Arctic

March 5 (UPI) — This year marks the 30th anniversary of the Arctic Council, once a hallmark of post-Cold War cooperation in the far north.

For decades, the Arctic Ocean remained at the margins of global power politics — a remote, ice-locked expanse governed largely through scientific collaboration and consensus-based frameworks.

That balance is now shifting. Rapid ice loss is opening seasonal sea lanes, exposing fragile ecosystems and drawing new commercial and strategic interest, even as the suspension of routine cooperation with Russia has strained the council’s role.

The Arctic is emerging as a maritime crossroads where environmental risk, economic ambition and intensifying geopolitical competition increasingly converge.

Established by the 1996 Ottawa Declaration, the Arctic Council — bringing together eight Arctic states from Canada, Denmark, Finland, Norway, Russia, Sweden the United States, Indigenous permanent participants and observers including China — remains the region’s central forum for coordinating science, environmental policy and cooperative governance. Despite mounting geopolitical strain, it continues to provide an institutional platform that could support future U.S.-China maritime cooperation in the Arctic.

Recent diplomacy suggests that even as tensions rise across trade, technology and security, cooperation is still possible when interests align.

The 2018 Agreement to Prevent Unregulated High Seas Fisheries in the Central Arctic Ocean, in force since 2021, offers a case in point. By imposing a 16-year moratorium on commercial fishing while joint scientific research assesses the ecosystem, the pact places precaution ahead of competition and provides a model for managing emerging Arctic risks.

The significance of the fisheries decision should not be understated. The agreement brought together Arctic coastal states and distant-water fishing powers, including Washington and Beijing, to manage a region where no fisheries regime previously existed.

In doing so, it transformed an ungoverned expanse of high seas into a shared space of stewardship — governed not by territorial claims, but by science, restraint and a shared recognition of ecological risk.

“The Arctic Council is a dedicated body creating a platform for collaboration built on consensus. It is far from perfect, but it has produced a number of highly influential assessments and created an international community devoted to cooperation and shared stewardship,” said Henry P. Huntington, arctic science director of the Ocean Conservancy.

Science diplomacy as a foundation

For the United States, the Arctic is a strategic frontier and an environmental priority, tied to maritime access, national defense, Indigenous livelihoods and ecological protection.

For China, it is an emerging arena of economic opportunity and global governance engagement. Beijing’s self-description as a “near-Arctic state,” combined with its investments in polar research, ice-capable vessels and Arctic shipping studies, reflects a broader ambition to participate in shaping the rules that will govern the region’s future.

International law scholar Michael Byers said China’s Arctic posture differs sharply from its behavior in the South China Sea. While Beijing has strategic interests in the region through its “Polar Silk Road,” it has no territorial claims in the Arctic and has largely operated within the existing legal framework.

In contrast to its role as a resident power in the South China Sea, Byers notes that China presents itself in the Arctic as a “near-Arctic state,” focused on resource access and emerging shipping routes — a presence that Arctic nations are watching more closely as its footprint grows.

Despite competing strategic interests, both countries share a clear objective: preventing a governance vacuum in the Arctic. The fisheries accord underscores that even amid rivalry, Washington and Moscow recognize the dangers of unregulated exploitation in fragile waters and the need for baseline rules. As such, the agreement serves not only as a conservation tool, but as a diplomatic signal that pragmatic cooperation in the Arctic remains possible.

At its center is a commitment to joint scientific research. Participating states will collaborate to monitor fish stocks, map Arctic ecosystems and assess climate impacts, generating the shared data needed to determine whether any future fishing can be conducted sustainably.

“The Arctic Council’s 30th anniversary finds its consensus-based structure severely tested. Western states suspended cooperation with Russia in 2022, effectively paralyzing what was once exemplary post-Cold War diplomacy,” said Pavel Devyatkin, a senior associate at the Arctic Institute. He said the council’s experience offers practical lessons for managing contested waters elsewhere, including the South China Sea.

