NEWS

Luka Doncic poured in 53 points to propel the Los Angeles Lakers to a 124-118 NBA Cup group-stage victory over Portland on Friday as LeBron James’s latest return to Cleveland ended in defeat.

Doncic’s latest big game helped the Lakers shake off a sluggish start that saw them trailing by as many as 16 points in the second quarter.

Doncic closed the first half with an astonishing shot from well beyond the half-court line, pulling the Lakers within seven points and setting the tone for their second-half surge.

The Trail Blazers had pulled within four points in the final minute when he hit a floater, and the Lakers held on for their fourth straight win.

Doncic has scored at least 40 points in six of his last seven games and joined Elgin Baylor, Kobe Bryant and George Mikan as the only Lakers players to score 40 or more in four straight regular-season contests.

“I’m having a lot of fun,” said Doncic, who added five rebounds and five assists.

“Obviously playing basketball, it’s a lot of fun for me. It’s more [fun] when you play like this and when you win games.”

The 11th 50-point game of Doncic’s career was his fourth with the Lakers – passing LeBron James and tying Mikan for the fourth most for the franchise.

James, who left the Lakers for the Philadelphia 76ers in June, made his first trip as a Sixer to Cleveland, where the Cavs spoiled his latest homecoming with a 119-95 victory that snapped Philadelphia’s five-game winning streak.

James, expected by many to opt for a third stint in Cleveland before he chose Philadelphia, was greeted by warm cheers – and scattered boos – when he was introduced.

The four-time NBA champion, playing his 24th NBA season at the age of 41, was cheered again when he exited the game late in the fourth quarter.

LeBron: ‘I did not feel in good rhythm offensively’

In between, it was a rough night for James and his teammates.

The league’s all-time leading scorer finished with eight points on three-of-12 shooting with seven rebounds, three assists, two steals and six turnovers.

Star centre Joel Embiid missed all nine of his shots from the floor, making six free throws for six points.

Jaylen Brown, like James an off-season import, led the Sixers with 20 points, but the Cavaliers seized control early and repelled every Philadelphia surge.

Donovan Mitchell scored 10 of his 23 points in the first quarter. Evan Mobley added 22 points, and Cleveland out-rebounded Philadelphia 56-42 despite the injury absence of centre Jarrett Allen.

“I did not feel in a good rhythm offensively,” James said.

“We didn’t look like much offensively. We had a couple of spurts. We were able to cut [the deficit] to three in the third quarter. But too many turnovers on my behalf.”

Friday’s games were part of NBA Cup group-stage action, which will continue throughout November.

Quarterfinals of the in-season tournament will be played December 4-5 and semifinals December 8-9 before the final on December 11.

The Boston Celtics drained a whopping 24 three-pointers on 44 attempts in a 119-80 blowout of the Hornets in Charlotte.

Jayson Tatum drilled five three-pointers on the way to a game-high 34 points for Boston, who led by as many as 46 in the wire-to-wire win.

Wembanyama fuels Spurs

San Antonio star Victor Wembanyama, coming off a stunning 52-point, 24-rebound performance in a win over Dallas, scored 30 points and pulled down 14 rebounds to lead the Spurs to a 124-109 victory over the Kings in Sacramento.

The Oklahoma City Thunder continued their dominance of the Grizzlies with a 128-97 win in Memphis.

Ajay Mitchell scored a career-high 35 points, and two-time defending NBA Most Valuable Player Shai Gilgeous-Alexander added 28 for the Thunder, who notched a 13th straight regular-season win over the Grizzlies despite missing injured starters Jaylen Williams, Cason Wallace and Chet Holmgren.

The absences were irrelevant as the Thunder jumped to a 71-49 halftime lead.

Russia’s Defense Ministry has released footage showing a Mi-28NM Havoc attack helicopter firing a small, low-cost cruise missile, supposedly during combat operations in Ukraine. The video provides the clearest official indication yet that Russia is exploring a non-traditional, new launch platform for its emerging family of relatively inexpensive standoff weapons.

One missile is seen being fired from a pylon beneath the helicopter’s left-side stub wing; the helicopter returns after the mission with an unfired missile still hanging under the right-side stub wing. The Defense Ministry has not provided a date, precise location, or details about the target. Nor has it identified the weapon, which could be either the S8000 Banderol or the Dan-T, two closely related and visually very similar Russian missile developments.

The footage is not entirely unexpected. Earlier this year, photographs began circulating showing a Mi-28NM on the ground, carrying what appeared to be the same missile. There had also been unconfirmed reports from Ukraine in August that Russia was using the helicopter as a launch platform for Banderol, including firing the weapons from over the Sea of Azov against targets around Odesa.

The Banderol, developed by Russia’s Kronstadt company, was first detailed by Ukrainian military intelligence (GUR) in the spring of 2025. According to GUR, the missile is approximately 16.4 feet long, has pop-out wings, and is powered by a small turbojet engine. It reportedly flies at around 310 miles per hour, has a range of up to 310 miles, and carries a warhead weighing approximately 110 pounds.

GUR’s analysis also provided a detailed rundown of the foreign components it identified in the weapon. Its production involves “around 30 companies” supplying “more than 20 key components,” with potentially additional parts that have yet to be identified. Among the components reportedly used are a small commercial Chinese SW800Pro turbojet and a Russian-made Kometa digital antenna for satellite navigation. The weapon also makes extensive use of components sourced from foreign manufacturers, including in the United States.

The other possible candidate is the Dan-T, apparently derived from the Dan-M target drone, but with a roughly 300-pound warhead added. It is also reported to have a range of around 310 miles, while costing approximately 35 percent less than the Banderol.

The Banderol first emerged publicly through Ukrainian intelligence reporting, but Moscow eventually began acknowledging the weapon. Russian state television showed it beneath the wing of a Kronstadt Orion drone in July 2026, when it was first officially presented, albeit heavily obscured.

Ukrainian reporting indicates that the weapon has already seen operational use. Between mid-May and mid-July, the Ukrainian Air Force recorded 16 strikes involving Banderol. It reported five launches in a single barrage on July 16.

There are also indications that the Dan-T could ultimately become the more widely procured weapon. Reports from Ukraine suggest that Russia’s Aerospace Forces may have decided to focus procurement on the Dan-T, with plans to acquire tens of thousands of the missiles. Unlike the Banderol, the Dan-T is also reportedly intended for launch from combat aircraft and ground-based launchers. In September, Russia was already pitching the weapon for export at the El Alamein International Airshow in Egypt.

The use of a helicopter to launch a weapon of this type is particularly unusual. A relatively slow- and low-flying platform like the Mi-28 would be much more vulnerable to enemy air defenses than a fixed-wing tactical aircraft. However, the reported range of the Banderol and Dan-T would allow the helicopter to launch well away from the intended target, potentially from across the border while remaining in Russian airspace. For comparison, the maximum range of the Kh-38 (or LMUR) missile — which is otherwise the farthest-reaching Mi-28 weapon — is a little over nine miles.

For many months now, Russia has been seeking to expand its arsenal of weapons capable of striking Ukrainian targets from standoff distances. Mounting losses of Russian tactical aircraft to Ukrainian ground-based air defenses have underscored the need for weapons that can hit targets precisely at and well behind the front lines without exposing expensive aircraft to excessive risk.

Most notably, Russia has fielded the UMPK, a fairly crude type of guided glide bomb that has caused considerable difficulties for Ukrainian air defenses since its introduction around early 2023. The UMPK series has since been followed by more refined winged precision-guided glide bombs.

However, these weapons are unpowered. The small turbojet engine fitted to the Banderol and Dan-T puts them in the cruise missile category, while their reported range of up to 310 miles is particularly significant, if accurate. That range comes at the expense of warhead size, especially when compared with larger Russian cruise missiles.

The weapons’ navigation and electronic warfare protection systems are also important considerations. An inertial navigation system, combined with a jamming-resistant satellite navigation system, should provide a degree of resilience against the kind of electronic warfare jamming that is increasingly being employed by Ukraine. Satellite navigation can also help correct for accumulated drift, an important consideration given the accuracy limitations of inertial navigation systems over longer distances.

In essence, the Banderol and Dan-T offer Russia a lower-cost, potentially higher-volume complement to its more sophisticated cruise missiles.

As we noted previously:

“The Banderol is particularly relevant in the context of the economics of the Ukraine conflict. Russian forces have increasingly used combinations of relatively inexpensive one-way attack drones and more expensive cruise and ballistic missiles. The drones can be produced in large numbers and used to complicate air-defense operations, while the more capable missiles provide greater speed, range, payload, or penetration capability. A small turbojet-powered weapon such as Banderol offers another point on that spectrum.”

The ability to launch these weapons from non-traditional platforms, including drones, attack helicopters, and potentially ground-based systems, would also give Russia greater flexibility in how it employs them. Its bomber fleets and fixed-wing tactical aircraft could concentrate on their primary roles and make use of their established weapons, while other platforms take on some of the standoff strike mission.

For the Mi-28NM, meanwhile, the ability to employ a long-range cruise missile could provide a useful additional role, particularly after the helicopter fleet has suffered heavy losses during the war in Ukraine.

According to the Oryx open-source tracking group, Russia has lost 21 Mi-28s since launching its full-scale invasion of Ukraine four years ago. This figure could be higher because Oryx only tabulates losses it can confirm visually. Russia began the conflict with a force of around 110 Mi-28s of all versions. Other Russian battlefield helicopter types have suffered even heavier attrition, reflecting the level of danger that rotorcraft are exposed to when close to the front lines.

⚡️Video of the destruction of the Mi-28 of the 🇷🇺Russian Air Force using an 🇺🇦FPV drone. The first recorded case pic.twitter.com/LWosDeX2Ah

— 🪖MilitaryNewsUA🇺🇦 (@front_ukrainian) August 7, 2024

Russia is not alone in exploring this concept. The U.S. Marine Corps is working to give its AH-1Z Viper attack helicopters a new long-range strike capability through L3Harris’ modular Red Wolf launched-effects family. The weapon, which has already been test-fired from an AH-1Z, is being developed under the Marines’ Long Range Attack Missile (LRAM) effort, with a reported range in the low hundreds of miles. Beyond its kinetic strike role, Red Wolf can also be configured for missions such as communications relay and electronic warfare and has also been pitched for U.S. Army helicopters and tiltrotors. The effort reflects a broader push to give rotary-wing aircraft the ability to deliver precision effects well beyond the range of their traditional weapons, while raising questions about where the boundaries between cruise missiles, drones, and other launched effects are increasingly drawn.

