TODAY

Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh is set to meet his U.S. counterpart Pete Hegseth in Kuala Lumpur on Friday, two Indian officials confirmed. The meeting, taking place on the sidelines of the ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting (ADMM), will mark the first direct interaction between the two leaders and comes at a delicate moment for bilateral relations strained by Washington’s punitive trade tariffs on Indian imports.

The discussions are expected to cover India’s ongoing plans to acquire six Boeing P-8I maritime patrol aircraft for its navy and a proposed new India-U.S. defence cooperation framework aimed at revitalising strategic ties. According to one official, the meeting could lay the groundwork for a bilateral visit either by Hegseth to New Delhi or Singh to Washington as both sides look to reset momentum in defence diplomacy.

Key Issues

Relations between India and the United States hit a low point earlier this year when U.S. President Donald Trump doubled tariffs on Indian imports to 50% to punish New Delhi for continuing to purchase Russian oil. The planned Singh-Hegseth meeting in Washington in August was consequently scrapped.

However, geopolitical shifts are now offering both sides an opening to rebuild ties. Following U.S. sanctions on Moscow’s top crude exporters, Indian refiners have reduced imports of Russian oil, aligning New Delhi’s actions more closely with Western interests. Washington, in turn, appears keen to re-engage with India to strengthen strategic cooperation in Asia particularly in countering China’s influence.

Why It Matters

The meeting is a key test of how far the India-U.S. strategic partnership can withstand trade disputes and geopolitical friction. Defence cooperation has been one of the strongest pillars of bilateral relations, spanning arms sales, joint exercises, and intelligence sharing under the Quad framework.

Reviving momentum now could reinforce India’s role as a security partner for the U.S. in the Indo-Pacific, especially as Washington seeks to deepen defence ties in the region amid rising tensions in the South China Sea and with China’s growing assertiveness.

India’s Defence Ministry: Seeking to secure technology transfers and diversify suppliers while preserving its strategic autonomy.

U.S. Department of Defense: Looking to reassure New Delhi of continued defence engagement despite trade frictions.

Boeing and U.S. defence contractors: Potential beneficiaries if new procurement deals move forward.

ASEAN nations: Watching the talks closely as regional defence alignments shift amid great-power competition.

What’s Next

Singh is expected to deliver formal remarks at the ASEAN meeting on November 1, where he may underscore India’s vision for regional security and freedom of navigation. If Friday’s talks go smoothly, analysts anticipate a high-level bilateral visit could follow within months a sign that the world’s two largest democracies are again moving toward strategic alignment after a period of economic friction.

For now, both sides remain cautious but pragmatic, aware that long-term interests especially in defence and Indo-Pacific security outweigh short-term trade disputes.

With information from Reuters.

A residential building floor collapsed as rescue workers were searching through the rubble, following overnight Russian drone and missile strikes on Ukraine’s southern city of Zaporizhzhia. Officials said six children were among 13 injured in the strikes.

“In a war zone where infrastructure is severely damaged, the identification process becomes slower.”

Soren Blau from the International Committee of Missing Persons discusses the challenges they face trying to locate and identify many of the deceased in Gaza.

As the number of arrests climbs to seven, none of the priceless Napoleonic-era jewellery has been recovered.

Paris police have arrested five new suspects in the Louvre crown jewel heist, the Paris prosecutor has confirmed, a day after prosecutors said two other suspects had “partially” admitted to charges of theft and conspiracy.

The group includes one “main” suspect, according to Paris Public Prosecutor Laure Beccuau, the AFP news agency reported on Thursday. Quoting judiciary sources, radio station RTL said the arrests unfolded simultaneously throughout the Paris area late on Wednesday evening.

“We had him in our sights,” Beccuau said of the prime suspect.

Details of the five Thursday arrests, including the suspects’ identities, were not immediately available.

On the morning of October 19, as visitors roamed the halls of the world’s most-visited museum, a group of intruders broke into the Apollo Gallery through an upstairs window and snatched eight pieces of priceless jewellery in a four-minute heist that has reverberated through the art world.

The stolen jewels, which have not been recovered, included 19th-century tiaras, necklaces, earrings and a brooch belonging to the wives of French Emperor Napoleon I and Napoleon III.

