SEVEN new train stations are coming to the UK under the Government’s £14billion rail funding promise.
Sir Keir Starmer said the commitment to rail infrastructure improvements was an “investment for the long term”.
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Seven new train stations are coming to the UK under the UK Government’s £14billion rail funding promiseCredit: Alamy
The seven new stations will be built at Magor and Undy, Llanwern, Cardiff East, Newport West, Somerton, Cardiff Parkway and Deeside industrial park.
A Welsh government source told the BBC it was “the biggest day in devolution”.
The government already announced £445m for rail projects in Wales last year and it has now revealed that money will go towards building each of the seven stations.
These new stations mean workers will find it easier to commute into Cardiff and Newport.
The Transport for Wales vision plan also outlines dozens of projects to boost the rail network in Wales.
It includes “Cardiff crossrail” extensions, direct services between Cardiff and Liverpool, a station at St Clears, services between west Wales and Bristol, and more trains to Pembroke Dock.
According to the UK government, Transport for Wales estimates the total cost of all the schemes under consideration to be “up to £14bn”.
Cardiff Central Station is also being upgraded with work due to begin this spring
Los Angeles city officials may be empowered to remove homeless encampments from hillside areas at severe risk of fire, even without the property owner’s permission, under a proposal that the City Council moved forward on Tuesday.
The proposal would allow the city to remove hazardous materials, including homeless encampments, from private property in hillside areas in “Very High Fire Severity Zones,” including in the Santa Monica and Verdugo Mountains.
By an 11-3 vote, the council directed the city attorney to draft changes to the municipal code, which the council will then vote on at a later date.
“Prevention [of fires] is the most cost-effective tool we have,” said Councilmember Monica Rodriguez, who sponsored the proposal. “When we are in imminent threat of wildfires, especially as it relates to or is exacerbated by these types of encampments, we have a duty to act.”
Rubbish fires, many related to homeless encampments, have skyrocketed over the last several years, according to Los Angeles Fire Department data. Rodriguez said there have been five wildfires in her northeast San Fernando Valley district since she took office in 2017, though none was caused by an encampment.
Between 2018 and 2024, about 33% of all fires in the city, and more than 40% of rubbish fires, involved homeless Angelenos, according to the LAFD.
Rodriguez said the city is often left flat-footed when encampments pop up on hillsides and property owners don’t help address the issue.
“If a private property owner is not responsive, it puts the rest of the hillside community under threat,” Rodriguez said in an interview.
Rodriguez’s motion said it’s often difficult for city departments, including police and fire, to get permission from property owners to enter.
“It can take weeks to determine property ownership and to obtain the necessary signoffs from property owners to access the property, causing unnecessary delays and increasing the risk for a serious fire and threats to public safety,” the motion reads.
Some council members argued that while they agreed with the intent of the proposal, some details needed to be addressed.
Councilmember Hugo Soto-Martínez — who voted against the proposal — said he was concerned that homeless people would end up getting shuffled around the city.
“What I don’t want to see is this being used as a tool to push homeless folks from one side of the street to the other side of the street,” he said before casting his vote.
Soto-Martínez said he wouldn’t vote for the proposal until the city developed a definition of what a fire hazard is.
Councilmember Ysabel Jurado also voted against the proposal, saying she wanted the council to do more research before changing the municipal code.
Councilmember Eunisses Hernandez was the third “no” vote.
After Monday’s resounding defeat by Sri Lanka took World Cup fate out of his side’s hands, Australia captain Mitchell Marsh asked for the luck of the Irish to kick in.
The following day, Ireland were due to take on Zimbabwe in Pallekele. Any points for the African side would knock Australia out of the competition.
Clearly, no-one told Marsh that when it comes to Irish luck in a cricketing context, rain is never far away. The two sides shared the points after wet weather saw the match abandoned without a ball bowled. Zimababwe through, Australia gone.
For the first time since 2009, there will not be an Australian side in the Super 8s stage or equivalent. Since winning it in 2021, this edition marks a third consecutive T20 World Cup without Australia in the semi-finals.
Less than a month on from wrapping up a resounding Ashes drubbing, Australia’s T20 side has failed to hit similar heights. The failings of this competition, which has seen them play all of their group games in Sri Lanka, alongside a wider slump in this format, does little to discard the notion that T20 cricket is not a priority.
As always after a difficult tournament, selection is questioned. Steve Smith has long been out of this side, not appearing in almost two years. A century and two 50s in the recent Big Bash were not enough to earn a recall. Not until Marsh was hit in the groin in training prior to Australia’s first game against Ireland.
Smith was summoned to acclimatise in Colombo in case he was required. He ultimately was, but not as a replacement for Marsh.
Australia’s Test run machine eventually earned a place in the squad proper when the selectors belatedly named a replacement for Josh Hazlewood, who was ruled out of the competition before a ball was bowled.
All those moving parts for a player who only made it onto the park as a sub fielder while Australia were still mathematically alive, with Smith powerless to stop Sri Lanka and Pathum Nissanka’s charge.
The Hind Rajab Foundation has filed a criminal complaint to a court in Chile, seeking the prosecution of an Israeli Ukrainian who was an Israeli sniper in Gaza. Lucia Newman investigates his role in the deaths in Gaza.
I’ve never lived in Pasadena, but the city that sits below the San Gabriel Mountains in northeast L.A. has always felt like home. As a kid, I’d run into my aunt’s neighbors and coworkers while shopping with my mom on Lake Avenue. I knew to expect a wait at now-closed Roscoe’s Chicken ’n Waffles after my cousin’s Sunday dance recitals. Years later, when I worked at an office off Fair Oaks Avenue, I’d pass my lunch breaks by walking around the neighborhood and admiring the Craftsman homes.