Arctic marine science has long bridged geopolitical divides, including cooperation with China, showing how shared environmental risks can transcend political tension. As Devyatkin noted, the region offers a clear lesson: ecological disruption can outweigh traditional security concerns. When U.S.-Russia fisheries monitoring was suspended, key data gaps emerged just as warming waters pushed fish stocks northward — a cautionary signal for any contested maritime region facing climate-driven change.

China’s Arctic engagement is anchored in scientific diplomacy. Unlike more securitized theaters such as the South China Sea, Beijing has framed its Arctic role around cooperation, climate research and environmental stewardship. Its Yellow River Station in Svalbard has supported long-term research since 2004, while icebreakers such as Xue Long and Xue Long 2, along with polar-capable satellites, have expanded China’s research reach and technological presence in the region.

At the same time, Western policymakers remain cautious about the potential dual-use nature of these activities. Concerns focus on whether data gathered from satellites, seabed mapping or subsea systems could support military applications. U.S. and NATO officials have questioned how China might use its growing Arctic data capabilities.

The model reflects a broader principle of science diplomacy — one that has long shaped cooperation in contested maritime regions. Scientific collaboration provides a low-politics entry point for engagement, allowing rival states to build trust, exchange data and establish working relationships even when political tensions remain high.

“Marine science is an area that can promote international cooperation. That is true in many contexts, including in relation to the next International Polar Year collaborations currently being planned, that will include China,” claimed Evan T. Bloom, polar governance chair at the Ted Stevens Center for Arctic Security Studies.

Collaborative mapping of sensitive habitats could inform conservation planning and risk management. Even the design of Arctic marine protected areas, an issue gaining attention as part of global “30 by 30” conservation goals, could become a platform for coordinated policy development.

From fisheries to shipping and conservation

Shipping governance is emerging as the next test of whether U.S.-China scientific cooperation can translate into operational rules in the Arctic. As sea ice recedes, a transpolar route linking Asia, Europe and North America could reshape global trade, but the region remains poorly charted, remote and environmentally fragile, with high risks of accidents and long-term damage.

Analysts say a cooperative framework on Arctic shipping, covering safety standards, environmental protections, data sharing and emergency response, could reduce those risks. Joint monitoring of ice and vessel traffic, coordinated search-and-rescue protocols and agreed-upon environmental rules for polar operations would form the backbone of such an approach.

Marine conservation offers another pathway for cooperation. The precautionary logic underpinning the fisheries agreement aligns with broader global efforts to expand ocean protection and safeguard biodiversity.

The United States and China have expanded marine protected areas domestically and have endorsed international conservation targets. Extending that logic to the Arctic through coordinated conservation zones or networks of protected areas would reinforce ecological resilience while creating a stabilizing framework for governance.

Such initiatives also would resonate with a wider global trend: the recognition that environmental security and geopolitical stability are increasingly intertwined. As climate change accelerates, the management of shared ecosystems is becoming a central component of international relations. The Arctic, like the South China Sea or the Mediterranean, is emerging as a test case for how science-based stewardship can mitigate strategic rivalry.

The obstacles to deeper cooperation, however, remain substantial. The broader U.S.-China relationship is marked by strategic distrust, trade disputes and military competition. Arctic policy cannot be entirely insulated from tensions in other theaters, including the Indo-Pacific. Russia’s war in Ukraine has also disrupted Arctic diplomacy, limiting the functioning of multilateral bodies such as the Arctic Council and injecting new security concerns into the region.

Trust remains a central obstacle.

Washington remains wary of Beijing’s long-term strategic intentions in the Arctic, particularly the dual-use potential of infrastructure and emerging shipping routes.

Beijing casts itself as a legitimate stakeholder in global commons governance and is pressing for a greater role in shaping the rules of the evolving Arctic order.

At the same time, Russia’s continued isolation from Arctic Council processes since 2022 has pushed Moscow to seek new partners, further complicating the diplomatic landscape and slowing meaningful progress on joint conservation efforts for Arctic flora and fauna.

