Algeria

It’s one of Africa’s longest-running conflicts.

The dispute over the territory of Western Sahara started more than 50 years ago. It began with the end of Spanish colonial rule in the region.

Since then, both Morocco and the Polisario Front have claimed the Western Sahara.

In the 1990s, the United Nations tried to reach a settlement, and deployed a peacekeeping mission to the region.

Last week, that effort ended when Russia and the United States blocked proposals to extend the mission’s mandate.

So, could this development lead to renewed fighting?

Presenter: Imran Khan

Guests:

Samir Bennis – Political analyst and author of the book The Self-Determination Delusion: How Activist Scholars and Journalists Have Hijacked the Western Sahara Case

Irene Fernandez-Molina – Senior lecturer in International Relations at the University of Exeter in the United Kingdom and author of the book Moroccan Foreign Policy under Mohammed VI, 1999-2014

Mahjoub Mleiha –  Advocacy head of Collective of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders (CODESA)

Morocco has welcomed the defeat of a US-drafted resolution which sought to extend the mandate of the UN mission in the disputed Western Sahara.

The mandate of the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) expired on Saturday after a veto by Russia, leaving the future of the peacekeeping mission in limbo. In 1991, the UN established MINURSO to monitor a ceasefire and prepare a referendum on the territory’s future.

Morocco has considered Western Sahara its own territory since 1975, when Spain withdrew from the desert region in northwest Africa which is roughly the size of Britain. The Algeria-backed Polisario Front seeks to establish an independent state called the Sahrawi Republic.

So, why is Morocco celebrating the failed UN resolution? What does it mean for the future of the disputed region?

Here is what we know:

What happened at the UN Security Council?

On Friday, the US, which is a permanent member of the UN Security Council, proposed a resolution to support the principle of self-determination in the disputed Western Sahara.

Russia vetoed the resolution, despite support from 11 of the 15 council members, including fellow permanent members France and the United Kingdom.

The US draft would have extended the mission for a year, removed “referendum” from its name and made Morocco’s autonomy proposal the only basis for further talks.

Last October, the UN Security Council adopted a resolution that offered genuine autonomy to Western Sahara. Under that plan, the territory would manage its internal affairs, but remain under Moroccan sovereignty.

The Security Council had already made the proposal a basis for negotiations last year and asked UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to submit a review of the peacekeeping mission.

Speaking after the vote, US ambassador Mike Waltz said it was truly unfortunate that in 2026 the veto was used to “preserve the letter R (in the Mission’s name) for referendum”.

He added that Washington’s proposal “would have moved the 50-year conflict forward” and added that the status quo is not acceptable.

Russia’s UN ambassador, Vassily Nebenzia, said at the same meeting that Moscow opposed the draft because it favoured one side.

“We stress the fact that the Security Council cannot automatically predetermine matters relating to sovereignty,” he said.

Instead, Russia proposed renewing the existing mission without those changes. But that draft also failed to secure the nine votes needed for adoption, receiving two votes in favour, one against and 11 abstentions.

MINURSO’s mission has 155 military personnel and is set to cost $62m in the fiscal year that began in June, according to a UN report. But its mandate expired on Saturday.

How did Morocco and Algeria react to the failure of the UN mission?

Morocco’s royal palace welcomed the failure to renew MINURSO, saying on Friday that UN personnel and equipment should leave the territory in the coming days and that the Western Sahara issue should now be withdrawn from the Security Council’s consideration. Morocco said it remained committed to the ceasefire.

According to a UN media statement, Morocco’s UN representative also questioned why Algeria’s delegate was giving the Security Council “lectures” on the Western Sahara.

“Let these people [in the Western Sahara] go back to Morocco,” he said, “let them go home”.

Algeria expressed regret on Saturday over the failure to renew MINURSO’s mandate. Its foreign ministry criticised what it described as the US draft’s excessive bias towards Morocco.

According to a UN media statement, Algeria’s delegate to the UN thanked Russia for its draft resolution and all other member nations “who have chosen not to associate themselves” with an egregious injustice and a flagrant attack on “the very foundation of our organisation”.

Algeria’s UN representative noted that the country has been a refuge for hundreds of thousands of Sahrawi people who have been denied their right to self-determination.

The “tragedy being endured by the Sahrawi people has oddly been diluted to the concept of refugee populations”, he added.

Sidi Omar, the Polisario Front’s representative at the UN, told reporters on Friday that he welcomed Russia’s veto because the US proposal would undermine Sahrawi self-determination.

What is the Western Sahara dispute all about?

The Polisario Front, the political and military representative, does not recognise Morocco’s annexation of the territory following Spain’s withdrawal in 1975. It has been seeking a UN-supervised referendum for self-determination.

In 1976, it declared the independent Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic.

