Robert Aldrich’s psychodrama “What Ever Happened to Baby Jane?”

“There is something ruthless and utterly devoid of sanity at the heart of this film industry, and I’ve never felt that darkness as clear as in ‘Mulholland Drive,’” she says. “How can an industry that handles so many millions [of dollars] and such impeccably dressed famous people be so full of lunatics? That film captures that perfectly.”

And occasionally, she thinks, a big production breaks the mold, such as Todd Phillips’ “Joker,” which won the Golden Lion at the Venice Film Festival in 2019 when Martel served as jury president — a controversial choice.

“It certainly had an impact on me,” says Martel. “I didn’t vote for it, though. I had another favorite, a Chinese film that stood no chance of winning.”

Phillips, she thinks, created a premonition for what was to come. “For me, the real killer clowns are Trump, Milei or Orbán,” Martel says, referring to polarizing leaders. “They expose themselves to ridicule and spout all sorts of nonsense. Those are clowns. And I think that movie captured that.”

Not one to mince words, Martel elaborates on the relation of Joaquin Phoenix’s social outcast turned supervillain and President Trump.

“The origin of the Joker is social resentment,” she says. “Trump holds no resentment toward society because the system gave him everything. But he has exploited the people who do harbor resentment. That is where you see the kind of clown he is, one who knows how to use people.”

Artificial intelligence, far-right ideologies, voracious capitalism — all of it makes Martel alarmed, seeing it as pushing us collectively to the brink of collapse. But there is hope, she thinks.

“What we have invented is very dangerous but we can dismantle it,” she says. “That is the only thing I’m betting on, that, at some point, a consensus will emerge and we’ll go, ‘Let’s not do this.’”

“I believe that we must use cinema for its enormous power to alter perception and not soothe the rich,” she says. “It’s not about delivering a message but rather about showing how an idea functions.”

She points to one of her subjects in “Our Land,” an Indigenous man who told her he loves the 1959 Charlton Heston epic “Ben-Hur,” a passion she does not share but understands.

“That’s a blow for all of us who make auteur cinema,” Martel says with a laugh. “That feeling that ‘Ben-Hur’ evoked gave him the strength to continue fighting for his community’s territory.”

The night before our interview, Martel rode around L.A. on a scooter holding onto a friend. These days she uses a cane to help her with mobility. “The city has great light,” she says, still open to being surprised by it.

Three of six passengers who fell ill from suspected rodent-transmitted virus have died, and one is in intensive care, the WHO says.

Three people have died on a cruise ship in the Atlantic, with at least one confirmed to have suffered from hantavirus, a rare disease transmitted to humans from rodents.

Health authorities are now investigating a suspected outbreak of the virus on the MV Hondius, which is sailing from Ushuaia in Argentina to Cape Verde.

In a statement on Sunday, the World Health Organization said that one case had been confirmed and at least five other passengers were suspected of being infected.

“Of the six affected individuals, three have died, and one is currently in intensive care in South Africa,” WHO said in a statement.

“Detailed investigations are ongoing, including further laboratory testing and epidemiological investigations. Medical care and support are being provided to passengers and crew. Sequencing of the virus is also ongoing.”

WHO added that it was “facilitating coordination” between countries to evacuate the two other passengers showing symptoms of the infection.

Hantavirus, a rare disease transmitted to humans through the droppings or urine of infected rodents, can be fatal in severe cases and cause hemorrhagic fever.

Infected couple among casualties

South Africa’s National Department of Health said earlier on Sunday that there had been an outbreak of a “severe acute respiratory illness”, which had killed at least two people, and that a third person was in intensive care in Johannesburg, according to the AFP news agency.

The ministry’s spokesperson, Foster Mohale, confirmed that the patient being treated in Johannesburg tested positive for hantavirus.

A 70-year-old was the first to develop symptoms. He died on the ship, with his body now being held on the island of Saint Helena, a British territory in the South Atlantic, the spokesman said.

The patient’s 69-year-old wife also fell sick and was evacuated to South Africa, where she died in a Johannesburg hospital, he added.

Mohale told AFP that authorities have not confirmed the nationalities of the deceased. But the person in intensive care was reported by AFP to be a 69-year-old Briton.

BUENOS AIRES, April 27 (UPI) — Argentina’s incentive program designed to attract large-scale investments, a key pillar of President Javier Milei economic agenda, is showing early signs of success through increased foreign currency flowing into the country.

In an economy in which hard currency shortages often shape government policy and financial stability, early results from the Large Investment Incentive Regime, known by its Spanish acronym RIGI, are being closely watched by government officials and financial markets.

According to figures from Argentina’s central bank, projects approved under the program generated a net inflow of $762 million through March. The funds entered the country directly and helped provide some stability to the exchange rate.

Gonzalo Brest, a legal partner at KPMG Argentina, told UPI the progress of the investment regime sends a positive signal for the country’s economy.

“In concrete terms, this could translate into more private-sector jobs, especially in areas such as construction, transportation, metalworking, logistics, energy and mining, along with greater economic activity in the provinces where the investments are established,” Brest said.