Since then, investigators have raced to locate the thieves, initially believed to include at least four people.

On Wednesday, Beccuau said two suspects would be brought before magistrates to be charged with organised theft, which carries a 15-year prison sentence, and criminal conspiracy, punishable by 10 years.

The duo – a 34-year-old Algerian national and a 39-year-old who were arrested in the northern Paris suburb of Aubervilliers on Saturday – had “partially admitt[ed] to the charges”, Beccuau told a news conference.

Last week, the Louvre director told the French Senate the museum’s security operations “did not detect the arrival of the thieves soon enough”.

The Louvre curator has estimated the jewels amount to about 88 million euros ($102m) in value.

“Today we are experiencing a terrible failure at the Louvre, which I take my share of responsibility in,” the director said, adding that she submitted her resignation to the culture minister, who turned it down.

Satellite imagery shows China has been building at least two facilities featuring hardened shelters with retractable roofs along its heavily disputed border with India. These look to be examples of a new pattern of air defense site, with the shelters allowing for surface-to-air missiles to be fired from transporter-erector-launchers situated within. The shelters, which offer added protection against various threats and create complexities for enemy forces, reflect larger trends when it comes to hardening of military infrastructure in China and elsewhere globally.

Geospatial intelligence firm AllSource Analysis was the first to call attention to the two sites in western China, which it assessed using satellite images from Planet Labs taken between August and September. Additional satellite imagery captured in September from Vantor (formerly Maxar Technologies), first obtained by India Today, offers further insights.

One of the sites is situated within Gar County, while the other is near the eastern end of Pangong Lake (also known as Pangong Tso). Both are located inside China’s Tibet Autonomous Region in relatively close proximity to the so-called Line of Actual Control (LAC), which forms the current de facto border with India. Pangong Lake and other areas along the LAC have seen repeated confrontations between Chinese and Indian forces over the years that have sometimes escalated into violent skirmishes. In 2022, TWZ noted an already significant expansion of Chinese military infrastructure on that country’s side of the LAC following the conclusion of a particular serious flare-up in the border dispute that had first erupted two years earlier.

Static surface-to-air missile sites are present at bases across China, especially in border areas and along its coasts, all of which share common circular design patterns. The typical mode of operation at those facilities involves TELs moving out from garages to open positions when ordered.

The facilities in Gar County and near Pangong Lake, which are enclosed inside heavy perimeter walls, have distinctly different configurations from what is typically seen at Chinese air defense sites. Each one has four hardened shelters with retractable roofs, all with the same trapezoidal design. From what can be seen in additional satellite imagery from Vantor, the shelters look to have a reinforced concrete garage-like central section with angled additions, which may just be earthen berms, on three sides.

The Gar County facility also has what appears to be two radars in elevated positions, as well as channels linking them to the shelters and what looks to be the main command center. Communications cables could be laid in those channels.

Similar channels are visible at the facility near Pangong Lake, but there are no apparent radar positions currently. There are signs that construction is still ongoing at both locations to differing degrees.

The facilities in Gar County and along the shore of Pangong Lake also have an array of other structures that look to provide for munitions storage, vehicle maintenance, living spaces for personnel, command and control, and more. Each one also has a pair of basketball courts, a common feature at People’s Liberation Army (PLA) bases, large and small, across China.

Beyond the shelters, many of the other buildings at both locations, including the main command centers, look to have been built to extremely similar, if not identical patterns. This, in turn, points to the sites, which have different overall layouts, having the same core purpose.

As mentioned, the combination of the shelters, radar positions, and other features seen at the Gar Country site, in particular, points to an air defense mission for both facilities. AllSource Analysis assessed that the sites would be sufficient to support an HQ-9 long-range surface-to-air missile system. The HQ-9 is in widespread Chinese service today and is broadly analogous to later models of the Soviet-designed S-300P series. A typical complete HQ-9 system includes a number of 8×8 wheeled transporter-erector-launchers (TEL), each of which can be loaded with up to four interceptors at a time, and offboard search and fire control radars.

The HQ-9 TELs fire their missiles vertically, which aligns with shelters with retractable roofs. One of the Vantor satellite images of the Gar County site shows the roofs of two of the shelters retracted, revealing objects inside that are consistent with HQ-9 TELs in their deployed positions.