Against that backdrop, any expansion of cooperation will need to be incremental, transparent and anchored in verifiable scientific collaboration. The fisheries agreement provides a template: begin with a shared risk, rely on joint science, build institutional mechanisms and create habits of cooperation over time. That process is gradual, but it can be durable.

.

Introduction

The Arctic has long been known as “high North, low tension”, as its frozen waters and permafrost landscape offered no incentives to the states. However, due to global warming, it is changing. The rate of warming in the Arctic region is four times faster than the globe, resulting in massive ice loss. This anthropogenic anomaly has made the Arctic a region of geopolitical significance.

The Strategic Importance

The strategic importance of any region primarily depends on two factors: The first is Geographical position; which not only emboldens its importance as a trade passage but also defines its fruitfulness as a strategic location in both peace and war. The second; its Resources which offer economic benefits to the states, which can be translated into military might. The Arctic, indeed, has manifested both qualities. Its seas are becoming navigable as the ice recedes. The Northern Sea Route (NSR) and the Northwest passage (NWP) provide the countries in the high latitudes lucrative trade opportunities. Similarly, the geo-economic weight of the Arctic is augmented by its huge reserves of petroleum and minerals. It holds almost 13% (90 billion barrels) of the world’s undiscovered oil and 30% of its undiscovered gas resources. Moreover, the Arctic has a large amount of mineral resources. For example, Greenland; which comprises almost 15% of the Arctic region and its second largest contiguous landmass, is estimated to possess large deposits of Rare Earths, Copper, Zinc, Iron ore, Gold, Nickel and Uranium. Therefore, the big powers have set eye on the Arctic, including the US; Russia and China, with ambitions to dominate which may be termed as The Arctic Great Game.

Strategic location of the Arctic

“Whoever holds Alaska will hold the world”, General Billy Mitchell was not wrong when he uttered this phrase in 1935. Indeed, during the Cold War, the possession of Alaska for the US, its only in the Arctic, proved fruitful. American early warning satellites and missile defenses were installed in Alaska to detect Soviet infiltration. The Cold War is over now, but the competition over the Arctic has reinvigorated. The US, under Trump administration, is ambitious to dominate

the Western Hemisphere. The Arctic, especially Greenland, can be defined as the head of the Western Hemisphere. The geographical position of the Greenland is indeed enviable. East of it runs the widest gap between the Arctic and the Atlantic Ocean. Therefore, America holds the Island in esteem for its strategic location. The 2026 National Defense Strategy emphasizes the US military and commercial access to the Arctic, especially Greenland. It already operates the Pituffik Space Base (formerly Thule Air Base) in Greenland, in addition to its Alaskan military bases in the Arctic.

Russia, an important stakeholder in the region, enjoys one of the longest coastlines and largest territories in the Arctic. Russian activities in the Arctic are not novice. In the late 18^th century, Russian emperor Peter the Great launched the ‘Great Northern Expedition’ which aimed to search for a northern sea route that could connect the Pacific and Europe. The quest for a such a sea route seems promising now as the Arctic waters become traversable. In 2020, Russia unveiled its Arctic policy till 2035. Among others, it emphasized the development of the Northern Sea Route (NSR) as ‘a national transport communication of the Russian Federation that is competitive on the world market’. However, after Russian invasion of Ukraine, Kremlin adopted a staunch outlook. In Feb 2023, Putin decreed to amend the country’s Arctic policy. The amended document mentioned the prioritization of the national interests of the Russian Federation in the Arctic. For this purpose, Russia has endeavored to transform NSR into a global trade and energy route. Russia currently operates the largest Icebreaker fleet and thanks to this technology, the transit of trade vessels is expected to increase through the NSR.