For the Kremlin, the appeal of such weapons lies not only in their relatively low cost, but also in the ability to field them across a wider variety of platforms, further complicating Ukraine’s efforts to deal with incoming attacks.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

USS Theodore Roosevelt moored at Changi Naval Base in Singapore last night just before midnight Eastern Time, her final stop before continuing on to the Middle East. The Roosevelt Carrier Strike Group (CSG) will join the George H.W. Bush and George Washington CSGs, which are both now prepared, locked, and loaded should the commander in chief follow through on threats to renew military action against Iran after Tuesday’s midterm elections. Roosevelt and the three escorting warships will transit the Strait of Malacca next before heading west toward the U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) area of responsibility (AOR), a journey that will likely take one to two weeks.

Meanwhile, the U.S. quietly launched strikes on Iran’s Qeshm Island on Monday, according to a report first published by The Wall Street Journal. The U.S. officials cited by The Journal said the strikes were reactive and for defensive purposes, but the paper notes they were the latest in a “series of limited strikes Washington has secretly carried out against the country in recent weeks.” However, it’s possible that CENTCOM began shaping operations to prepare the battlefield if the go order is given. The U.S. military did not announce the strikes publicly, a noteworthy deviation from past operations that were typically disclosed, but U.S. President Donald Trump told Fox on Tuesday it was “just a minor attack” on a recently built “anti-aircraft facility.”

Here’s TWZ’s weekly carrier tracker monitoring and visualizing America’s flattop fleet, including deployed CSGs and Amphibious Ready Groups (ARGs), using publicly available open-source information. Check out last week’s report here.

How Fast Can The Theodore Roosevelt CSG Get To The Middle East?

The Theodore Roosevelt CSG completed combined exercise Keen Sword 27, which involved four other allied navies, on October 29. After being topped off by fleet replenishment oiler USNS Tippecanoe the following day, Roosevelt and her three escorts – guided-missile cruiser USS Chosin and guided-missile destroyers USS Paul Hamilton and USS Decatur – entered the South China Sea via the Luzon Strait and steamed southwest toward Singapore. A U.S. official told Axios that the group will spend a few days in Singapore but “won’t reach CENTCOM’s area of responsibility before mid-November.”

According to MarineTraffic, Roosevelt switched on her Automatic Identification System (AIS) transponder about 100 nautical miles east of Malaysia at 11:25 Eastern Time on November 5, broadcasting a precise position publicly for the first time since departing Yokosuka on October 19. The flattop moored at Berth 3/4 at RSS Singapura–Changi Naval Base approximately 12 hours later, followed by the other three warships over the next few hours.

The next leg of Roosevelt’s transit to the CENTCOM AOR runs north through the narrow Strait of Malacca and west across the vast Indian Ocean. In August, USS George Washington completed the journey from the Strait to the Arabian Sea in just over one week. A few days in port and a roughly 10-day cruise support the reporting of a mid-to-late November arrival.

Elements of the Makin Island ARG, which is also reportedly bound for the Middle East, were still in Yokosuka, Japan, as of publication. The three-ship amphibious group, packed with more than 2,200 Marines, will likely replace the Boxer ARG, which is approaching eight months deployed and due for relief. The fleet of amphibious warships is stretched thin, with only 31 in the fleet, but Navy and Marine leaders believe at least 40 are required.

Which Carriers Are On Station If The U.S. Launches Post-Midterm Strikes Against Iran?

USS George Washington, with Carrier Air Wing (CVW) 5 embarked, and USS George H.W. Bush, with CVW 7 aboard, are both operating in the Middle East. The composition of both CSGs is fluid as CENTCOM frequently rotates destroyers and cruisers assigned to strike groups with those on independent deployments. Imagery posted on DVIDS, the military’s content-sharing platform, shows Bush launching and recovering F/A-18E/F Super Hornets and EA-18G Growlers on November 4, and Washington conducting a fueling-at-sea evolution alongside fleet replenishment oiler USNS Oscar V. Peterson on November 3.

Washington left Yokosuka, where she is forward-deployed, 167 days ago on what was expected to be a routine three-month patrol in the Western Pacific. However, the flattop was redirected to the Middle East to relieve the battle-worn USS Abraham Lincoln, leaving the roughly 5,000 Sailors aboard unprepared for an unexpected, and potentially extended, combat deployment. Bush, whose crew knew what their mission was upon departure, has been deployed for 220 days. Neither carrier has broadcast AIS since arriving in theater.

An author on the WSJ article referenced above, Shelby Holliday, embarked on Washington in mid-October and provided a firsthand account of life aboard the carrier in a series of must-watch videos on YouTube and Instagram. Sailors spoke candidly about the deployment, and some hinted at what could come next.

Holliday’s interview with the “Gun Boss,” Cmdr. Brian Garcia, showcased AGM-84H/K SLAM-ER (Standoff Land Attack Missile-Expanded Response) air-launched cruise missiles and GBU-31(V)4/B JDAM (Joint Direct Attack Munition) bombs equipped with BLU-109 bunker-buster penetrators. “We’re getting more of these weapons right here, and a couple other items that they feel we’re going to need for whatever the mission set sets forward in the future,” Garcia said. When asked what the magazine room looks like before an escalation, he responded, “This is it right here. This is the preparation that we’re ready for; we don’t need to ramp up because we’re already prepared.”

Where Is The Rest Of The American Aircraft Carrier Fleet?

• On the West Coast, USS Ronald Reagan returned to her homeport in Bremerton, Washington, on November 3 after departing San Diego the week before. Reagan was completing flight deck certification and carrier qualifications following a lengthy maintenance availability. USS Abraham Lincoln, which will conduct a homeport shift from San Diego to Bremerton by the end of the year ahead of a Drydock Planned Incremental Availability, remains moored at Naval Air Station North Island. Also pierside in San Diego, USS Carl Vinson has not been at sea since completing a 25 days of Tailored Ship’s Training Availability and Final Evaluation Period in September.
• On the East Coast, USS Dwight D. Eisenhower returned to Naval Station Norfolk yesterday after a one-day underway, according to AIS data. USS Nimitz has been operating at an undisclosed location in the Atlantic Ocean conducting Carrier Air Traffic Control Center certifications with CVW 1, as well as carrier qualifications, since October 27.
• Three carriers are currently offline in various states of maintenance: USS John C. Stennis, USS Gerald R. Ford, and USS Harry S. Truman. Stennis is at the tail end of a yearslong Refueling and Complex Overhaul (RCOH), while Truman just began an RCOH. Ford began a post-deployment availability in July, and work is expected to be finished by March 2027.
• The future USS John F. Kennedy, the Navy’s second and newest Gerald R. Ford class supercarrier, returned to Norfolk on November 5 after 13 days at sea conducting Aircraft Compatibility Testing with Super Hornets and Growlers. In mid-October, an F-35C assigned to the Air Test and Evaluation Squadron (VX) 23 made the first arrested landing on and launch from a Ford class. Kennedy, still considered a Pre-Commissioning Unit, is expected to enter the fleet in spring 2027, around the same time Nimitz will begin the process of deactivation.

The Big Deck Fleet At A Glance

Overall, three U.S. carriers are deployed, three are working up in various states of readiness, three are in maintenance, one is post-deployment preparing for an upcoming availability, another is being used primarily for training before deactivation, and the next to be commissioned will be delivered to the fleet in 2027. Two amphibious assault ships are deployed, one is forward-deployed, two are getting ready for upcoming deployments and currently in port, and four are in maintenance.

Note: Positions are general approximations. Non-deployed LHA/LHD amphibious warships are not shown on the graphic.

Contact the author: ian@twz.com or @ianellisjones

Welcome to Bunker Talk. This is a weekend open discussion post for the best commenting crew on the net, in which we can chat about all the stuff that went on this week that we didn’t cover. We can also talk about the stuff we did or whatever else grabs your interest. In other words, it’s an off-topic thread.

This week’s caption reads:

The control room of the Project Mercury Mission Control Center, at Cape Kennedy Air Force Station in Cape Canaveral, Brevard County, Florida, 1961. (Photo by NASA/FPG/Archive Photos/Getty Images)

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• Finally, as always, report offenders, please. This doesn’t mean reporting people who don’t share your political views, but we really need your help in this regard.

Paraguay’s President Santiago Peña has been impeached and placed under house arrest after the collapse of a digital bank with links to his private business interests.

Peña was arrested on Friday minutes after lawmakers, including from his own party, unanimously voted to remove him from office due to a widening crisis triggered by the collapse of Ueno Bank earlier this week.

He had offered to step down on Thursday. Rather than accept his resignation, senators impeached Peña and charged him with misconduct, meaning he has been stripped of the immunity usually granted to ex-presidents.

Peña, who until last year held shares in the company that owned the bank, has denied any wrongdoing.

The demise of the digital bank has left more than half of Paraguay’s population without access to their savings after it was seized by Paraguay’s central bank.

An estimated three million depositors remain unable to access their savings and pensions prompting widespread protests particularly in the capital, Asunción.

The impeachment charges that led to Peña’s removal alleged he had conflicts of interest, manipulated regulatory oversight, diverted pension funds, and participated in an institutional cover-up involving the central bank.

Peña is due to be questioned on Saturday over allegations of breach of trust, influence peddling, and misappropriation of funds, prosecutor Silvia Margarita Gonzalez Vester said.

Peña’s impeachment passed with 44 out of 45 senators voting in favour of it. One lawmaker was absent.

Afterwards, senate president Basilio Núñez said Peña was found guilty of “dereliction of duty”.

Paraguay’s Vice-President Pedro Alliana was then sworn in as interim President.

“Compatriots who are now going through a difficult time as a result of the financial collapse will be fully compensated,” said Alliana, who will serve as President until 2028.