Other surface-to-air missile systems that launch their interceptors vertically could also potentially make use of the shelters. It is also possible that they could be used in combination with surface-to-surface missile systems, though this seems far less likely to be the intent with everything else that is visible at both sites.

First and foremost, the ability to fire anti-air interceptors from within hardened shelters offers additional protection for those assets, which could be particularly valuable for Chinese forces arrayed along the LAC with India. The facilities help extend the PLA’s anti-access and area denial bubbles deeper into Indian territory – India Today‘s report noted that there is an Indian air base on the opposite side of the LAC from where the site in Gar County is situated – but are also within range of Indian standoff strikes as a result. Their location also opens them up to the possibility of more direct and shorter-range attacks in the event of a major conflict, including ones involving armed drones or even ground raids. As mentioned, the facilities in Gar County and near Pangong Lake also have fortified perimeters.

The shelters also make it harder for enemy forces to readily determine what is inside, which could lead to opponents expanding valuable resources to destroy empty structures. They also simply provide a way to help shield assets and personnel from extremely low temperatures, harsh weather conditions, and other potentially problematic environmental factors commonly found in this part of the world.

It’s interesting to note here that this is not the first time that structures with retractable roofs that look intended, at least in part, to be used in combination with surface-to-air missile systems, and the HQ-9 specifically, have appeared at Chinese military bases.

In 2017, Reuters reported on the appearance of far less hardened structures with retractable roofs on China’s man-made island outposts in Subi, Mischief, and Fiery Cross reefs, all part of the hotly disputed Spratly Islands chain in the South China Sea. The suggestion, even then, was that those buildings were reflective of a broader trend in Chinese air defense sites.

In the world of international peacekeeping, a quiet revolution is underway—one that moves beyond counting women to fundamentally transforming how security institutions operate. At the heart of this change is the Elsie Initiative Fund (EIF) at UN Women, whose holistic approach addresses not just recruitment numbers but the very systems that have historically prevented women from thriving in peacekeeping roles.

In an exclusive interview with Modern Diplomacy, Deborah Warren Smith, Manager of the Elsie Initiative Fund, explained why this shift is critical. “If you just focus on numbers alone, you are treating the symptoms and not the cause,” she noted. “We look at systems, the laws, institutional policies, leadership cultures, social expectations, all of which can either enable or prevent women from deploying and becoming valued members of security institutions.”

The Root Cause: Why Culture Trumps Quotas

The most entrenched challenge, according to Ms. Smith, is institutional culture. Military and police organizations often operate within masculine norms that value toughness and maintain informal gatekeeping by senior leadership. Women who challenge these norms by questioning or leading may face resistance, isolation, or harassment.

To address this, the EIF employs a scientific, evidence-based methodology called the Measuring Opportunities for Women in Peace Operations (MOIP). This diagnostic tool assesses barriers across ten key areas, interviewing both women and men within security institutions to build a comprehensive picture of the challenges. Countries like Liberia have used these insights to design targeted interventions, such as physical training support for women, resulting in increased recruitment and retention.

This focus on systemic barriers represents a fundamental departure from traditional approaches. Where many initiatives see the lack of women as a recruitment problem to be solved, the Elsie Initiative identifies it as a symptom of institutional failure. By shifting the focus from individual women to the structures that hold them back, the EIF is not just asking for a seat at the table, it is helping to rebuild the table itself, creating a foundation where women can not only enter but truly lead and thrive.

The process is deliberately collaborative, not prescriptive. After a Barrier Assessment is complete, the EIF works with nations to co-design interventions—from reforming parental leave policies in armed forces to ensuring women have access to specialized training and equipment. This ensures that solutions are not imposed from the outside but are owned and sustained by the institutions themselves, turning policy into lasting practice and political will into operational reality.

The Ripple Effect: Creating Institutional Change

The EIF’s “Gender Strong Unit” concept offers a powerful example of their approach in action. These are units where the percentage of women is at least five points above UN parity targets, with women in leadership and technical roles. Senegal, for instance, has deployed a Gender Strong Unit commanded by a woman for the first time, not once, but three times.

The impact is tangible. “The men in those units have reported that the culture is less competitive and more collaborative,” Smith shared. “It enables them to work better together during patrols and engage more effectively with local communities.”