Routes through the Arctic Ocean. Source: Author’s creation

However, any unilateral Russian action in the Arctic Ocean would not land off the attention of the other Arctic states. While Russia is ambitious to hew the Arctic Ocean as a “Russian Lake”, the other Arctic countries too deem the Arctic as their ‘number one priority’. The Nordic countries consider the Arctic as a security concern, they also see Russia as a threat in the region while emphasizing sustainable development in the region. Therefore, the strategic competition in the Arctic will, inevitably, shape the European security dynamics.

The strategic importance of GIUK (Greenland-Iceland-UK) Gap, a body of open water between the three countries, is still relevant. During the Cold War, it provided the Soviet vessels an outlet into the North Atlantic Ocean which conferred optimal range to strike NATO targets. However, in late 2019, Russian submarines surged through the gap into the North Atlantic in what was a large-scale military exercise to which NATO forces counteracted with air missions to gather reconnaissance. Therefore, the Arctic is of strategic significance. It acts as a vanguard for the defenses of the Americas and Europe.

The most interesting case offered in the Arctic security is that of China, which lacks any geographical connection to the region. For Beijing, the Arctic begets new opportunities. China has already declared itself a “Near-Arctic State”  in its Arctic Policy 2018 and seeks to participate in the development of the Arctic shipping routes. China’s growing interest in the Arctic shipping routes can be interpreted as its efforts to diversify its trade routes. Compare the two routes which link China to the Western European markets: First is from the Chinese ports through the East and South China Sea, into the Indian Ocean, then crossing the Suez and reaching Mediterranean, squeezing through Gibraltar strait and reaching destinations. China’s apparition, utilizing this route, is evident in what has been translated as the “Malacca dilemma”. The second runs northerly from the Chinese ports and then cruising along the Arctic reaches Northern and Western Europe. The first is long, time-consuming and precarious in case of conflict given complex maritime features of the region. The second not only cost saving but also relatively more secure and safe. Therefore, the prospects for China to make the Arctic a “Polar Silk Road” are rewarding.

Future Power Politics in the Arctic. Source: Author’s creation

The Race to Secure the Arctic Resources

President Trump, during his first term, had tried to buy Greenland. However, his efforts were reinvigorated after his re-election in late 2024. During his second term, he has repeatedly threatened to occupy Greenland by using military force, the island defined by him as a matter of national security. The strategic importance of the Greenland is evident. Trump’s interest in the Greenland can be defined by two reasons. First to oust China and Russia from the region who have been increasing their influence in the region, as he perceives. Secondly, Trump wants to secure the resources of the Greenland for the US. Greenland, as said earlier, is rich in rare-earth minerals, which have their application in military industries, medical equipment, oil refining and green energy. Currently, China is the largest exporter of the rare earths. US deems ramping up its rare earth’s resources crucial for countering the Chinese monopoly over them. Last year, a global supply chains crisis loomed following China’s restrictions on the exports of the critical minerals. Moreover, to meet the threat imposed by climate change, the real progenitor of the shift in Arctic security, the transition to renewable and smart energy sources demands sufficient mineral resources including the rare earths. These are used in wind turbines and electric vehicles.

Russia extracts a huge amount of its energy and mineral resources from the Arctic. It produces rare earths, nickel and cobalt from its Arctic territory. Russian Arctic also holds almost 37.5 trillion cubic metres of natural gas, 75% of Russia’s gas reserves. As the permafrost thaws and the sea ice melts in the Arctic, Russia will expand its efforts to secure the resources in the region. Therefore, the Kremlin keenly observes changing environmental and political dynamics in the Arctic.

Lastly, the ‘Near-Arctic State’ has also augmented its footholds in the Arctic. China has invested in economic sectors in the Arctic. It is yet to be unveiled whether China’s ambitions in the Arctic are solely for peaceful economic purposes or rather they embody a strategic objective. So far, China has remained innocuous, focusing on economic ties with the Arctic states which benefit all.