Ben says he’s reached an agreement to pause the interest on most of it, but he is still incurring charges on around £2,000 of credit card debt and is worried about his repayments going up.

“With all that’s going on, rising interest rates is another cost to deal with,” he tells the BBC.

As well as overall debt repayments of around £300 a month, he and his wife pay £760 on their mortgage. They have also struggled with higher food and energy bills.

Simon Trevethick is head of communications at StepChange, which has been helping Ben manage his debt. He says the debt charity has seen a 20% increase in people asking for support this year and warned of tougher times ahead.

“If higher borrowing costs feed through into household budgets over the coming months, we could see further pressure on people seeking support.”

We live in a complex, electrically powered world – but the more connected everything becomes the more catastrophic it is when that fails.

In the drive towards efficiency over the last five decades, we’ve lost backup systems, says Lord Harris.

An example of this is the new communication system being adopted by the emergency services, which will replace radio comms with mobile phone network technology, says Lord Harris, “so if the mobile phone goes down it will also impact on emergency services communications”.

However, the government insists “moving emergency services onto modern 4G and 5G technologies” is “resilient and reliable”.

Government enthusiasm for resilience is nothing new. Oliver Dowden, the then deputy prime minister, launched the last Conservative government’s disaster planning initiative in May 2024. The launch was somewhat overshadowed by Sunak announcing an election on the same day but, two years on, calls for at least three days of resilience have only grown stronger.

At the beginning of researching this article I spoke to an engineer about the UK’s TV and radio transmission masts, their lonely isolation from the rest of the digital landscape sounded like a failing. It now feels like an argument in their favour.

The current urgency for disaster planning is coming at an interesting moment for technology we used to rely on. The UK’s copper wire landline system – which would work even in a power cut – will be switched off on 31 January 2027. The future of FM radio is also under government review.

The response from the government was that while copper landlines had been a useful fallback during power cuts, they were now unreliable and difficult to repair.

As I ended my call with Kemp, I asked him if his report had helped improve our readiness for a Black Sky. He paused.

“If anything, we’ve gone backwards,” he said. “Switching off the public switch telephone network, I think shows that there has been really no thought at all about how you communicate when you’ve no longer got power.”

While writing this piece last Saturday I had to break off for an hour because my street was suddenly plunged into darkness. We had a power cut.

I found my emergency torch, but the batteries had leaked. My candles had been pushed to the back of a cupboard and I had no idea where I had put my wind-up radio with its emergency torch.

It felt like an omen.

Miller is best known for being the driving force behind the Trump administration’s aggressive immigration enforcement policies, which has included ramping up funding for enforcement operations across the US.

He made headlines when he called Alex Pretti, who was shot and killed by federal immigration officials during a massive deportation operation in Minneapolis, a “domestic terrorist” and an “assassin”. He would later walk back those words, saying federal agents “may not have been following” proper protocol.

He has also reportedly played a leading role in the US military operations in Venezuela and against suspected drug trafficking operations in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific, which critics have condemned as extra-judicial killings.

Miller joined Trump’s political operation early in his 2016 presidential bid as a strategist and incendiary warm-up speaker at his raucous campaign rallies.

He was one of the few senior White House staffers to persevere through the entirety of his first term. He stayed loyal to Trump during his political exile following attempts to overturn his ballot-box defeat in 2000 failed. He then returned in the influential role of deputy chief of staff for policy in Trump’s second term.

Wiles, who co-managed the president’s successful 2024 re-election campaign, developed a reputation as a cool professional who avoided the White House staffing upheavals, dramatic policy reversals and personality clashes that typified Trump’s first presidential term.

The president, however, began souring on Wiles in recent months, as his political standing in the US declined, culminating in Tuesday’s electoral rout. He also reportedly chaffed at news stories indicating that those in Wiles’ orbit were landing lucrative consulting jobs through their connections to the president.

A pair of operational F-15EX Eagle II fighters assigned to the Oregon Air National Guard’s 142nd Wing are now flying with conformal fuel tanks (CFT). While F-15EX test jets have been flying with surplus CFTs for years, the U.S. Air Force did not originally feel that combat-coded jets needed them to perform their primary air-to-air missions. For the Eagle II, CFTs offer boosts in range and capacity to carry stores, especially air-to-ground munitions, and are another sign of how the jet’s mission requirements are evolving.

Photographer Bill Shemley brought the CFT-equipped F-15EX Eagle IIs to our attention after spotting them operating recently at Portland International Airport. The airport is collocated with Portland Air National Guard Base, the home of the 142nd Wing. One of the jets in question is serial number 20-0012, part of the first batch of production Eagle IIs, which started being delivered to the 142nd in 2024. As of September, the Air Force had received 22 F-15EXs, including test jets, out of a planned fleet of 267 Eagle IIs. The service revealed earlier this year that the target fleet size had roughly doubled, up from the previously stated program of record of 129 aircraft.

“We are currently using conformals that we received from ACC [Air Combat Command] on two F-15EX Eagle IIs,” SMSgt. Steve Conklin, a public affairs officer with the Oregon Air National Guard, told TWZ when asked for more information. “We were given the opportunity from ACC and have flown the approved configuration for the last two weeks.”

We are still seeking additional details. The CFT that is visible in Shemley’s picture notably has the insignia of the 366th Fighter Wing, which flies F-15E Strike Eagles from Mountain Home Air Force Base in Idaho. In the past year or so, the 142nd has been sending Eagle IIs, pilots, and ground personnel to Mountain Home to conduct air-to-ground mission training.

The F-15EX is designed to use the same CFTs that are standard on the F-15E, as well as all other members of the extended Strike Eagle family. This includes the F-15QA for Qatar, on which the Eagle II was directly based. Each CFT can hold some 750 gallons of fuel and adds six additional pylons.

As mentioned, the Air Force did not originally plan to equip operational F-15EXs with CFTs. This decision was made despite the aircraft having the necessary provisions and initial testing having been done using jets fitted with them. Instead, the Eagle IIs were expected to fly with external drop tanks under their wings, just like the F-15C/D Eagles they were slated to replace.

“The F-15EX program as funded from FY20-FY23 is a direct replacement for the F-15C/D in the air-to-air and homeland defense role,” an Air Force spokesperson explained to TWZ back in 2023. “The F-15C/D does not typically operate with CFTs, and the first operational F-15EX aircraft do not have CFTs funded.”

A number of Air Force F-15C/Ds did fly with CFTs, also known as “FAST Packs,” during the twilight of the Cold War and its immediate aftermath. Those aircraft operated primarily from bases in Alaska and Iceland where long-range patrols and quick-reaction alert (QRA) missions were the norm.

“The DAF [Department of the Air Force] is exploring options to resource a number of advanced capabilities for the F-15EX fleet, including both new and refurbished CFTs, in current and future budget submissions,” the spokesperson added at that time.

Where things currently stand when it comes to equipping all operational F-15EXs with CFTs, including on Eagle IIs destined for forward-deployment in Japan, is still not entirely clear. The service’s Fiscal Year 2027 budget proposal, released earlier this year, did include an explicit request for funding for CFTs to go with all 24 Eagle IIs in the eighth production batch, or Lot 8.

Back in 2023, TWZ did acknowledge the logic, at least up front, of eschewing CFTs on the F-15EX given the air-to-air mission focus for those jets. At the same time, we pointed out then that the omission of conformal tanks could still impact Eagle IIs operating in those roles. A 600-gallon underwing drop tank holds 150 gallons less fuel than a CFT and takes up a hardpoint that could be used to carry other stores. Drop tanks also impart far greater drag, reducing fuel economy and range in certain flight profiles.

CFTs do still have their own effects on speed and maneuverability. Unlike drop tanks, they cannot be jettisoned in flight, either. F-15C/D pilots that TWZ has spoken with in the past have talked about the benefits of being able to get an immediate boost in performance and instantly optimize their jets for air-to-air combat by dropping their underwing tanks.

A CFT-equipped F-15EX would still be able to carry underwing drop tanks, as well, if desired. Doing so would give the jets an impressive loadout of weapons and other stores while even further increasing their unrefueled reach.

Even just within the context of air-to-air missions, CFT-equipped F-15EXs would be particularly beneficial for supporting future operations in the Pacific. The inherent geography of the region means access to bases on the ground and tanker support could easily be limited. With CFTs, Eagle IIs would be able to operate further forward of tankers and be able to do so for longer periods of time, helping to extend patrol distances and total on-station time. Not having to carry drop tanks would also translate to more ordnance capacity on those sorties.

Since 2023, the operational landscape for the F-15EX has changed even further as the air-to-ground mission set has started creeping more and more into the jet’s repertoire. As noted earlier, the CFT seen on 20-0012 itself has a clear link to Mountain Home Air Force Base, where the 142nd has been honing its air-to-ground skills. In July, the Oregon Air National Guard announced that one of its F-15EXs had dropped training bombs for the first time ever while operating from Mountain Home. The first release of a live bomb from one of the 142nd’s Eagle IIs came during training out of Nellis Air Force Base in Nevada in September.

This has all been entirely unsurprising given the F-15EX’s inherently large payload capacity and ability to carry it over very long distances, all of which is only increased by the use of CFTs. The Eagle II, like the other members of the extended Strike Eagle family, can also accommodate outsized stores that it is simply not feasible for many other tactical jets to lug around. Prime contractor Boeing and the Air Force have been touting these capabilities as core features of the F-15EX for years now. These are the same attributes that make the F-15E one of the Air Force’s most heavily in-demand platforms today.

CFTs are not the only way in which the F-15EX design continues to evolve, either. The Air Force is also now moving toward adding a missile approach warning system (MAWS) to the Eagle IIs. This is another feature the aircraft was designed to accommodate from the outset, but that was skimped on. Its absence, however, has been more and more glaring, especially in light of recent combat experiences over Iran.

Furthermore, the future of the Air Force’s Strike Eagle fleet is only becoming more and more inseparable from plans for the Eagle II. The service has said explicitly that the doubling of the planned F-15EX fleet size is intended to help “begin to recapitalize the aging F-15E fleet.”

In recent years, the Air Force has moved to retire all of the older F-100-PW-220-powered Strike Eagles, which represent roughly half of F-15Es currently in inventory. The service has argued this will also help free up resources for new and improved capabilities as part of larger modernization efforts.