This institutional rewiring creates a virtuous cycle. As more women deploy into leadership roles, they become visible proof of change, directly challenging entrenched stereotypes and inspiring the next generation. This shifts the internal culture from within, making security institutions more attractive and accessible to women not as an exception, but as the norm. The result is a self-reinforcing system where policy, representation, and culture evolve together to create a more professional and effective force.

Beyond culture, the EIF helps countries institutionalize change. In Zambia, the police service is developing and implementing an anti-sexual harassment and abuse policy, moving beyond creating documents to ensuring real accountability and safety.

A Campaign for the Future: “When Women Lead”

This tangible progress sets the stage for the most human element of the Elsie Initiative’s work: spotlighting the leaders who are living this change. Coinciding with the 25th anniversary of UN Security Council Resolution 1325, the EIF will launch When Women Lead—a digital campaign featuring a mini-series of interviews with groundbreaking uniformed women from around the world.

Launching in November, the series will include:

• Lieutenant General Cheryl Pearce, Acting UN Military Adviser
• Commissioner Binetou Guisse, Senegal National Police
• Major General Anita Asmah, Ghana Armed Forces

These stories represent the culmination of the EIF’s work, proof that when women lead, peacekeeping becomes more effective, responsive, and grounded in the communities it serves.

The New Peacekeeping: Where Inclusion Means Effectiveness

As we look toward the future of global security, the Elsie Initiative Fund offers more than just a blueprint for gender equality, it presents a compelling case for why inclusive peacekeeping is smarter peacekeeping. The work transcends quotas and tick-box exercises, aiming instead for a fundamental rewiring of how security institutions operate.

“What we would really like to see in five to ten years,” Smith concluded, “is countries embedding women, peace and security into their operational frameworks. The conversation would shift from ‘how many women’ to ‘how effective is our force because it is inclusive.’”

This vision where diverse teams create more collaborative environments, where different perspectives lead to better community engagement, where institutional cultures foster rather than hinder potential, represents the ultimate goal. It’s not about women succeeding in a man’s world, but about building a better, more effective peacekeeping environment for everyone.

As the EIF continues to partner with nations and showcase stories of women leaders, it becomes increasingly clear: the future of global peacekeeping isn’t just about having more women in the room—it’s about ensuring everyone in that room can lead, contribute, and transform what peacekeeping can achieve.

To follow these inspiring stories and learn more about the Elsie Initiative Fund’s work, follow their “When Women Lead” campaign launching this November on their website and social media channels.

The White House claimed, without providing evidence, the vessel was operated by a ‘designated terrorist organisation’.

The White House has said United States forces have bombed another alleged drug smuggling vessel in the eastern Pacific Ocean, killing four men, just days after confirming it killed 14 people in three separate strikes on vessels in the area.

US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth said in a post on X late on Wednesday that the “Department of War”, the new name for the recently rebranded Department of Defense, had “carried out a lethal kinetic strike on yet another narco-trafficking vessel”.

Hegseth said “four male narco-terrorists” were killed aboard the vessel, which was “operated by a Designated Terrorist Organization”. He did not provide an exact location for the attack, but said it was conducted in international waters in the eastern Pacific Ocean.

“This vessel, like all the others, was known by our intelligence to be involved in illicit narcotics smuggling, was transiting along a known narco-trafficking route, and carrying narcotics,” Hegseth said, posting aerial footage of the strike.

None of the victims of Wednesday’s attack have been identified.

Earlier today, at the direction of President Trump, the Department of War carried out a lethal kinetic strike on yet another narco-trafficking vessel operated by a Designated Terrorist Organization (DTO) in the Eastern Pacific.

This vessel, like all the others, was known by our… pic.twitter.com/mBOLA5RYQe

— Secretary of War Pete Hegseth (@SecWar) October 29, 2025

The strike occurred at a time when US President Donald Trump was on the last leg of a three-nation trip in Asia. On Thursday, Trump met Chinese President Xi Jinping in South Korea, their first summit since 2019. Trump also visited Malaysia and Japan before South Korea.