Conclusion

The Arctic is going to witness a tense geostrategic competition. Climate Change has transformed this previously unnoticed region into a new stage of strategic competition. Arctic routes and resources invite regional as well as extra-regional powers to vie for dominance in the high north. Therefore, states have shifted their focus to the Arctic. The political and strategic facts imply that in the future the master of the Arctic will decide the matters of the world.

US President Donald Trump writes on Truth Social that a ‘great hospital boat’ is going to Greenland as he mocks its healthcare system.

Greenland said “no thanks” to US President Donald Trump’s plan to send a hospital ship to the Arctic island after he repeatedly threatened to seize the Danish autonomous territory for “national security” reasons.

Prime Minister Jens-Frederik Nielsen said in a post on Facebook on Sunday that Trump’s proposal to send the US medical vessel had been “noted”.

“But we have a public healthcare system where treatment is free for citizens. It is a deliberate choice,” Nielsen said, reiterating Greenland remained open to dialogue and cooperation.

“But talk to us instead of just making more or less random outbursts on social media,” he added.

The historically strong bilateral ties after World War II between NATO allies Denmark and the United States have come under severe strain in recent months as Trump ratcheted up talk of a possible US takeover of the mineral-rich and strategically located Arctic island.

Danish Defence Minister Troels Lund Poulsen told Danish broadcaster DR that the population of Greenland “receives the healthcare it needs”.

“They receive it either in Greenland or, if they require specialised treatment, they receive it in Denmark,” he said. “It’s not as if there’s a need for a special healthcare initiative in Greenland.”

On Saturday, Trump said in a post on his Truth Social account – with an AI-generated image of the US Navy vessel the USNS Mercy – that it was on its way to Greenland to treat those being medically neglected.

“We are going to send a great hospital boat to Greenland to take care of the many people who are sick, and not being taken care of there. It’s on the way!!!” Trump wrote.

Trump has repeatedly expressed his interest in the US taking control of Greenland, citing it as a way to secure US national security. However, Greenland and Europe rejected the US desire to take the Arctic island and have upheld Greenlandic sovereignty.

Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen said she was “happy to live in a country where access to healthcare is free and equal for all”.

Greenland is a place “where insurance or wealth does not determine whether one receives dignified treatment,” she added in an apparent criticism of the US healthcare system, which is not universal.

Threats to take Greenland ebbed after Trump struck a “framework” deal with NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte in January to ensure greater US influence.

The Arctic is increasingly recognized as being of critical strategic importance, with the U.S., as well as NATO members, eager to swiftly implement measures to stamp authority on and preserve security in the region. This will need a multi-layered approach that includes a host of airborne capabilities, especially those pertaining to the surveillance of huge areas. These requirements are complicated by the austere conditions of the frigid high north. General Atomics Aeronautical Systems, Inc. (GA-ASI) believes its MQ-9B SeaGuardian® remotely piloted aircraft is ideally suited for Arctic ops and is ready to answer the call for duty at the top of the world.

The continuing retreat of the polar ice cap is opening up opportunities for new shipping routes as well as access to previously untapped natural resources. Together, this has spurred a rush for increased Western presence in the region to ensure access to help stabilize a potential flashpoint that’s of global interest and importance. Even so, the Arctic remains one of the most inhospitable zones on the planet.

Russia has been making moves to extend its already robust military presence in the Arctic. This includes the reactivation of dormant northern air bases and seaports that could be utilized to help deny access to the high north. China too is recognizing the strategic potential of the area, underscored by an expanding presence there. This helped spur the Pentagon to identify the Arctic as “an increasingly competitive domain,” warning Congress of China’s interest in the region.

Braced for the cold

The MQ-9B SeaGuardian is designed for medium-altitude, long-endurance missions, and it incorporates more than three decades’ worth of GA-ASI’s experience in uncrewed air systems. The company has honed its expertise through programs such as the MQ-1 Predator and MQ-9 Reaper. The MQ-9B family includes the baseline SkyGuardian and the maritime-optimized SeaGuardian, as well as the United Kingdom’s Protector version.