He added that the program’s impact could extend beyond employment and affect Argentina’s external accounts.

“If these projects move forward, Argentina could increase exports and generate greater foreign currency inflows — something that is critical for an economy that has historically faced external constraints and balance-of-payments pressures,” he said.

Brest said the RIGI program is also intended to address Argentina’s long-standing difficulty in attracting large-scale investment in capital-intensive industries that require stable rules over long periods.

“In the government’s view, the regime functions as a kind of ‘island of stability’ aimed at accelerating investment decisions that, without a special framework, would likely be postponed or relocated to other countries,” he said.

The program is primarily focused on sectors such as oil and gas, mining, renewable energy, ports and heavy industry, all with strong export potential. Brest said the initiative’s main goals are to boost exports, increase foreign currency inflows and create jobs.

Many of the proposed projects are tied to lithium, copper, gold, silver, liquefied natural gas and oil development in Vaca Muerta, one of Argentina’s largest shale oil and gas formations.

“These are sectors where Argentina has abundant resources, but needed greater certainty to turn them into production and exports,” Brest said.

He cautioned, however, that the program’s long-term success will depend on factors beyond the design of the regime itself, including macroeconomic stability, infrastructure, access to financing and public support for large-scale projects.

“Even so, the RIGI is already functioning as a strong signal to international markets that Argentina wants to compete for major investment capital,” he said.

The program has received more than 35 project proposals totaling more than $80 billion. Of those, 13 projects have received government approval, representing combined investments of more than $18 billion.

Among the latest proposals under review is the “Fértil Pampa” project led by Pampa Energía. The initiative calls for a nearly $2.4 billion investment to produce fertilizers in the industrial hub of Bahía Blanca in Buenos Aires province.

With these developments, the RIGI program is moving beyond its initial phase of announcements and expectations.

The next challenge will be determining whether the promised investments can be sustained over time and translated into real economic activity, jobs and a stable flow of foreign currency for a country seeking relief from one of its most persistent economic constraints.

Press freedom advocates have warned of hostile rhetoric towards journalists and increasingly restrictive policies under Milei.

The administration of Argentina’s Javier Milei has restricted access to the presidential palace, the Casa Rosada, as part of an escalating feud with the country’s journalists.

Accredited journalists reportedly arrived at the Casa Rosada on Thursday and attempted to enter the building through fingerprint scanning, as they usually would.

But they were unable to pass the scan. As confusion hit the news corps, the head of Argentina’s Secretariat of Communication and Press issued a clarification that their press accreditation had not been revoked.

“The decision to remove the fingerprints of journalists accredited to the Casa Rosada was taken as a preventive measure in response to a complaint filed by the Military Household regarding illegal espionage,” Secretary Javier Lanari wrote on social media.

“The sole objective is to guarantee national security.”

Lanari’s post cites an incident wherein two journalists from the Argentinian channel TN were accused of secretly filming inside the government palace.

After their report was broadcast, the Milei administration accused the journalists of endangering government security by showing parts of the Casa Rosada that were reportedly off limits.

On Wednesday, Milei himself took to social media to call the journalists “repugnant trash”. He then challenged other members of the news media to justify their actions.

“I would love to see that filthy scum — the 95% who carry press credentials — come out and defend what these two criminals did,” Milei wrote on X.

Since then, the president has repeatedly reposted messages critical of the news media, often accompanied by the acronym “NOLSALP” or “NOL$ALP”. It stands for: “We don’t hate journalists enough.”

“Someday, that filthy journalistic scum (95%) will have to understand that they are not above the law. They abused legal precedent. It does not come without a price,” Milei added in one of his posts on Thursday, as he continued to slam the news media.

This week’s actions are the latest in a series of policy changes under Milei designed to tighten restrictions on journalists.

Last year, for instance, his government capped entry to certain rooms in the Casa Rosada and placed other areas out of bounds.

Critics say the policies are part of a wider broadside against journalism in Argentina. The media advocacy group Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has said that, since Milei took office in 2023, the country has seen “a sharp decline in press freedom”.

And PEN International, an organisation for writers, warned last year of a “serious deterioration” in free-speech rights.

It pointed to legislation that further restricted which government documents could be made public and to Milei’s dismantling of public media, as well as the installation of a “mute” button to silence journalists during news conferences.

Already, the decision to bar journalists from entry into the Casa Rosada has faced pushback, including from Argentinian lawmakers.

Marcela Pagano, a former journalist turned deputy in Argentina’s legislature, announced on Thursday that she had filed a criminal complaint against Milei.

“The Casa Rosada is not private property,” Pagano wrote in a statement.

“Still less does a head of state — or his henchmen officials — have the authority to decide whether the press may access the building.”

She called Thursday’s incident “an unprecedented occurrence since the return of democracy” in Argentina in 1983.

“Prohibiting journalists from exercising their freedom of expression is the first step toward silencing any dissenting voice — a situation that we in Argentina have experienced during our country’s darkest moments,” she added. “THEY WILL NOT SILENCE US.”