For the Air Force’s F-15EX fleets, the two 142nd Wing jets flying now with CFTs underscore the continued evolution of these aircraft and their expected roles.

Special thanks again to Bill Shemley for sharing his picture of F-15EX 20-0012 equipped with CFTs.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

United States President Donald Trump has said he is making Stephen Miller his new White House chief of staff.

Trump made the announcement on his Truth Social account on Friday, calling Miller “one of my most trusted advisors”. He said Miller would become chief of staff starting Monday, replacing Susie Wiles.

“Susie Wiles, who has done an outstanding job, will be moving over to the Trump Political Operation. I want to thank her for her service as Chief of Staff — She has done a great job!”

Miller has been one of Trump’s closest confidants and advisers across both his presidential terms, after joining then-candidate Trump as a campaign adviser in 2016.

He has been the main architect behind the president’s hardline border and deportation policies, a rallying issue in the US midterm elections.

Democrats are widely expected to launch investigations into Miller upon taking control of the US House of Representatives and Senate in January.

Trump had been widely expected to shake up his staff following the midterm drubbing, which saw Democrats net seven US Senate seats, with two states, Alaska and Mississippi, still counting their results. Democrats have also won 253 seats in the 435-member US House, with 27 races still set to be counted.

Despite the vote largely seen as a referendum on Trump, Miller’s appointment largely represents a doubling down on his most controversial policies.

Miller has not yet commented on the election results, but in a post on X on election day, he urged Trump supporters to vote.

“Send a message to the corrupt media, corrupt Democrats and corrupt leftwing politicians who want to steal your future and destroy the inheritance of your children,” he wrote. “Get to the polls and protect the ones you love.”

For her part, Wiles, who has been credited with orchestrating Trump’s election comeback in the 2024 race, said serving as a chief of staff was “the honor of a lifetime”.

“I’m so proud to have been a part of what we’ve accomplished together from securing our border and cutting taxes to strengthening our economy and putting America First,” she said.

Shares in artificial intelligence and technology firms have been climbing following an enormous sell-off that wiped trillions of dollars off stock values.

The tech-heavy Nasdaq stock index opened higher following a market rout that began in the US on Thursday before spilling over to Asian and European markets into Friday.

Investors had been selling off tech shares in part due to concerns the Democrat victory in the midterm elections would mean slower artificial intelligence development.

However the latest US employment figures added to a mixed picture for American markets on Friday morning, with an unexpectedly strong 165,000 jobs added to the economy in September.

On Thursday, businesses closely linked to artificial intelligence development took a hammering on stock markets, particularly chip and semiconductor makers.

But the Nasdaq Composite opened up on Friday and flattened out around 1.7% higher by lunchtime, reversing some of its 5.5% fall.

The S&P 500, which tracks the share prices of the largest publicly-traded US companies, was around 0.9% higher by lunchtime. The Dow Jones Industrial Average opened a little down before nudging into positive territory.

Nvidia, which shed hundreds of billions in market value on Thursday after shares slid more than 9%, began Friday up more than 6% but settled around 4% higher as trading continued.

SpaceX and Tesla shares, which were also hammered on Thursday, saw more mixed gains, up more than 6% and nearly 5% respectively.

Chipmakers AMD and Micron both dropped by more than 17% on Thursday, but AMD shares had risen by about 12% on Friday while Micron was up more than 8%.

However, stock markets in Asia and Europe fared worse on Friday.

The Kospi in South Korea closed down 6% on Friday, with shares in chipmaker SK Hynix plunging more than 10%. European markets also fell, with the main indexes in Germany, France and Spain ending the day down.

In the UK, the FTSE 100, which tracks the largest companies on the London Stock Exchange, declined 1.01%.

In addition to the recent market volatility, UK traders were also digesting the latest Bank of England decision to raise interest rates and the signal that another rate rise could be on the cards to curb rising prices.

Dan Coatsworth, head of markets at AJ Bell, said it had been a brutal week for markets, and the key question was whether the jump in the S&P 500 and Nasdaq would be sustained.

“While no-one knows what happens next, it’s clear that we’ve just seen a significant shift in market sentiment,” he said.

“Once investors have had the weekend to catch their breath, next week could give a clearer indication of whether the tech trade is going down the pan or fighting back.”

China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) operates an increasingly diverse fleet of helicopters spanning everything from basic pilot training and battlefield transport to airborne early warning, anti-submarine warfare, and dedicated attack missions.

The force reflects decades of development, often beginning with helicopters acquired from France and later produced under license, before transitioning to increasingly indigenous designs. The result is a mix of older aircraft that have undergone extensive modernization and newer platforms designed around the requirements of China’s expanding military, including its growing carrier and amphibious assault fleets.

The Z-8 family, originally derived from the Cold War-era French Super Frelon, is a particularly good example of this evolution. It has spawned a wide range of specialized variants, including search and rescue, transport, electronic warfare, and airborne command post helicopters. Meanwhile, the Z-20 — frequently alluded to as a Sikorsky S-70/H-60 clone — has emerged as a modern medium-lift platform with land-based, naval, and assault variants, while the Z-10 and newer Z-21 represent China’s growing emphasis on dedicated attack helicopters.

This guide examines the principal helicopter types operated by the PLA, their development, and the roles they are expected to perform.

At the same time, it should be noted that, as it now stands, the PLA remains heavily reliant on foreign-sourced helicopters for a wide variety of applications.

Russian-built helicopters give the PLA a mix of transport and specialized naval capabilities. The Mi-17/171 Hip family supports troop and cargo movement, search and rescue, special operations, and select high-altitude or mission-specific roles. At sea, the Ka-28 Helix provides anti-submarine warfare, while the Ka-31’s radar supports airborne fleet surveillance. These aircraft remain in service where their established capabilities continue to meet operational needs. However, they are increasingly supplemented by Chinese designs, including certain designs that have been tailored to provide direct replacements.

Utility, Training, and Light Helicopters

HC-120

The HC-120 is a light utility helicopter derived from the EC120, a design co-developed by China, France, and Singapore during the 1990s. The type entered service with PLA Army Aviation in 2005, providing a modern platform for primary helicopter training and replacing the aging SA316 Alouette III in that role.

The HC-120 is powered by a single Turbomeca Arrius 2F turboshaft engine. Its introduction represented an important step in modernizing the Army Aviation training fleet, giving pilots experience with a more contemporary helicopter before transitioning to larger operational types.

Z-11

The Z-11 is a light utility helicopter developed by Changhe Aircraft Industries Corporation (CHAIC) and the 602 Research Institute. The design is based on the French AS350BA Écureuil, examples of which were acquired for Army Aviation.

Deliveries of the Z-11 to Army Aviation began in 1998. The helicopter is powered by a single WZ-8D turboshaft engine and is primarily used for training, liaison, and other light utility duties.

A scout and armed reconnaissance derivative, designated as the Z-11WB, was developed with a nose-mounted electro-optical (EO) turret and external weapon pylons capable of carrying rockets, missiles, and gun pods. Its operational status remains unclear, although it provided the basis for the unarmed Z-11A training helicopter used by the Army Aviation Academy.

The Z-8 Family: From French Origins To A Modern Helicopter Lineage

Z-8J

The Z-8 was developed from the French SA321Ja Super Frelon, 13 examples of which China purchased during the late 1970s. Changhe Aircraft Industries Corporation subsequently developed an indigenous version during the 1980s.

Powered by three WZ-6 turboshaft engines, the original Z-8 became the foundation for a broad family of helicopters serving the PLA Navy (PLAN), Army Aviation, and People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF).

The Z-8J is the naval transport variant, with a boat-like hull. For anti-submarine warfare (ASW) missions, the helicopter can be equipped with a surface-search radar, a French HS-12 dipping sonar, and Whitehead A244S or ET52 torpedoes.

Several specialized derivatives were developed from the Z-8J:

• Z-8S: A naval search and rescue (SAR) version with upgraded avionics, a searchlight, a forward-looking infrared (FLIR) turret, and a rescue hoist. Most Z-8Js have reportedly been upgraded to this configuration.
• Z-8JH: A medical evacuation and SAR variant.

The Z-8J and Z-8JH have both been used aboard Chinese aircraft carriers, providing transport and support capabilities for embarked naval forces.

Z-8C

The Z-8C represents a substantially improved successor to the original naval Z-8J series. The helicopter was first reported in 2016 and incorporates a number of changes intended to improve its performance and operational versatility.

The most visible differences include a redesigned nose with a chin-mounted weather radar, a FLIR turret, and a pilot night-vision system (PNVS) mounted above the cockpit. A searchlight is also fitted, while the longer engine compartment accommodates the WZ-6C turboshaft engine.

The Z-8C is operated by the PLA Marine Corps, while the Z-8CJ serves as a training variant with the Naval Aviation University.

The helicopter has become a principal transport platform for the Type 075 amphibious assault ship, supporting the movement of troops and equipment between ships and shore.

Z-8K/KA

The PLAAF introduced the Z-8K in 2007 as a dedicated search-and-rescue helicopter. The related Z-8KA is configured for combat search and rescue (CSAR), including the recovery of personnel from hostile or contested environments.

Both versions feature a FLIR turret, searchlight, radar-warning receiver (RWR), chaff and flare dispensers, and a rescue hoist. Some aircraft are also equipped with small terrain-following radars beneath the nose to support low-level operations.

Selected helicopters have received satellite communications (SATCOM) antennas on top of the tail boom, improving their communications capabilities over longer distances.

A further derivative, the Z-8KH, was developed for the PLAAF garrison stationed in Hong Kong. This version is distinguished by chaff and flare dispensers integrated into its flotation equipment.

Z-8B

The Z-8B entered service with PLA Army Aviation in 2011 as an improved transport helicopter. It shares several characteristics with the Z-8KH but lacks the latter’s flotation equipment.

The Z-8B incorporates a glass cockpit and has become a major component of the Army Aviation transport fleet. Some aircraft have subsequently had flotation equipment reinstalled, reflecting the type’s continuing evolution.