Decades of fighting drove at least 170,000 Indigenous people into refugee camps in Tindouf in neighbouring Algeria, which backs the Polisario Front.

The Polisario Front signed a UN-brokered ceasefire with Morocco in 1991. It called for a referendum within six months, but it was never held.

Morocco, which retains control of its lucrative phosphate and fishing resources in Western Sahara, claims historic and pre-colonial ties to the land and views the region as an integral part of its territory [“Greater Morocco”].

For decades, the US has provided military and diplomatic support to Morocco. But in 2020, Donald Trump recognised Moroccan sovereignty over the territory during his first term in office. Morocco soon established diplomatic ties with Israel as part of the so-called Abraham Accords.

The region is now the last United Nations-designated “non-self-governing territory” in Africa, where between 100,000 and 140,000 Moroccan military personnel are based.

Low-level fighting has also continued since the Polisario Front said it was resuming armed struggle in 2020.

Why is Morocco celebrating the failed UN resolution?

MINURSO was set up to monitor the 1991 ceasefire and hold a referendum in Western Sahara. The expiry of its mandate will likely boost Morocco’s stance on the referendum question, though its autonomy proposal has already been adopted by the UN.

On Saturday, according to a video report by the Reuters news agency, a festive atmosphere prevailed in the streets of El Aaiun, the capital of Western Sahara.

In the central Mechoua Square, dozens of people were wearing melfas, the traditional Sahrawi women’s garments, and long robes known as darra, as they waved Moroccan flags and displayed portraits of Morocco’s King Mohammed VI.

Selim Balouati Lakhloufi, a historian and researcher based in Morocco, said that Morocco is pleased because “diplomatic developments at the United Nations are supporting its strategy regarding the [disputed Western] Sahara”.

“The support of powers such as the United States, France and the United Kingdom for Morocco’s autonomy proposal strengthens its international position and is gradually shifting the debate away from the right to self-determination and the possibility of independence toward a solution based on autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty,” he told Al Jazeera.

What does this mean for the future of the Western Sahara?

The collapse of MINURSO’s mandate could escalate the dispute in the Western Sahara, according to aid organisations.

Oxfam has warned that losing MINURSO’s “monitoring and de-escalation functions risks undermining security and stability”.

Lakhloufi said that the UN mission’s expiry is also unfavourable for Sahrawi independence aspirations.

Regarding the future of the Western Sahara, he said that Morocco will likely continue to consolidate its territorial, economic and administrative control, while the Polisario Front will face greater difficulties in securing international support.

“The proposal for autonomy could end up becoming the main framework for negotiations, pushing independence further and further out of reach,” he added.

The UN Security Council rejected the competing proposals, leaving the peacekeeping mission without an approved extension.

The United Nations peacekeeping mission in the disputed Western Sahara faces an uncertain future after competing United States and Russian resolutions failed at the UN Security Council.

Russia vetoed the US-backed proposal on Friday, despite support from 11 members of the 15-member council.

A rival Russian draft then failed to secure the nine votes needed for adoption.

The mandate of the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) is due to expire on Saturday unless the council reaches a last-minute agreement.

Western Sahara is a former Spanish colony in northwest Africa. Morocco considers the territory its own while the Algeria-backed Polisario Front seeks to establish an independent state called the Sahrawi Republic.

The UN established MINURSO in 1991 to monitor a ceasefire and prepare a referendum on the territory’s future, but disagreements over who could vote have prevented it from taking place.

The US draft would have extended the mission for a year while removing “referendum” from its name and making Morocco’s autonomy proposal the only basis for further talks.

Under that plan, the territory would manage its internal affairs but remain under Moroccan sovereignty.

The council had already made the proposal a basis for negotiations last year.

US Ambassador Mike Waltz told the council in New York on Friday that the referendum had been stalled for decades.

Russia’s UN ambassador, Vassily Nebenzia, said at the same meeting that Moscow opposed the draft because it favoured one side.

Russia instead proposed renewing the existing mission without those changes.

Morocco’s royal palace welcomed the failure to renew MINURSO, saying on Friday that UN personnel and equipment should leave the territory.

Sidi Omar, the Polisario Front’s representative at the UN, told reporters on Friday that he welcomed Russia’s veto because the US proposal would undermine Sahrawi self-determination.

Low-level fighting has continued since Polisario said it was resuming armed struggle in 2020.

Niger requested troops to secure shared energy interests in what would be Algeria’s first deployment abroad since 1973.

Algeria’s President Abdelmadjid Tebboune has ordered troops to neighbouring Niger to protect energy and economic interests shared by both countries.

The decision, announced by Algeria’s presidency on Monday, came after both chambers of parliament approved the deployment in an emergency session on Sunday.

The presidency said authorities in Niger had requested military assistance.

If carried out, it would be Algeria’s first overseas military deployment since 1973, when it sent soldiers to support Egypt during the Arab-Israeli war.