Earlier this week, Hegseth said US forces carried out three lethal strikes against boats accused of trafficking illegal narcotics on Monday. The attacks, which also took place in the eastern Pacific Ocean, reportedly killed 14 people and left one survivor.

Following the strikes, Hegseth said that “the Department has spent over TWO DECADES defending other homelands. Now, we’re defending our own”.

Since September 2, the US military has carried out at least 14 strikes targeting some 15 maritime vessels in the Caribbean Sea and the eastern Pacific Ocean.

At least 61 people have now been confirmed killed by the two-month-long campaign, which has also seen the US bolster its military presence in the Caribbean to unusually high levels.

The White House has yet to provide any evidence to the public for any of the strikes to substantiate its allegations of drug trafficking.

The Trump administration has framed the strikes as a national security measure, claiming the alleged drug traffickers are “unlawful combatants” in a “non-international armed conflict”.

Critics have called the unilateral strikes a form of extrajudicial killing and a violation of international law, which largely prohibits countries from using lethal military force against non-combatants outside a conflict zone.

“We continue to emphasise the need for all efforts to counter transnational organised crime to be conducted in accordance with international law,” Miroslav Jenca, the United Nations’ assistant secretary-general for the Americas, told the UN Security Council this month.

New York City, United States – Sitting in a room of hundreds of Jewish New Yorkers, Zohran Mamdani received cheers and applause at the Erev Rosh Hashanah service of progressive Brooklyn synagogue Kolot Chayeinu on a Monday evening last month.

This was one of the Democratic mayoral nominee’s recent appearances at synagogues and events over the Jewish High Holy Days, and a visible step towards navigating a politically charged line: increasingly engaging the largest concentration of Jewish people in any metropolitan area in the United States, and holding firmly anti-Zionist views before the general election on November 4.

Historically, Mamdani has held a strong stance on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, even founding a chapter of Students for Justice in Palestine during his undergraduate days at Bowdoin College. A little more than a decade later, as Mamdani’s name began to gain recognition, his longstanding unapologetically pro-Palestinian stance became a rallying force behind his platform as well as a point of criticism from opponents.

Mamdani received endorsements and canvassing support from progressive Jewish organisations like Bend the Arc, Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) Action and Jews for Racial and Economic Justice (JFREJ), organisations that have each confronted Israel’s role in the war in Gaza through statements on their websites.

Simultaneously, he has sustained attacks from far-right activists, Jewish Democrats on Capitol Hill and Zionist activist groups for his firm support for the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement and refusal to call Israel a Jewish state.

But despite mixed responses, the polls are clear: Mamdani is leading among Jewish voters overall in a multiway race.

‘No group is a monolith’

In July, a publicly released research poll by Zenith Research found that Mamdani led with a 17-point lead among Jews and by Jewish subgroups. In the scenario of Mayor Eric Adams dropping from the race, Mamdani still dominated, 43-33.

“Me being Jewish, I understand that there are many cleavages within the Jewish community,” said Adam Carlson, founding partner of Zenith Research. “As a pollster, one of my big things is that no group is a monolith, and if you have a large enough sample size, you can break it out and glean some nuances … what we found was a better-than-expected result for Mamdani among Jewish voters in New York City.”

Beth Miller, political director of the political advocacy organisation Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) Action and a member of Kolot Chayeinu, shared what it was like to witness a fraction of this support at the Erev Rosh Hashanah that Mamdani attended last month.

“He was basically swarmed at the end because people were so excited that he was there,” said Miller. “And that’s not because he’s a celebrity, it’s because people are excited about what we can all build together if he becomes mayor.”

JVP Action, a day-one endorser of Mamdani, represents one organisation among a growing group of Jewish supporters for Mamdani, like JFREJ, a group that has played a part in spearheading canvassing efforts among the diverse Jewish communities of NYC.

JFREJ’s electoral arm, The Jewish Vote, has supported Mamdani since he was first running for state assembly in 2020. Since then, JFREJ members and Mamdani have worked, canvassed and protested together.

Alicia Singham Goodwin, political director of JFREJ, has personally been arrested at protests alongside Mamdani.

“That’s the kind of thing that gives me faith in his commitments,” Goodwin told Al Jazeera regarding the arrests. “He’s willing to take on big risks for the things that matter.”