An optional auxiliary fuel tank can be installed inside the cabin to extend its range. Other upgrades have included SATCOM antennas on the tail boom and, on some aircraft, WZ-6C engines, an EO turret, and a terrain-following radar beneath the nose.

A specialized operations variant has also been identified. These helicopters incorporate RWR, laser-warning receivers (LWR), and missile-approach warning system (MAWS) sensors, alongside flare dispensers and ceramic armor protection.

Z-8G

Lacking the boat-like hull of the Z-8B, the Z-8G is expected to replace that type in Army Aviation service. The helicopter was evaluated from 2014 and was specifically optimized for operations at high altitudes, including in Tibet.

Unlike earlier Z-8 variants, the initial Z-8G configuration uses imported Pratt & Whitney Canada PT6B-67A turboshaft engines. Its redesigned nose is longer and more aerodynamically efficient, while the glass cockpit and terrain-following radar support operations in demanding environments.

The helicopter also incorporates SATCOM and BeiDou/GPS antennas to improve communications and navigation during long-range missions.

Some Z-8Gs have been equipped for special operations, with combinations of MAWS, RWR, and LWR sensors mounted on the rear fuselage and sponsons, together with chaff and flare dispensers. Armor plates beneath the cockpit windows provide additional protection, and some aircraft carry a 12.7mm machine gun inside a cabin doorway.

Several specialized variants have also been identified:

• A battlefield electronic-warfare helicopter featuring large cylindrical antennas mounted on both sides of the mid-fuselage.
• Another electronic warfare configuration reportedly uses rectangular plate antenna arrays mounted on both sides of the rear fuselage.
• An airborne command-post variant featuring a retractable synthetic-aperture radar (SAR) surveillance system inside the rear fuselage, alongside additional electronic-support-measures (ESM) antennas.

Some Z-8Gs may also have adopted the indigenous WZ-6C engine.

Z-8L

The Z-8L is a wide-body development of the Z-8G that first flew in 2017. Its most prominent feature is a pair of large sponsons mounted along the sides of the fuselage, providing additional space for fuel tanks and other equipment.

The wider fuselage also increases internal volume, allowing the helicopter to carry more cargo and equipment. Relocating the internal fuel tanks beneath the cabin floor has further increased usable cabin space.

Some aircraft have been observed with RWR and MAWS sensors on both sides of the forward fuselage, a roof-mounted FLIR turret, and a terrain-following radar beneath the nose. Additional defensive equipment, including LWR and RWR sensors and chaff/flare dispensers, can be installed on the sponsons.

A SATCOM antenna is mounted on top of the tail boom. The original PT6B-67A engines are reportedly being replaced by the more powerful indigenous WZ-7 turboshaft.

The Z-8L provides the Army with a larger and more capable transport helicopter suited to demanding operating environments and specialized missions.

Z-8D

The Z-8D is a shipborne derivative of the Z-8L that first appeared in 2023. It combines the wide-body configuration with an extensive self-defense suite intended to improve survivability during operations over water.

The helicopter features RWR, LWR, and MAWS sensors, along with chaff and flare dispensers. Four inflatable flotation units provide emergency protection in the event of a forced landing at sea.

Power is supplied by either WZ-6C or the newer WZ-7 turboshaft engines. Engine air particle separators (EAPS) are installed ahead of the engine inlets to reduce the risk of damage from airborne debris.

The Z-8D is expected to operate from China’s Type 075 amphibious assault ships and the larger Type 076 amphibious assault ship.

The Z-18 Series: Naval Utility, Early Warning, and ASW Helicopters

Z-18Y

Named White Heron, the Z-18Y was developed by the 602 Research Institute and Changhe as a new medium-lift shipborne transport helicopter. It is derived from the AC313 but incorporates a redesigned fuselage and a number of changes intended to improve its naval suitability.

The helicopter uses imported PT6B-67A turboshaft engines and provides greater internal volume and payload capacity than the earlier Z-8. Improved performance in hot-and-high conditions is another important feature.

The Z-18Y incorporates a nose-mounted weather radar and an FLIR/TV turret, along with additional communication and navigation antennas beneath the fuselage. A SATCOM antenna is installed on top of the tail boom.

Folding main and tail rotor blades allow the helicopter to be stored more efficiently aboard ships. The Z-18Y is primarily used for carrier onboard delivery (COD) missions, transporting personnel and supplies between ships and shore.

It has also provided the basis for several specialized naval derivatives.

The helicopter has been used aboard Chinese aircraft carriers as an interim airborne early-warning platform and has also been observed operating from Type 075 amphibious assault ships.

A rescue hoist is installed on the starboard side of the forward fuselage, allowing the aircraft to perform secondary SAR duties.

An improved Z-18A features a redesigned engine and gearbox compartment and three indigenous WZ-6C engines. Some Z-18Js and Z-18As have also received SATCOM antennas to improve long-range communications.

Z-18F

Named Sea Eagle, the Z-18F is an ASW and anti-ship warfare helicopter developed from the Z-18Y. It first appeared in 2014 and represents a substantial improvement over the earlier Z-8-based naval ASW helicopters.

The helicopter incorporates a large surface-search radar beneath the nose, while its FLIR/TV turret has been relocated to the starboard side of the fuselage. A dipping sonar provides an additional means of detecting submarines, while MAWS and RWR antennas are installed on the forward and rear fuselage.

Additional communications and navigation antennas are mounted beneath the fuselage. Four external pylons can carry torpedoes or anti-ship missiles (AShMs), including the YJ-9. A dispenser near the rear loading ramp allows the helicopter to deploy sonobuoys.

The Z-18F operates aboard Chinese aircraft carriers and the Type 075 amphibious assault ship.

Several improved derivatives have since appeared:

• Z-18FA: Incorporates a redesigned engine and gearbox compartment and three domestic WZ-6C turboshaft engines.
• Z-18FG: Features a new chin-mounted search radar and small side pylons for lightweight ASW torpedoes or AShMs.
• Z-18FB: A further improved version reportedly powered by three WZ-7 turboshaft engines, replacing the Canadian PT6B-67A.

These developments point to a continuing effort to improve the Z-18’s performance and extend the operational life of the broader family.

The Z-9 Family

Z-9A/B

The Z-9 originated from the French AS365 Dauphin family, with China acquiring aircraft and subsequently producing them under license through Harbin Aircraft Industry Group (HAIG) during the 1990s.

The Z-9A became a principal utility helicopter for Army Aviation and was also used for pilot training. The improved Z-9B incorporated a greater proportion of indigenous components, helping establish the foundation for China’s broader Z-9 development program, which also took it in a maritime direction.

The helicopter has since become one of China’s most widely used light utility platforms and has also been widely exported in the Z-9E series.

Z-9C

The Z-9C is China’s indigenous naval derivative of the French AS565 Panther, examples of which were imported during the late 1980s.

The helicopter incorporates a domestically developed surface-search radar and dipping sonar, allowing it to conduct ASW missions. It can carry up to two Yu-7K torpedoes and is equipped with inflatable flotation bags for emergency landings on water.

Some Z-9Cs have been converted to SAR duties, receiving a searchlight, an EO turret, and a rescue hoist.

The type has also been used for anti-piracy patrols off the Somali coast. In this role, some aircraft have carried a 12.7mm gun pod and a 57mm rocket launcher.

A downgraded training version was developed for the Naval Aviation Academy.

Z-9D

The Z-9D is an improved derivative of the Z-9C, incorporating a greater emphasis on anti-surface warfare.

The helicopter features stub wings capable of carrying up to four AShMs for use against smaller surface targets. A new fire-control radar is housed in a larger nose cone, while the weapon-control officer is positioned in the rear cabin.

RWR antennas are installed on both sides of the nose and near the tail rotor. The Z-9D has been observed operating from Type 056 and Type 056A frigates.

Some aircraft have also received an EO turret beneath the fuselage, expanding their surveillance and targeting capabilities.

Z-9F

The Z-9F is an improved ASW helicopter based on the Z-9D. It was first observed in 2017 and is expected to replace the older Z-9C.

The helicopter incorporates a new dipping sonar, a glass cockpit, and an improved surface-search radar. A BeiDou antenna is mounted on top of the cabin.

The Z-9F retains the ability to carry up to two ASW torpedoes beneath its stub wings, providing a more modern platform for shipborne submarine-hunting missions.

Z-9S

The Z-9S is a naval search-and-rescue helicopter developed for operations aboard Chinese aircraft carriers.

It features a nose-mounted EO turret, a searchlight, and a rescue hoist installed on the starboard side. The helicopter is also used for training by the Naval Aviation University.

A small number of SAR-configured Z-9S helicopters are also operated by Army Aviation.

Z-9WA/WZ

The Z-9WA is a night-attack development of the Z-9W, incorporating more powerful engines and improved avionics for operations in low-light conditions.

The helicopter features stub wings capable of carrying up to eight KD-8 anti-tank guided missiles (ATGMs) or PL-90 air-to-air missiles (AAMs). A nose-mounted low-light TV/IR turret supports night operations, while RWR antennas are installed on both sides of the fuselage.

Additional features include cockpit armor, flare dispensers, a datalink, and a redesigned cockpit compatible with night-vision goggles (NVGs).

The improved Z-9WZ incorporates a laser designator, allowing it to employ the newer KD-9 ATGM, as well as FN-6 AAMs. It is also powered by WZ-8H engines.

Most Z-9WAs are believed to have been upgraded to the WZ standard.

The PLAAF operates some Z-9WA/WZ helicopters in the SAR role. A similar derivative, the Z-9ZH, is used by the PLAAF garrison stationed in Hong Kong.

Dedicated Attack and Scout Helicopters

Z-10

The Z-10 represents China’s first dedicated modern attack helicopter. Developed by the 602 Research Institute, CHAIC, and HAIG, the program also received early input from Russia’s Kamov design bureau.

The helicopter features a conventional tandem-seat gunship configuration, with the gunner seated in front and the pilot behind. A five-blade composite main rotor and distinctive scissor-type tail rotor distinguish the design.

The Z-10 is powered by WZ-9 turboshaft engines and entered service in 2010, following its first flight in 2003.

Its primary armament consists of up to eight KD-9 or KD-10 laser-guided ATGMs, supplemented by a chin-mounted 23mm chain gun. The helicopter can also carry up to eight PL-90 AAMs.