The SeaGuardian is physically larger than its predecessors, with a longer wingspan, giving it more range than anything else in this category, as well as better endurance – as much as 40 hours in some configurations. The SeaGuardian’s longer wings mean it can generate sufficient lift to enable it to operate from a wide variety of airfields with runways of limited length, thus affording greater operational flexibility.

GA-ASI is also developing a short takeoff and landing-optimized version of the MQ-9B, which could be employed from aircraft carriers and big deck amphibious assault ships. This capability could also be employed for accessing even smaller airfields.

Introducing MQ-9B STOL

When it comes to cold-weather operations, such as those in the Arctic, the aircraft features electro-expulsive de-icing and a field-proven cold-start capability. In one demonstration, an MQ-9B was cold-soaked and then de-iced, and it started its engine in ambient temperatures below -21 degrees Centigrade (about -5 degrees Fahrenheit), then took off without incident. GA-ASI has proved that the aircraft can roll out from a climate-controlled hangar into subzero ambient conditions, start up, and fly.

“With respect to iced runways, we can operate at airports with runways the same as a conventional aircraft – so it’s cold, there’s ice, but the airport ops crew goes out and clears and salts, and that enables normal flight ops at their field,” commented a GA-ASI spokesperson. “We can do that as far north as there are airports that support those kinds of conditions at the field.”

Important aircraft operators have selected the MQ-9B specifically for these features.

“Nobody knows the hardships associated with operating in the cold better than the Royal Canadian Air Force [RCAF], which is why they needed to be confident this aircraft would work in some of the least hospitable fields in the world,” says Michel Lalumiere, a former RCAF general officer who today leads Canadian business strategy for GA-ASI. “We’ve been working closely with them to ensure that it will become normal operations.” 

Canada is purchasing 11 MQ-9Bs for Arctic operations to provide persistent intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR).

An uncrewed vehicle like the MQ-9B can be controlled remotely from nearly anywhere on the planet. It can operate from an existing air base or at a remote forward location without the need for extensive supporting manpower deployments. Automated takeoff and landing means any support crews that are needed to launch, recover, and maintain operational SeaGuardians can be minimal and more easily sustained.

“You don’t need to bed down a squadron somewhere cold and remote if you don’t want to,” Lalumiere says. “You could send up a small team that catches an MQ-9B at a forward post, refuels, turns the aircraft, and sends it on its way, enabled by the automatic takeoff and landing capabilities. Sustaining these operations becomes about the missions and not the deployments, as we might have thought about them once.”

There is a linked benefit to operating uncrewed air assets in the vast and inhospitable Arctic. Crewed patrol aircraft necessitate search-and-rescue assets standing by in case of emergency. The uncrewed MQ-9B doesn’t need those, so that kind of resource-intensive contingency support can be tasked elsewhere.

Time on task is another consideration. An airborne, on-mission SeaGuardian can change out operating crews over regular shift patterns at the ground control station while the air asset continues its work. With sufficient aircraft and aircrews, an air arm can maintain sufficient orbits to keep watch on a large area of ocean around the clock, indefinitely.

“Imagine an air ops plan like this. A detachment of MQ-9Bs is working heel-to-toe, providing 24/7 overwatch above a patch of important waters,” says Lalumiere. “Aircraft one might have taken off carrying a 360-degree surface search radar to establish the highest-quality domain awareness – and it detects a specific ship of interest. As that aircraft stays with that target, commanders decide to prepare aircraft two in a clean configuration, with no payloads, in order to maximize its endurance. Aircraft two launches and relieves aircraft one, staying with the vessel of interest for many hours. The coast guard decides to interdict the vessel. The aircraft with communications relay equipment coordinates that operation while the other aircraft remain ready to launch, take over, and hold custody of the area, 24/7, until the mission is completed.” 