JFREJ has played a large role in spreading Mamdani’s message by knocking on doors and phone banking Jewish voters.

“We care about what our neighbours are worried about, excited and hopeful for — what they need for their families, and we’re ready to meet them there with our analysis of how the city needs to move to get to affordable housing, universal childcare, or to combat the real rise in anti-Semitism and hate violence,” said Goodwin. “We believe that Zohran is the strongest candidate for that, as well as for all the other issues we talk about.”

Courting the Jewish vote

While there is no doubt that the canvassing army of 50,000 volunteers has served Mamdani well, the mayoral hopeful has also been strategic in his pursuit of the Jewish vote.

“He has definitely modulated his rhetoric and has made a concerted effort to reach out to liberal congregations,” said Val Vinokur, professor of literary studies and director of the minor in Jewish culture at The New School. “This has made him more palatable to some progressive Zionists, much to the outrage of his anti-Zionist supporters.”

One example of Mamdani’s subdued rhetoric includes his response to continued backlash over the phrase “globalise the intifada”.

The phrase, used by pro-Palestinian activists, sparked tension between Mamdani and parts of the Jewish community. To some, it represents a call for solidarity with Palestinian resistance, while others view it as anti-Semitic and violent.

Mamdani resisted rejecting the phrase before the June election, but The New York Times reported that since then, he said he would “discourage” its use.

On the second anniversary of the Gaza war, Mamdani posted a four-paragraph statement on X where he acknowledged the atrocities of Hamas’s attack, and then called Israel’s response genocide and ended on a note of commitment to human rights.

“It got s*** on from all sides,” said Carlson. “He made nobody happy, which in my mind, is kinda the correct way to go about it … Sometimes, pleasing nobody is the job of the mayor, and I think he’s learning that now. It’s like a microcosm of what he’s about to face as mayor, assuming he wins. Sometimes, you have to piss off everybody a little bit for compromises.”

Anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism

As Carlson’s Zenith Research poll reflected, the NYC Jewish community has a wide diversity of opinion about politics and positions on Israel and Palestine. The community most clearly differentiates along lines of age, and secular versus conservative practice, but as Jewish support for Mamdani increases, it is evident that these divides are not always so distinct.

“While it’s true that there are major trends that younger American Jews are more progressive and sympathetic to Palestinians, it’s also true that for as long as Zionism has existed, there have been anti-Zionist Jews,” said Miller. “I learned a lot from elders who were in their 70s, 80s and 90s who have been anti-Zionist since Israel was created because they never felt that what they wanted or needed was an ethnostate to represent them.”

Alternatively, Zionist groups like Betar worldwide are troubled by these trends within the Jewish community of New York.

“It’s heartbreaking to see members of the Jewish community support Zohran Mamdani, who openly opposes Zionism — the national liberation movement of the Jewish people,” said Oren Magnezy, spokesperson of Betar worldwide.

Jonathan Boyarin, American anthropologist and Mann professor of modern Jewish studies at Cornell University, wondered whether anti-Zionism has done much to help Palestinians, but distinguished the line that Mamdani is walking.

“It’s been said that there are two kinds of people who confuse anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism: Zionists and anti-Semites. I don’t think Zohran Mamdani belongs in either of those categories,” said Boyarin.

‘New political moment’

Ultimately, experts like Vinokur predict Mamdani will win, barring a scenario in which Republican nominee Curtis Sliwa drops out. Regardless, Vinokur expects Mamdani to secure the Jewish vote.

“He will win the Jewish vote despite and not because of his anti-Zionist background,” said Vinokur. “Younger Jewish voters are overwhelmingly liberal, have been galvanised by the dynamism of his campaign, and ultimately want to make the city a more livable, affordable, and equitable place.”

Mamdani’s message and campaign were celebrated at the JFREJ annual gala fundraiser, the Mazals. NYC Comptroller Brad Lander and Mamdani were honoured together during a night filled with music, ritual and tradition with more than 1,000 attendees.

“I would say it was probably the largest single gathering of Jews for Zohran,” said Goodwin. “They cement this new political moment that we’re in, where people like JFREJ members, movements like ours, are not fringe or aspirational, but we are popular among a majority of New Yorkers.”