The nose-mounted PNVS and target acquisition and designation system (TADS)-equivalent housing incorporates FLIR, a TV camera, a laser rangefinder, and a laser designator. RWR antennas are installed on both sides of the forward and aft fuselage, while LWR sensors are mounted on the pylon tips.

The initial prototypes were powered by the Pratt & Whitney Canada PT6C-76C engine. Series-production aircraft instead adopted the less powerful WZ-9, resulting in reductions to armor protection, sensor size, and weapon load compared with the original configuration.

Several variants and upgrades have since emerged:

• Z-10H: Retains the original PNVS/TADS configuration while using WZ-9 engines.
• Z-10K: A dedicated version for PLAAF airborne units, featuring a new 23mm gun and 19-tube rocket launchers. Some aircraft have SATCOM antennas on top of the tail boom.
• Z-10A: The definitive production configuration, distinguished by upward-facing engine exhaust nozzles.
• Later upgrades: Some Z-10 and Z-10K aircraft have received additional ceramic armor, MAWS sensors on the nose, and SATCOM antennas for long-range communications.

The helicopter has also gained newer long-range, IIR/CCD-guided ATGMs. These weapons require an additional datalink antenna mounted in front of the PNVS.

Later developments include the introduction of millimeter-wave (MMW) radar-guided fire-and-forget missiles, potentially allowing the Z-10 to operate alongside the Z-19 in coordinated attack missions.

The export-oriented Z-10ME incorporates further improvements, including a mast-mounted MMW radar.

Z-19

The Z-19 is a scout and attack helicopter developed by HAIG using the H425 as its basis. It was intended to replace the Z-9WA while complementing the larger Z-10.

The helicopter features a narrow fuselage and tandem cockpit, with the pilot seated in front and the gunner behind. A nose-mounted EO turret incorporates FLIR, a TV camera, and a laser rangefinder, while RWR antennas provide warning of hostile radar emissions.

The Z-19 uses the same WZ-8C engines, transmission, and rotor systems as the H425, helping accelerate its development.

When fitted with a mast-mounted MMW radar, the Z-19 provides additional target-detection capabilities. The helicopter’s armament is broadly similar to that of the Z-9WA, including KD-9 and KD-10 ATGMs, PL-90 AAMs, rocket launchers, and gun pods.

Later upgrades include MAWS sensors on the nose and tail, along with LWR sensors on the stub wings.

The Z-19 has also been integrated with newer long-range IIR/CCD/laser-guided ATGMs, including the KF-9, KF-10, and KF-11. These weapons require an additional datalink antenna mounted on the nose.

Z-21

The Z-21 is a new heavy attack helicopter first identified in 2024. Developed by the 602 Research Institute, Changhe, and Hafei, it appears to be a substantially larger and more heavily protected gunship than the Z-10.

The helicopter is believed to use the WZ-10 turboshaft engines and rotor systems developed for the Z-20. It features a conventional tandem-seat configuration, with a gunner in the front and a pilot behind.

Large cheek fairings on either side of the fuselage incorporate MAWS, LWR, ESM, and electronic countermeasures (ECM) equipment. The nose features a new PNVS above a TADS, while an MMW search radar is mounted above the main rotor mast.

Laser-powered directional infrared countermeasures (DIRCM) are installed on the wingtips. Additional defensive equipment includes chaff and flare dispensers on the cheek fairings and tail boom.

A BeiDou antenna is mounted on the tail boom, while at least one prototype has been observed with upward-facing engine exhausts.

The Z-21 is expected to feature a 30mm chain gun beneath the forward fuselage. Each stub wing incorporates three weapon stations capable of carrying the newer KF-series long-range ATGMs, PL-90 AAMs, and other emerging weapons.

Compared with the Z-20, the Z-21 is expected to offer improved high-altitude performance, greater armor protection, and a heavier payload, making it better suited to demanding attack missions.

The Z-20 Family: China’s New Medium Helicopter

Z-20

The Z-20 is China’s new medium-lift general-purpose helicopter, developed by the 602 Research Institute, Harbin, and Changhe since the late 1990s.

The design is heavily influenced by the Sikorsky S-70 Black Hawk, examples of which China acquired for the PLA during the 1980s. However, the Z-20 incorporates a number of indigenous systems and is intended to replace the Mi-17 series in Army Aviation service.

The helicopter features a five-blade main rotor, a glass cockpit, and armor protection around the cockpit. A PNVS is mounted beneath the chin, while RWR antennas are installed on both sides of the forward and rear fuselage.

Additional equipment includes LWR sensors on both sides of the nose, SATCOM, ECM antennas on top of the fuselage, and a nose-mounted weather radar and terrain-following radar.

The Z-20 is powered by two WZ-10 turboshaft engines and can carry up to 13 fully equipped soldiers. An optional fuel tank can be installed in the cargo compartment to extend its range.

Stub wings can be fitted to carry rocket launchers, gun pods, and external fuel tanks.

The Z-20 first flew in 2013 and entered service with PLA Army Aviation by 2019.

Several aircraft have been observed with upward-facing engine exhausts. A SAR variant incorporates an EO turret and searchlight beneath the forward fuselage, together with a rescue hoist above the cabin door.

Z-20K/KS/KT

The Z-20 has also spawned a number of specialized variants for the PLAAF.

The Z-20K, identified in 2022, is a transport helicopter intended for airborne assault units.

The PLAAF operates the Z-20KS subvariant in the SAR role. This model features an EO turret and searchlight beneath the forward fuselage, while optional stub wings allow it to carry rocket launchers and gun pods.

An improved assault variant, the Z-20KT, incorporates a larger SATCOM antenna on top of the tail boom. Its folding tail section indicates that the helicopter is designed to facilitate aerial transport, allowing rapid deployment over long distances.

Z-20T

The Z-20T is a specialized assault helicopter broadly comparable in concept to the MH-60L Direct Action Penetrator used by the U.S. Army.

The helicopter features large stub wings capable of carrying KD-9 and KD-10 ATGMs, KF-9A ATGMs, PL-90 AAMs, ECM pods, and external fuel tanks.

LWR sensors have been relocated to the wingtips, while a TADS has replaced the weather radar in the nose. Additional armor plates provide increased protection for the crew and critical systems.

Later examples have also been observed with upward-facing engine exhausts.

Z-20F

The Z-20F is a shipborne ASW helicopter developed to provide the PLAN with a modern equivalent to the MH-60R Seahawk. It first flew in 2018.

The helicopter incorporates folding rotor blades and a folding tail boom to facilitate shipboard storage. An emergency flotation system is fitted, while the rear landing gear has been relocated forward to the rear end of the fuselage.

The redesigned nose features an EO/laser-ranging turret, with a surface-search radar antenna mounted beneath the chin. A SATCOM antenna is installed on top of the tail boom.

Additional ESM antennas are distributed around the nose and rear fuselage. A 25-round sonobuoy launcher is mounted on the port side, while a dipping sonar and rescue hoist provide additional ASW and SAR capabilities.

The Z-20F can carry up to four YJ-9 AShMs beneath its stub wings, alongside lightweight ASW torpedoes on rear fuselage pylons.

The helicopter is expected to replace the older Z-9C on Type 054 frigates and Type 052 and Type 055 destroyers. It has also been observed aboard the aircraft carrier Fujian and Type 075 amphibious assault ships.

Z-20J

The Z-20J is a shipborne transport and assault variant designed for the PLAN.

Its stub wings can carry up to eight KD-9 ATGMs or four YJ-9 AShMs, as well as rocket launchers, external fuel tanks, and gun pods.

MAWS sensors are installed on both sides of the chin and along the rear fuselage, providing additional protection during operations over water.

The Z-20J expands the range of missions that can be performed from Chinese surface combatants and amphibious assault ships, complementing the ASW-focused Z-20F.

Conclusion

Despite often being overshadowed by the PLA’s latest combat aircraft, missiles, and other high-profile weapons programs, helicopters remain an indispensable part of China’s military modernization. They provide critical capabilities, from moving troops and supplies across difficult terrain to supporting amphibious operations, special forces, search and rescue, and naval warfare.

More importantly, the steady development of indigenous helicopter designs reflects China’s determination to reduce reliance on foreign suppliers and build a more capable, self-sufficient rotary-wing force. These aircraft may attract less attention than the PLA’s newest fighters, but their growing sophistication and expanding roles make them an essential part of the force’s ability to operate across a wide range of contingencies.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

A string of hoax alerts causing flight diversions across Europe this week have broadened to include newsrooms.

A new series of bomb threats caused more flight diversions across Europe on Friday, while also expanding to target a number of media organisations.

British broadcaster Sky said it was one of a number of newsrooms that received a bomb threat. “We have carried out a security assessment and reported the matter to the relevant authorities,” a spokesperson said.

Bulgaria’s Nova TV and the Irish public broadcaster RTE received emailed bomb threats from a purported “Mikhail Andropov”, headlined “Message to the West”, portraying the threats as a prelude to more disruptions across Europe.

RTE briefly evacuated staff, including radio and television presenters, in Dublin after an email was received on Friday morning. RTE Radio One presenter David McCullagh later told listeners that the threat warned that a bomb would explode within 45 minutes.

The Irish government said hoax bomb claims were also sent to Virgin Media, Newstalk radio and The Irish Independent newspaper and that it was unclear who was behind them.

“However, these threats come on the heels of the ongoing disruption to aviation around Europe caused by similar threats, and it seems likely that this is a coordinated campaign of disruption,” it said in a statement.

The incidents come a day after hoax bomb threats disrupted more than two dozen flights across Europe on Thursday, and days after other aircraft and a cruise ship received bomb alerts.

‘Hoax threats’ increasing

On Friday, jets escorted airliners flying from Brussels to Sofia and from Prague to Bucharest and Cyprus through Hungarian airspace due to bomb threats, Hungarian Defence Minister Romulusz Ruszin-Szendi said.

He also said NATO had ordered an air patrol near the Hungarian-Romanian border, the first report that the Western defence alliance had become involved.

Danish police said threats were directed at traffic at Copenhagen airport but that there appeared to be no danger to passengers. The airport said it was “operating normally”.