Multi-mission capability

The modular payload and open architecture MQ-9B is designed to carry a range of systems that enable it to sense and observe anything that comes or goes on the surface of land and sea, in the air, and even beneath the waves. The aircraft can also collect signals intelligence or take on a number of other roles by using many specialized payloads. This is in addition to the aircraft’s ability to strike targets of many kinds.

The MQ-9B has the ability to deploy sonobuoys to listen for submarines – a highly valuable feature considering what lurks below the surface in the Arctic. GA-ASI has flight-tested sonobuoy dispensing system (SDS) pods as part of a broader demonstration of anti-submarine warfare (ASW) capabilities for the SeaGuardian. This initially involved an MQ-9A carrying one of the 10-tube dispensers and other ASW-related systems as a surrogate for a SeaGuardian.

GA-ASI and the U.S. Navy continued to expand the ASW capability of the MQ-9B with testing in December 2025 that featured dual sonobuoy pods, thereby doubling the number of sonobuoys available. “Expanding sonobuoy capacity, including Multi-static Active Coherent (MAC) technology for SeaGuardian, has been an integral part of our advanced ASW strategy to broaden and enhance search areas,” said GA-ASI President David Alexander.

While the SDS pods are initially used to release sonobuoys, the company has said that they will also be able to launch smaller unmanned aircraft, the latter of which could then potentially operate as an autonomous swarm. This can drastically increase the size of a single MQ-9B’s collection area and provides tactical flexibility for a single platform that was previously impossible to obtain.

The MQ-9B is already being prepared to be able to release a small unmanned craft of its own, such as GA-ASI’s Sparrowhawk drone and other launched effects.  

In addition to providing ISR over a large geographical area, small drones like the Sparrowhawk could provide other capabilities, such as stand-in electronic warfare jamming, or even act as decoys to confuse an enemy, further improving the survivability of the host aircraft. U.S. Special Operations Command has already experimented with the use of MQ-9Bs as launch platforms for small expendable drones.

The SeaGuardian is also being prepared as an airborne early warning and control (AEW&C) variant, which would present a readily deployable, long-endurance solution for this important role, which would carry obvious benefits in the Arctic to keep an eye on the airspace, including spotting unexpected air traffic.

Operational relevance

The SeaGuardian’s multi-mission flexibility is seen by GA-ASI as being highly relevant to Arctic multi-domain awareness. A regular pattern of patrol flights would enable authorities to maintain a comprehensive picture of who and what is present in the far north, and therefore how best to respond.

A detachment of uncrewed MQ-9Bs presents a far smaller footprint than crewed patrol aircraft, which are often costly and have their own risk factors when operating in such austere conditions. It’s worth noting that some satellite coverage in the high latitudes is spotty, irregular, and operationally unresponsive. However, the SeaGuardian is equipped with satellite communications equipment that can take advantage of both new and emerging spacecraft constellations for operations anywhere.

The MQ-9B has been ordered by the United Kingdom, Belgium, Poland, Japan, Canada, India, Qatar, and several other nations. SeaGuardians have already proved their worth. In 2024, MQ-9B supported the Indian Navy in a rescue mission to save crew members aboard a merchant ship captured by pirates as well as helping to locate vessels in distress. They have even aided mariners in the Pacific Ocean to avoid the hazards represented by newly formed volcanic islands.

The latest customers include a group of northern powers, namely Canada, Denmark and, most recently, Germany. The U.S. Navy has also included the MQ-9B in fleet exercises, including Northern Edge, Integrated Battle Problem, RIMPAC, and Group Sail, in which it has escorted warships, coordinated communications, and tracked simulated submarines, amongst other tasks. The Navy is now expected to give GA-ASI deployment flight clearance for distributed ASW operations using the SeaGuardian.

So, while many in Washington, D.C., and in European capitals are preparing for a disputatious Arctic, GA-ASI believes that the SeaGuardian is ready for the challenges that lie ahead at the top of the world.

Contact the editor: Tyler@twz.com

FINLAND has a staggering three million saunas to its five million residents.