Israel’s military has carried out another deadly attack in northern Gaza despite claiming to resume the fragile ceasefire, which was already teetering from a wave of deadly bombardment it waged the night before.

Israel’s latest aerial attack on Wednesday evening occurred in Gaza’s Beit Lahiya area, killing at least two people, according to al-Shifa Hospital. Israel claimed it had targeted a site storing weapons that posed “an immediate threat” to its troops.

The attack adds further uncertainty to Gaza’s fragile ceasefire, which was shaken by the fiercest episode of Israeli bombardment on Tuesday night since it entered into force on October 10.

Following the reported killing of an Israeli soldier in southern Gaza’s Rafah on Tuesday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ordered “powerful” retaliatory strikes on Gaza. The resulting attacks killed 104 people, mostly women and children, said Gaza’s Health Ministry. Israel claimed its strikes targeted senior Hamas fighters, killing dozens, and then said it would start observing the ceasefire again mid-Wednesday.

United States President Donald Trump insisted the ceasefire “is not in jeopardy” despite the latest attacks.

Regional mediator Qatar expressed frustration over the violence, but said mediators are still looking towards the next phase of the truce, including the disarmament of Hamas.

‘Calm turned into despair’

In Gaza, the renewed attacks have retraumatised a population desperate to see an end to the two-year war, said Al Jazeera’s correspondent in Gaza City, Hani Mahmoud.

“A brief hope for calm turned into despair,” said Mahmoud. “For a lot of people, it’s a stark reminder of the opening weeks of the genocide in terms of the intensity and the scale of destruction that was caused by the massive bombs on Gaza City.”

Khadija al-Husni, a displaced mother living with her children at a school in Gaza’s Shati refugee camp, said the latest attacks came just as people had “started to breathe again, trying to rebuild our lives”.

“It’s a crime,” she said. “Either there is a truce or a war – it can’t be both. The children couldn’t sleep; they thought the war was over.”

Don’t let peace ‘slip from our grasp’, says UN

On Wednesday, United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres’ spokesman Stephane Dujarric said the UN chief strongly condemned “the killings due to Israeli air strikes of civilians in Gaza” the day before, “including many children”.

UN rights chief Volker Turk also said the report of so many dead was appalling and urged all sides not to let peace “slip from our grasp”, echoing calls from the United Kingdom, Germany and the European Union for the parties to recommit to the ceasefire.

Hamas, for its part, denied its fighters had any “connection to the shooting incident in Rafah” that killed an Israeli soldier and reaffirmed its commitment to the ceasefire.

However, it said it would postpone transferring the remains of a deceased captive due to Israel’s latest truce violations, further fuelling Israeli claims that the group is stalling the captive handover process. Hamas warned any “escalation” from Israel would “hinder the search, excavation and recovery of the bodies”.

Israel, meanwhile, officially barred Red Cross representatives from visiting Palestinian prisoners, claiming such visits could pose a security threat.

Hamas said the ban, which was already effectively in place during the war in Gaza, violates the rights of Palestinian prisoners held by Israel and “adds to a series of systematic and criminal violations they are subjected to”, including killing, torture and starvation.

The Elders, a group of respected former world leaders, called on Wednesday for the release of one of those Palestinian prisoners – Marwan Barghouti. The Palestinian leader continues to be held by Israel despite Hamas including him in its list of prisoners for release as part of the ceasefire deal.

Israel has refused to release Barghouti, who is often referred to as the Palestinian Nelson Mandela.

Barghouti is serving several life sentences for what Israel says is involvement in attacks against civilians – a claim he denies.

“Marwan Barghouti has been a long-term advocate for a two-state solution by peaceful means, and is consistently the most popular Palestinian leader in opinion polls,” The Elders said in a statement, calling on US President Donald Trump to ensure the release of Barghouti.

“We condemn the ill-treatment, including torture, of Marwan Barghouti and other Palestinian prisoners, many of whom are arbitrarily detained,” The Elders added. “Israeli authorities must abide by their responsibilities under international law to protect prisoners’ human rights.”

A recent Northrop Grumman video montage includes a brief clip showing an aircraft fuselage section that does not readily appear to be from any design the company has developed or is otherwise involved in the production of, at least that is publicly known.