The move marks a departure from Algeria’s longstanding reluctance to intervene militarily beyond its borders.

A 2020 constitutional reform allows the president to authorise overseas deployments with the approval of at least two-thirds of legislators in each parliamentary chamber.

Algeria sent fighter jets and support aircraft to Niger in August after what Algerian officials described as an attempt to destabilise its military government.

The presidency said the deployment decision was made under provisions of Algeria’s constitution allowing the military to operate abroad with parliamentary approval.

It has not been announced how many soldiers will be sent or when.

Algerian Senator Belkacem Boulghiti told reporters after Sunday’s parliamentary vote that the soldiers would protect economic infrastructure, particularly Algerian oil facilities in Niger.

He said Algeria was “not sending our soldiers to wage war in Niger”, describing the mission as a response to changing security conditions in the Sahel region.

Algeria’s state-owned energy company, Sonatrach, has been working with Niger on the proposed Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline. It would carry natural gas from Nigeria through Niger to Algeria for export to European markets.

Niger and neighbouring Mali and Burkina Faso have faced years of attacks by armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and ISIL (ISIS).

All three countries are governed by military leaders who seized power in coups and subsequently formed the Alliance of Sahel States, a regional political and security bloc.

The deployment follows an improvement in relations between Algeria and Niger, which has been led by General Abdourahamane Tiani since a 2023 military coup that Algeria initially condemned.

Tensions deepened in April last year after Algerian forces shot down a Malian drone near the border, prompting the three alliance members to recall their ambassadors from Algiers.

Algeria’s parliament has approved a proposal to deploy troops to neighbouring Niger, in a major shift in the North African nation’s noninterventionist military doctrine.

Algeria’s lower house, the People’s National Assembly, ratified the deployment on Sunday after the upper house, the Council of the Nation, unanimously approved the proposal earlier in the day.

Details about the number of soldiers and when they will be deployed have yet to be made public.

It comes nearly two months after Algeria dispatched four Russian-made Sukhoi Su-30 jets, a transport aircraft and an aerial refuelling aircraft to Niamey, following what Algerian authorities described as an attempt to destabilise Niger’s military-led government.

The step comes amid a thawing of relations between Algiers and Niamey as Niger’s President Abdourahamane Tchiani visited Algeria in February and, months later, his defence minister, Salifou Mody, ⁠⁠travelled to Algiers to discuss security cooperation.

The shooting down of a Malian drone by the Algerian army last April triggered a diplomatic crisis after Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso recalled their ambassadors from Algiers. The condemnation of the 2023 coup in Niger by Algeria had also strained ties.

The troop deployment is reportedly intended to protect oil installations belonging to Algeria’s state-owned energy company, Sonatrach. Troops would be sent “to protect Algeria’s economic and strategic interests, particularly its oil facilities in Niger”, The Associated Press news agency reported, quoting Algerian Senator Belkacem Boulghiti.

It also comes as Algiers seeks to deepen security cooperation in the Sahel, a vast belt of territory stretching from the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea, including several countries along Algeria’s southern frontier.

Why does this matter?

Algeria has historically been reluctant to deploy its armed forces beyond its borders, reflecting a longstanding foreign policy built around sovereignty, noninterference and opposition to foreign military intervention.

But that does not mean it has never done so.

Algerian forces participated in the 1973 Arab-Israeli war, although overseas military deployments have remained exceptionally rare in the decades since.

A constitutional revision in 2020 formalised the conditions under which Algerian troops could be sent abroad.

Under Article 91, the president may authorise such deployments, provided they receive the backing of at least two-thirds of the members of each chamber of parliament.

The constitution also provides for Algerian participation in peacekeeping operations under the auspices of the United Nations, the African Union and the Arab League.

The move is particularly significant given Algeria’s military capabilities. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, the country spent more than $25bn on its armed forces in 2025, making it Africa’s largest military spender.

But the decision also comes against a backdrop of growing diplomatic tensions and shifting regional alliances.

In September, Algeria severed diplomatic relations with the United Arab Emirates, accusing Abu Dhabi of repeated “hostile” and “provocative actions” without publicly detailing the incidents behind the decision.

The two countries have long disagreed over several regional issues, including Western Sahara and the UAE’s alleged interference in North African and Sahelian affairs.

Taken together, these developments suggest that Algeria is becoming increasingly willing to assert its security interests beyond its borders, even as it continues to emphasise the principles of sovereignty and noninterference.

Why the Sahel?

For Algeria, instability in the Sahel is not a distant security concern.

The country shares thousands of kilometres of borders with Mali, Niger and Libya, making developments in its southern neighbourhood particularly consequential.

The roots of the current security crisis can be traced, in part, to the collapse of Muammar Gaddafi’s government in Libya in 2011.