Czech police registered bomb threats to nine flights departing from or arriving in Prague. An airport spokesperson said no flights had been ⁠⁠cancelled as a result.

France said four new bomb threats were made to aircraft flying over French territory, and that all landed safely.

A Ryanair flight from Rome landed as scheduled in Lisbon, CNN Portugal reported.

About half a dozen ‌‌flights were disrupted on Tuesday and more than two dozen on Thursday, some of them making unplanned landings or being escorted to their destinations by fighter jets.

Al Jazeera’s Frances Read, reporting from London on Friday, said that while the threats have not been credible so far, disruptions appear to be widening.

“The number of hoax threats this week is making governments sit up and take notice about where this might be coming from and also think of solutions for how to deal with it,” she said.

As the United States midterm election results landed late on Tuesday night, United States President Donald Trump took a phone call from the news outlet Politico.

A wave for the Democratic Party had sunk Trump’s Republican Party. For the first time in his two stints as president, Trump’s Republican Party no longer controlled either chamber of Congress.

But in the phone interview, Trump put on a brave face — and offered an olive branch: He said that he would be willing to work with Democrats.

“They’ve already called, and they want to work with me. I have the right to veto everything, but I don’t want to be just sitting there for two years just vetoing everything,” he said.

While a handful of seats remain to be counted, the Democrats have won comfortable majorities in both the House of Representatives, where they have secured at least 253 seats out of 435, and in the Senate, where they have won at least 54 out of 100.

Trump has since posted a picture on his Truth Social account using the Make America Great Again red baseball hat to read “VETO”. Despite the Democrats’ success, as president, Trump holds broad executive authority, with Article 1, Section 7 of the US Constitution stipulating that the president has the power to reject legislation passed by Congress through a veto.

Congress can override the veto, but would need to have a two-thirds majority, something that the Democrats do not have in either chamber.

But Trump’s comments to Politico underscore an alternate possibility — the president may pick and choose when to veto, and when to work with Democrats.

Bipartisan negotiations

As it stands, Trump has three options: veto legislation, enforce executive orders or make deals.

Since Trump was inaugurated in January 2025, he has passed 292 executive orders: 67 this year and 225 last year, according to the Federal Register.

But now, according to Andrew Proctor, a lecturer in US politics at University College London, Trump has even less leverage than before with Congress.

“I think the biggest thing is we’re probably going to see a decent amount of gridlock. The Democrats are going to try to pass policies, but he’s got the power to veto them, and Democrats don’t have enough seats in either chamber to overcome any vetoes that he has,” Proctor said.

“So that raises questions about, will he try to work with the Democrats at all on passing legislation? I think recent history says that’s unlikely.”

Still, some Democrats have said that they would work with the president to advance programmes central to their campaign promises.

Michigan’s Abdul El-Sayed, the first Muslim elected to the US Senate, has already said he could work with Trump  — even though the US president had used racist and Islamophobic rhetoric to target El-Sayed during the campaign.

El-Sayed told MSNOW on Thursday that if Trump was interested in “getting money out of politics, putting money in pockets and passing Medicare for All, that’s what I ran to do, and I’m looking forward to working with anyone who is willing to do that”.

“He is the president of the United States,” he said. “I’m going to be one United States senator, and if he’s interested in working on issues that I want to work on – getting more people healthcare, ending the Medicare cuts, ending the stupid war, stopping these stupid tariffs with Canada – then let’s talk about doing that and go and deliver for the public.”

Progressive Senator Bernie Sanders has also said, in recent interviews, that he would not rule out Trump signing onto a Medicare for All bill if Democrats pass it in both chambers of Congress. He described Trump as a “politician” who was not “too ideological”.

Proctor argued that Trump could indeed make a deal with the Democrats based on how good it could make him look, but that getting Medicare for All passed in the next two years appeared unlikely.

“I do think that a place where common ground could emerge on healthcare is rolling back, specifically the sort of subsidies that were cut” under Trump’s earlier legislation, he said. “So that would make healthcare more affordable for millions of Americans.”

Proctor pointed out that some Republicans in 2025 had said they were willing to negotiate with Democrats on healthcare reforms.

“That didn’t end up happening, but I could imagine that might be a place for healthcare-specific policy where we could see something emerge,” he said. “I don’t think that a broader healthcare debate on passing Medicare for All, though, is really in the cards.”

Veto or filibuster

Though Trump has said he would be willing to use veto, he has historically not been among the most avid proponents of the practice.

He has so far used the veto twice in this term, and used it 10 times during his first term. Joe Biden used it 12 times in his single term, while Barack Obama used the veto a dozen times over two terms.

Overall, the presidential use of the veto has declined with time: Bill Clinton vetoed legislation 37 times between 1993 and 2001. His predecessor, George HW Bush, used it 44 times in his single term — almost once a month. Ronald Reagan used it 78 times over his two terms.

But Proctor said that Republicans also have a different tool to try and block legislation. That is the filibuster, a tactic that delays a vote on a specific piece of legislation by using an extended debate, which would impact the Democrats’ ability to get something passed.

“This is what they did to [former President Barack] Obama,” Proctor told Al Jazeera. “Senate Republicans will probably try to do the same thing, and it also means that we don’t even get to the point of Trump having the power to veto because the legislation never reaches him in the first place.”

Impeachment

Since the Democrats swept the midterms on Tuesday, calls for investigations against the administration have already emerged.

In his first term, Trump was impeached twice — first for the abuse of power and obstruction of Congress, and the second time for “inciting” the US Capitol riots.

On Tuesday night, US Representative Robert Garcia, who is set to become chairman of the House Oversight Committee, wrote on X: “LAWYER UP.” Senator Ron Wyden, who is expected to lead the Senate Finance Committee, wrote in a post on X: “Subpoenas.”

However, the Trump administration has already denied any wrongdoing.

“If Democrats choose to pursue sham investigations and radical left policies, they are choosing to work against the American people,” said White House spokesperson Lauren Bis on Wednesday.

Reports also suggest that impeachment proceedings against Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth might be imminent, over the Iran war that Trump and other Republicans have blamed for the party’s losses.

Iran has stepped up diplomatic efforts amid suggestions by United States President Donald Trump that the US could resume full-scale strikes on the Islamic republic.

The US news website Axios quoted a US official saying that US Central Command (CENTCOM) was preparing for the resumption of major military operations in Iran, and that it was just waiting on orders from Washington. On Thursday, Trump told reporters the US may have to “destroy” the rest of Iran, adding that people will “know soon enough” if he acts.

Tehran’s intensified diplomatic push comes after Iran downed two US reconnaissance drones near Qeshm island in the Strait of Hormuz, which the US struck earlier this week. Iran says it will retaliate if the US resumes larger strikes.

What diplomatic efforts is Iran engaging in?

On Thursday, Iran offered the US a new nuclear and peace proposal via Qatari mediators, to be discussed only after Washington meets Tehran’s seven demands, a senior Iranian official told Reuters. The US is examining the proposal, Reuters reported.

Iran has made meeting its seven demands a condition for reopening the Strait of Hormuz and restarting peace talks, including on its nuclear programme. The demands include the lifting of sanctions on Iran, the unfreezing of Iranian assets and the end to the US naval blockade of its ports in and around the Strait of Hormuz, among other things.

It has also stepped up ties with Russia, with its top security official, Mohsen Rezaei, travelling to Moscow for talks on Thursday. During that visit, Rezaei said: “On the issue of diplomacy, we have announced seven conditions ⁠to the Americans. As long as they do ⁠not execute our seven conditions, we will neither open the Strait of Hormuz nor have negotiations.”

Meanwhile, the US has insisted a deal on Iran’s nuclear capacity must be part of any ceasefire agreement before wider peace talks can restart.

How is Iran deepening ties with Russia?

On Thursday, Rezaei met with Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Kremlin to deliver a message from Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei. Iranian state media did not elaborate on ⁠the contents of the message.

Rezaei called it “an extremely important exchange” according to remarks reported by the Iranian embassy, but also did not give further details.

However, The Financial Times reported that Russia previously agreed to supply Iran with 90 helicopter-mounted launchers for precision-guided missiles, despite needing its own weapons for the Ukraine war. The newspaper cited a Russian defence manufacturer’s production schedule for 2024 and 2025, which it has examined, showing an order for helicopter-mounted launchers being assigned a code used to refer to Iran in Russian defence documents.

Relations between Russia and Iran have deepened since Moscow launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and during the US-Israeli war on Iran that saw the two countries become the most heavily sanctioned in the world. Iran has provided Shahed drones, which Russia has modified and used heavily against Ukraine.

In return, Russia has also reportedly helped Iran develop supersonic cruise missiles, sold it Verba shoulder-launched anti-air missiles and shared information with Tehran potentially relevant to nuclear weapons.

“It is indicative of Russia’s willingness to continue supplying Iran despite its own wartime demands and with far less concern about Western objections than in the past,” Nicole Grajewski, a non-resident scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, told the FT.

In early October, Putin said Russia was prepared to take part in mediation to bring an end to the war.

Images released by the Kremlin showed its foreign affairs adviser Yuri Ushakov and chief of the Russian military intelligence, Igor Kostyukov, attending a meeting with Iran’s security chief alongside Putin.

The meeting also strengthened Iran’s economic ties with Russia.

“During the meeting with Mr Vladimir Putin, discussions were held regarding the construction of gas pipelines from Russia to Iran,” said Rezaei, Iranian state TV reported.

He said the gas pipelines would address Iran’s gas shortages and facilitate the sale of Russian energy to neighbouring countries.

Tehran said Iran’s natural gas refineries had been hit during the most intense phase of US-Israeli strikes on Iran earlier this year, which lasted 40 days.

Separately, Russia’s Foreign Ministry advised citizens against travel to Iran “In light of the remaining risks of a new escalation around Iran”.

How is Iran negotiating with regional leaders?

During the most intense fighting of the war, Iran struck bases in Gulf countries hosting US military assets, as well as civil and energy facilities and infrastructure.

Senior Iranian officials have repeatedly warned that any state helping the US to target the Islamic republic will be a “legitimate target” should US attacks resume.