Northrop Grumman released the video, seen below, last week, which it said highlighted the company’s achievements in the third quarter of 2025. The fuselage section is seen briefly, starting at 0:30 in the runtime.

TWZ subsequently reached out to Northrop Grumman to ask the company if it could identify the fuselage section seen in the video and provide any additional information.

“Across a range of current and future platforms, Northrop Grumman invests in facilities, manufacturing and research and development,” a Northrop Grumman spokesperson said in response. “These investments benefit the spectrum of aircraft and aircraft capabilities we produce now, as well as future efforts.” 

The fuselage has the look of one that belongs to a tactical jet design. There is a clear space visible on the left side for an air intake. The rear ends of two serpentine ducts seen protruding from the rear indicate that the right side is a mirror image of the left. There are also additional clips showing intake ducting in production, starting at 0:33 in the video’s runtime, but whether they are directly related to the fuselage section is unknown.

The forward end of the fuselage section seen in the video is also shaped in a way that points to a nose section mold line that would feature a tactical jet-style cockpit and canopy, or possibly a satellite communications system for an uncrewed design. It could be something else entirely, as well.

What it doesn’t appear to be is the center fuselage section for any of the three variants of the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter, which Northrop Grumman produces. There is extensive visual documentation of its production line for those fuselage sections, none of which directly aligns with what is seen in the third-quarter highlights video.

Northrop Grumman has also been involved in the production of fuselage sections for Boeing’s F/A-18E/F Super Hornets in the past, but that also does not match up with what is seen in the recently released video.

One would imagine that if the fuselage seen in the highlights video was related to an established production line that it would be possible to readily confirm that, too.

Northrop Grumman certainly has aircraft designs that have yet to be disclosed, because they are highly classified, like its submission for the Navy’s F/A-XX next-generation carrier-based fighter competition, or the company has simply chosen not to do so yet. Its subsidiary Scaled Composites, a ‘bleeding edge’ boutique aircraft design house, is particularly well known for building one-off or otherwise extremely limited-production experimental prototypes that are not always announced to the public immediately.

Just this week, Aviation Week disclosed the existence of a new drone from Scaled Composites, known currently only as Project Lotus. The uncrewed aircraft was reportedly spotted out in the open during the day at the firm’s rapid prototyping facility in Mojave, California, pointing to a design that is not classified, though it has also clearly not been officially unveiled.

“The Lotus UAS design in some ways resembles features of the newly revealed Lockheed Martin Project Vectis, with a long, slender fuselage positioned forward of the leading edges of the wings, capped by a nose with swept-back edges leading to a slender point,” according to Aviation Week. “In many other respects, the Lotus and Vectis designs diverge. Unlike the engine inlet mounted low at mid-fuselage for the Vectis aircraft, the Lotus inlet sits high atop of the extreme aft section of its fuselage. The Lotus also sports sharply canted tails, breaking from the tailless-configured Vectis.”

“Our investments prioritize production at speed and scale, without sacrificing performance or capability. The Northrop Grumman team has generated step-change advancements in production speed, weight and parts reduction, and overall cost efficiency,” Northrop Grumman told Aviation Week in response to its queries for more details about Project Lotus. “These advancements benefit the spectrum of autonomous capabilities we produce at Northrop Grumman for U.S. and international customers.”

You can read more in detail about Lockheed Martin’s Vectis design, which was unveiled in September, here. TWZ has separately reached out to Northrop Grumman for more information about Project Lotus.

There is also the possibility that the fuselage section seen in the highlights video is a test article that is not related to any aircraft, but is instead tied to work to develop advanced design and/or production methods. Also visible in the clip is what looks to be another component in a jig of some kind, both of which look to be computer-generated renderings. This, in turn, might point to some kind of augmented reality arrangement, something Northrop Grumman is known to employ in the design and production of aircraft, including the B-21 Raider stealth bomber. The company’s response to our queries about the fuselage section did highlight investments the company has made in “facilities, manufacturing and research and development.” Again, though, if this were the case, one would imagine it would be relatively easy to confirm.

Whatever the case, the still-unidentified fuselage section does also reflect the other half of the statement provided, that the aforementioned investments have been fueling Northrop Grumman’s work on “aircraft and aircraft capabilities we produce now, as well as future efforts,” including ones we have yet to learn about.

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