At the height of the Arab Spring uprisings, Algeria took a firm stance against foreign military intervention and warned that the disintegration of the Libyan state could destabilise neighbouring countries.

Those concerns were not unfounded.

Following Gaddafi’s overthrow, weapons and armed fighters, including Tuareg who had served in Libya, spread into neighbouring countries.

Their return helped fuel a rebellion in northern Mali in 2012, contributing to a security crisis that preceded the military overthrow of President Amadou Toumani Toure that March.

Over the following decade, armed rebellion expanded across parts of the Sahel, particularly Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger.

Since 2012, those three countries alone have experienced six military coups: three in Mali, two in Burkina Faso and one in Niger.

Many of the coups unfolded against a backdrop of deteriorating security, with military leaders accusing civilian governments of failing to contain increasingly powerful armed groups.

But insecurity was not the only factor. Political grievances, governance failures and rivalries within armed forces also contributed to the coups.

Who else is operating in the Sahel?

Another factor shaping Algeria’s calculations is the changing presence of foreign military forces across the region.

For more than a decade, France was a central player in counterterrorism operations in the Sahel, deploying thousands of troops to combat armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and ISIL (ISIS).

But that military presence has largely unravelled.

Following successive coups and deteriorating diplomatic relations, France withdrew its troops from Mali in August 2022, Burkina Faso in February 2023 and Niger in December 2023.

The withdrawals were accompanied by growing anti-French sentiment and demands from military governments for greater control over their security policies.

Niger demanded the departure of approximately 1,500 French soldiers following its July 2023 coup.

Just months later, in April 2024, approximately 100 Russian military personnel arrived in Niamey, bringing equipment and providing training to Nigerien forces.

The personnel were associated with Africa Corps, a Russian paramilitary group close to the Kremlin.

Moscow has also expanded its military cooperation with Mali and Burkina Faso, where Russian personnel have undertaken training, advisory and security roles, including combat support in Mali.

The United States has also seen its military footprint shrink.

In 2024, Washington withdrew approximately 1,000 soldiers from Niger after the military government terminated their security cooperation agreement. The withdrawal included personnel stationed at an important US drone base near Agadez.

The result has been a significant realignment of the Sahel’s security partnerships, with Western military forces departing and Russia assuming a more prominent role.

What does Algeria stand to gain?

For Algiers, the proposed deployment to Niger carries immediate security and wider strategic implications.

At the most practical level, protecting Algerian energy investments would help safeguard the country’s economic interests in a region affected by armed rebellions and political instability, including the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline (TSGP), which would transport Nigerian gas to Europe and traverse Niger and Algeria.

It could also deepen cooperation with Niger, whose military government has sought new security partners since taking power in 2023.

More broadly, the move would allow Algeria to establish a direct military presence in a neighbouring country at a time when the Sahel’s security architecture is being reshaped.

“We are not sending our soldiers to wage war in Niger, but for a mission to secure economic infrastructure,” Senator Boulghiti told reporters after the vote. “It is simply an adaptation of our doctrine to evolving circumstances so we can rise to the new challenges imposed by the situation in the Sahel region.”

Vote to send forces comes after a recent defence pact between two neighbouring countries.

The upper house of Algeria’s parliament has unanimously approved the deployment of troops to neighbouring Niger.

The Algerian constitution empowers the president to send military units abroad, provided that both chambers of parliament approve it by a two-thirds majority.

The Council of the Nation held an emergency session on Sunday to vote on troop deployment, while the People’s National Assembly, or the lower house, is expected to hold a separate session later in the evening, Algeria’s popular newspaper El Khabar reported. If the deployment is approved, it would be the first mission outside Algeria’s borders since the 1973 War between Israel and several Arab countries, known to Arabs as the October War and Israelis as the Yom Kippur War.

The military units to be deployed by Algeria are expected to be tasked with securing oil facilities in Niger.

The vote came after a visit by Niger’s Defence Minister General Salifou Modi to Algeria last week, where he held talks with Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune and Chief of Staff of the People’s National Army General Said Chanegriha.

During that visit, the two sides signed a military cooperation protocol, the details of which were not made public.

Earlier this month, Tebboune confirmed that Algeria sent fighter jets to Niger in late August to help thwart a “coup attempt” that shook the capital, Niamey.

The Algerian Ministry of Defence previously said it had sent four jets to Niger following the unrest. It said two patrols of four Sukhoi Su-30 aircraft had landed at Niamey airport, accompanied by an air-to-air refuelling plane.

The warplanes were deployed at the request of Nigerien authorities on “a mission to support the Nigerien army in confronting an attempt to destabilise the brotherly state of Niger”, the ministry said on August 30.

Relations between Algeria and Niger have witnessed a significant rapprochement over the past few months on political, diplomatic, military and economic levels, following a period of tension between the two countries.