On Thursday, Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi held phone calls with several Gulf leaders, including the foreign minister of the UAE, Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan.

They discussed regional developments as well as diplomatic efforts for stability in the region, according to Araghchi’s Telegram channel.

Araghchi spoke with Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud about efforts to improve security and stability in the region, according to the Saudi foreign ministry.

Araghchi also discussed de-escalation efforts with the foreign ministers of Kuwait and Turkiye.

In a separate call, Araghchi talked with Qatar’s Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani about coordinating to reduce tensions, the Qatari foreign ministry said.

Sheikh Mohammed stressed support for efforts to secure freedom of maritime navigation.

In a statement, Oman’s foreign ministry said the safety of passage through the Strait of Hormuz was a main topic of discussions, in a call between Araghchi and Oman’s foreign minister.

Iran continues to tightly control shipping lanes through the strait, where several ships have been damaged in recent days. It has granted exemptions to shipping restrictions to Iraq and Qatar, in the Gulf region, as well as to India and China.

What is Trump saying?

Despite his Republican Party suffering a drubbing in this week’s US midterm elections – largely because of public anger over the war on Iran and the resulting rise in energy prices – US President Donald Trump has refused to rule out further strikes on Iran.

On Thursday, Trump told reporters at the Oval Office that he may have to “destroy the rest” of Iran.

Former Iranian diplomat Hadi Afghahi told Al Jazeera that Tehran can ease the path to a settlement if the US also shows flexibility. He argued that Trump “really does not want to go to war, because war again will cost him more”. However, the US president’s next move is unpredictable, observers say.

Afghahi cautioned that Trump “is still surrounded by a group of hawks”, including the energy and treasury secretaries.

Trump has shown willingness to engage in diplomacy, however. Qatar’s ⁠Emir ⁠Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad ⁠Al Thani discussed diplomatic ⁠efforts to ease regional tensions in a ‌phone call with Trump on Friday, according to the Qatari Emiri Diwan.

The leaders reviewed international diplomatic efforts, including the Doha-led mediation efforts to support negotiations in recent weeks, in a bid to reach “a comprehensive agreement that puts an end to the crisis”, the Diwan said in a statement.

How has Iran responded to Trump’s rhetoric?

Tehran warned it will retaliate on a wider scale than it has done so far if the US resumes the war. It has also said talks will become unfeasible.

Iranian officials said Iran has the capacity to strike further than the Gulf using weapons manufactured in Iran.

On Thursday, a spokesman for the Supreme Advisor to the Commander of the Aerospace Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps said: “In the event of a new aggression, any country or force that helps America attack Iran can be a legitimate target of the Islamic Republic.”

Iran’s state media outlet Tasnim News reported: “Our missile bases have a suitable range to target the Zionist regime and American bases,” adding “Iran’s response to the possible new aggression of the enemies will not be geographically limited.”

Iran has also previously warned that cables, data centres and artificial intelligence (AI) facilities across the Gulf region could be attacked if war with the US erupts again.

What strikes have there been in recent days?

In the run-up to the midterm elections, the US said it had conducted “defensive strikes” on Iran’s Qeshm island and Bandar Lengeh in the Strait of Hormuz.

Meanwhile, Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps navy says at least seven tankers have caught fire after sailing into mines while attempting to transit through the Strait of Hormuz using “unauthorised routes” near Oman this week.

Two oil ‌tankers caught fire and were brought to a stop after hitting ⁠mines on Friday, the IRGC said. They had been trying to cross the waterway “with the support of the aggressor and terrorist American military”, the IRGC added.

Control over the Strait of Hormuz has been a main stumbling block in negotiations to end the Iran war since it began in February.

Tehran has sought to limit traffic through the strategic waterway, which normally carries about one-fifth of global oil supplies.

The US has also imposed a blockade on Iranian ports and escorted tankers through the strait.

Maritime organisations have not confirmed the latest incidents.

Ten years ago, as parts of Diyarbakir in southeast Turkiye were reduced to rubble in battles between the military and Kurdish fighters, the city’s main football club, Amedspor, became a target.

Diyarbakir is the biggest Kurdish-majority city in Turkiye, and Amedspor, then in the third tier, had become a standard bearer of Kurdish identity.

As fighting raged between the state and groups linked to the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), the club was hit with fines and bans on away supporters and outspoken players. Its premises were raided by antiterrorism police, and its fans, players and officials were attacked by rival supporters. In the years that followed, its survival looked uncertain.

A decade on, a peace process is under way between the government and the PKK, and Amedspor – in their first season in the top-flight after successive promotions – are second in the Super Lig after 10 games. A win at league leaders Galatasaray on Saturday would take them to the top.

“Amedspor have achieved a level of success that nobody expected,” said Vahap Coskun, an academic from Diyarbakir who has written a book about the club.

Coskun told Al Jazeera there are several factors behind the success this season; an experienced and canny coach in Besnik Hasi, and a mostly new squad of players performing above expectations, including the 24-year-old Nigerian striker Gift Orban, who has scored nine goals in 10 games so far.

Then there are the passionate, sellout crowds of more than 30,000 that have helped the side win its six home games so far.

But he also said the “softening political climate” was key as it “affects everything from the treatment Amedspor receive in away matches to the refereeing, and it allows Amedspor to compete in fairer conditions”.

Reha Ruhavioglu, director of the Kurdish Studies Center (KSC) and a former member of the club’s advisory board, told Al Jazeera Amedspor’s matches have become a “weekly barometer” of whether Turkish society and state can accept the club as part of the country “with its own colours, culture, language and identity”.

From obscurity to the Super Lig

Amedspor was formed as Melikahmet Turanspor in 1972 and later passed through various name changes and was taken over by Diyarbakir’s municipality in 1990. They spent much of their history toiling in the lower leagues.

The club gained promotion to the third tier for the first time in 2013, and the following year caused a stir after renaming themselves with the Kurdish word for Diyarbakir – “Amed” – and adopting the red, green and yellow of the Kurdish tricolour.

Expressions of Kurdish culture and language have long been suppressed in Turkiye, especially after the separatist PKK launched an armed uprising against the Turkish state in 1984. But the club were allowed to use the name Amed and their green and red colours at least, if not the full tricolour.

They were clearly on the up. In January 2015, they claimed a 2-0 victory away at Galatasaray in the Turkish Cup. In 2015-16, as conflict raged in Turkiye’s southeast, they reached the quarterfinals of the Turkish Cup, beating Super Lig sides Basaksehir and Bursaspor along the way.

In the following years, the club was bailed out by local businesses after its funding was cut by government appointees to the municipality. It continued to face significant hostility from rival fans, frequent punishment from the federation and verbal attacks from politicians.

But it was becoming increasingly popular among Kurds across the country, not only in Diyarbakir.

Research published by the KSC in March 2026 found that Amedspor’s support had quadrupled to four million among Kurdish adults in Turkiye over four years – even before the promotion to the Super Lig – and that the club had become the best supported among Kurds in the country.

Meanwhile, a new peace process between the state and the PKK had begun in late 2024, and in May 2025 the PKK formally announced its dissolution and the end of its armed struggle.

When Amedspor were promoted to the Super Lig in May, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his ultranationalist ally Devlet Bahceli congratulated the club. Erdogan later received Amedspor officials and players at the presidential palace along with those from other promoted clubs.

Bagis Erten, a sports journalist with Oksijen newspaper, said that now the political winds have shifted, the club is not being held back or excessively punished by footballing authorities.

“Especially when we talk about the football federation and referees, [Amedspor] were always treated very badly in previous years. Their penalties were not given, their red cards were not fair,” he told Al Jazeera.

“But now this system at least is not stopping them.”

‘Fragile progress’

At Amedspor’s Diyarbakir Stadium, the crowd in one stand calls out in Kurdish: “Ki ne em?” (Who are we?). Another stand thunders in response: “Kurd in em!” (We are Kurds!) At a recent game against Istanbul giants Besiktas, which Amedspor won 3-2, a tifo featured the words “EM HATIN” (We are here).

Turkish society is now encountering the Kurdish language and other expressions of Kurdish identity more regularly because of Amedspor’s promotion to the Super Lig.

There has been hostility shown by rival fans this season, with some provocatively displaying yellow body bags and images of F16s in reference to the darkest days of the conflict with the PKK.

But Ruhavioglu says that, despite incidents like this, the “barometer” is generally looking positive and that football can help to “normalise” Kurdish identity in Turkiye, as several teams and their fans have now visited the city without incident.

“When you see the bigger picture, it is going well,” he said.

Ruhavioglu says his centre’s research has also challenged some misconceptions around the club and its fans.

“Amedspor’s stands are really not homogenous,” he said, adding that while many fans support the left-wing, pro-Kurdish DEM Party, others are “close to other parties and ideologies. The Kurdish political movement is [generally] a secular movement, but many fans are praying in the stadium.”

And although the research found that a sense of Kurdishness and speaking Kurdish were strongly tied to fandom of Amedspor, he said the club should not be seen as “a national team for Kurds”, but rather more like “the representative of Kurdish identity” in Turkiye. Indeed, 61 percent of Kurds in the survey said they support the Turkish national team when it plays.

Unlike when the club was playing in the lower tiers, Amedspor now rarely features Kurdish or local players in the starting XI – it is mostly comprised of foreign players and some non-Kurdish Turks.

Coskun denied this undermines the club’s sense of Kurdishness.

“I think the fact that few of the players are Kurdish is not of vital importance to the fans, because it is the club that carries the identity, not the players,” he said. “Of course, fans would like to see many more Kurdish players in the team, but what matters most here is success.”

But Erten says the club may end up seeking to dilute its political identity to pursue footballing success or at least avoid trouble.

“Of course, it’s the symbol of Kurdish movement … [but] they are trying to convince Turkish society that it’s a good football project as well.”

Erten says attitudes towards Amedspor show how Turkiye’s state and society have become more tolerant of prominent expressions of Kurdishness on a national level, something that was unthinkable in previous decades.

“It’s progress, but it depends only on the approach of government,” he said. “It’s very fragile progress.”

London Underground drivers are to stage a series of 24-hour strikes in the next few months in a dispute over working arrangements, the RMT union has announced.

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