So, when my guide tells me “sauna isn’t just our culture, it’s our way of life”, I believe him.

The tradition has been around for thousands of years here, with many treating these mini hot houses as a place to socialise, much like we would in the pub on a Friday night.

These saunas aren’t like the ones you find at your local gym, though. They are on a whole other level — think electric, wood-burning and the oldest kind, smoke saunas. And you’re expected to sit in the heated cabin, where the air is a sweltering 100C, for hours.

My adventure to the Nordic country takes me to Jyvaskyla in central Finland and the city of Tampere, which is known as the sauna capital of the world.

There are over 50 in the city centre alone. Sataman Viilu is one of the best, with two-hour sessions costing just €17 for use of its three saunas, two hot tubs, and lake-water plunge.

GROUNDED

Major European airport SHUTS with all flights halted as black ice sparks chaos

RIDE ON

I went to the European theme park where you ‘travel through time’

My advice for newbies is to make sure you start with a sauna first. Being hot makes the transition easier because you will still feel warm when you brace the lake water.

I’d also recommend wearing a pair of thick socks, which will slow down the rate at which the cold takes over.

And while it may seem obvious, remember to breathe. Controlling your breath can be hard when you’re submerged in icy water, so focus on inhaling and exhaling through the chill.

You might think this activity is the kind to be enjoyed during the summer, when both Jyvaskyla and Tampere transform into a flowery paradise, but it’s popular all year round. The cool weather doesn’t matter to those living in Finland, even when temperatures go well below 0C.

One local told me: “We don’t have bad weather, just bad clothing.”
They’re out and about all the time, ice skating on lakes or hosting car and horse rallies on the frozen waters.

Magical bedroom

So, no surprise that in Finnish language there are hundreds of words for snow, depending on how it falls, whether it turns to slush, or if it lays like a thick blanket.

You may think warming stews, therefore, would be the focus of Finnish cooking.

And although these are popular in many parts, Finland is largely known for its blueberry farming. Throughout the year you can pick up tasty jams and blueberry juice — pay a visit to Lepomaki Farm if you’re keen to learn more.

Rich fish such as salmon, perch and herring are a staple in these diets, too.
Kuokkala Manor in Jyvaskyla is an excellent spot to sample local dishes — the beef tartare was delicious and came with a wintry topping of crunchy kale and cranberry.

If you’re staying close to Tampere, I loved Ravintola Kajo, a Michelin Guide restaurant in the city centre. While it is fancy, offering an 11-course tasting experience, wine pairings and tea-based drinks, there’s no pressure whatsoever to dress up.

Make sure to explore the Tampere Market Hall while you’re here, too. It’s the largest indoor market in the Nordic countries and dates back to 1901. Inside, you’ll find locals picking up fresh fish, coffee and pastries like Karjalanpiirakka, which has a thin rye crust and a savoury filling (usually rice porridge).

For dessert lovers, I’d highly recommend a cardamom donut from Pyynikin Munkkikahvila, a cafe within the market. It’s delicious and not too sweet.

If you’re worried about the chill getting too much, then book a stay at Lapland Hotel Arena, a ten-minute drive down the road where some of the bedrooms feature private saunas.

I enjoyed an early morning session each day while reading a book.
If you’re keen to stay closer to Jyvaskyla, The Boutique Hotel Yopuu has a cosy, family-run feel to it with each of its 26 rooms designed to look completely different.

But nothing could compare to my stay at the Hankasalmi and Revontuli Lakeland Village on the outskirts of Jyvaskyla.

I slept so cosily inside my All Sky Aurora Glass Igloo, which came with a little kitchen and living area — although the highlight was undoubtedly the magical bedroom, surrounded entirely by windows and with a glass roof to soak up the views.

You may even be lucky enough to catch a glimpse of the Northern Lights from the comfort of your bed.

Sadly, it was cloudy the day I was there, but watching the snow fall across the glossy, white landscape was spectacular.