It turns out, many Black Southern Californians have a similar relationship to Pasadena and Altadena, its neighboring hillside community that suffered tremendous losses in the Eaton fire. After the fire, restaurateur Greg Dulan of Dulan’s on Crenshaw spent months offering free meals to residents in collaboration with World Central Kitchen. Like me, he had fond childhood memories of traveling there from his South L.A. neighborhood to visit relatives.
A year later, the Pasadena-Altadena area is still recovering, with grassroots efforts led by longtime locals and business owners, including restaurateurs and chefs who opened their dining rooms to provide a safe space for community members to gather and grieve, organized donation drives and provided free meals and resources to those in need.
At Deluxe 1717 on the border of Pasadena and Altadena, chef-owner Onil Chibas extended the bistro’s hours to remain open continuously from 11 a.m. to 9 p.m.
“That way, if it’s four o’clock and you’ve just finished with your contractor and you’re hungry or you want a glass of wine or a cup of coffee, we’re open,” he said.
The Eaton fire destroyed long-standing Black-owned restaurants in Altadena, including Little Red Hen Coffee Shop which first opened in 1972 and was once frequented by comedian Richard Pryor, and Pizza of Venice, a popular pizzeria on Fair Oaks Avenue.
That makes it all the more important to support the Black-owned restaurants in the area that are still standing, with several located just blocks from the burn sites. Almost all are now concentrated in Pasadena, a reminder of how deeply affected Altadena itself remains a year after the blaze. From two new bakeries to a sandwich shop and a fish market that doubles as a Jamaican restaurant, here are 10 Black-owned spots to put on your radar.
While this lesser-known region in Spain is growing in popularity, it still gets only a fraction of visitors that other cities see, and it allows you to enjoy a completely different type of Spanish culture
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Bilbao looks different to many other parts of Spain(Image: Copyright (c) 2016 Belyay/Shutterstock.)
TUI has added a new city break destination to its roster for spring, and it’s in a part of Spain that’s growing in popularity with Brits and has a unique look.
If you’re bored of the Spanish Costas and want to escape the usual packed tourist spots, then Northern Spain is becoming an alternative for Brits who want to see a different part of the country. The Basque Country alone saw a 40% increase in visitors last year, although this still only puts the area at 182,000 tourists a year- a fraction of the visitors to Southern Spain.
At the heart of the Basque Country is Bilbao, and if you’ve never been to this part of Spain, it’s an excellent starting point for immersing yourself in the area’s unique beauty and culture.
TUI will offer city breaks to Bilbao from four major UK airports this spring: Bristol, London-Gatwick, London-Heathrow, and Manchester. With flights from London taking just under two hours, it’s ideal for a long weekend or mini break.
Have a story you want to share? Email us at webtravel@reachplc.com
In a Lonely Planet article, one travel writer wrote: “When your plane banks toward Bilbao Airport for the final approach, the lush forest passing below looks nothing like the Spain you thought you knew.”
The climate and landscapes of this region are worlds away from the dry, sunny south, with milder weather that can be a respite from summer heatwaves. In March and April, daily highs are around 17C, while over the summer, it hits around 26C, and the south often bakes in temperatures in the mid-30s. It also gets more rain than the south, giving the surrounding area a fresh green look.
Bilbao sits on the banks of the Nervión River, and one of its most popular spots is its old town, also known as Casco Viejo. With colourful buildings dating back to medieval times, a grand cathedral, and the beautiful neoclassical Plaza Nueva, full of bars and restaurants, it’s the perfect city break destination.
In contrast, the Guggenheim Museum, with its unique Frank Gehry-designed exterior, looks different from anything else in the city, yet draws people in with its vast collection of contemporary art. Even if you don’t venture inside, it’s worth walking past to see its titanium-clad exterior shining in the sun.
In addition to its cultural delights, Bilbao is known for its colourful food scene, and as you wander the streets, you’ll find plenty of pintxos bars. A northern alternative to tapas; pintxos are bite-sized pieces of bread topped with ingredients from jamón to seafood or cheese, held together by a cocktail stick.
Another famous product of Northern Spain is its Rioja wines, which are the perfect pairing for a plate of pintxos. You can enjoy a day trip to wineries near the city, or simply visit one of the many wine bars for a tasting.
TUI’s deals include a 7-night stay 4T NYX Hotel Bilbao by Leonardo Hotels on a room only basis from £583 per person. Price is based on two adults sharing a Double or Twin Comfort Room departing from London Gatwick on the 14th of April 2026 with hand luggage only.
Or you can book a seven-night holiday staying at Hotel Sirimiri on a room-only basis from £451 per person. Price is based on two adults sharing a Double or Twin Standard Room departing from London Heathrow on the 21st of April 2026 with hand luggage only. Prices are subject to availability and may change. To find out more, visit the TUI website or download the official app.
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Syria’s government has been relocating families after announcing the closure of the notorious al-Hol camp for people with suspected links to ISIL fighters. Al Jazeera’s Heidi Pett has been seeing families arrive at a new camp, where the government says conditions will be better.
LEIGH-ANNE Pinnock shrugged off her Jesy Nelson drama as she flashed her underwear at a film premiere – after Little Mix reunion hopes were dashed this week.
Leigh-Anne Pinnock flashed her thong in this see-through outfitCredit: Getty ImagesThe sexy outfit left little to the imagination at the London premiere of Charli XCX’s movie, The Moment.Credit: Alamy Live News.
Leigh-Anne also cheekily flashed her thong in the see-through outfit.
The star’s striking look made sure to turn heads on the red carpet, and she looked incredible as she posed for the waiting cameras.
Little Mix was the first group to win The X Factor back in 2011, before going on to break UK singles chart history with five No. 1s and selling more than 75million records worldwide.
Jesy quit the band after nine years, blaming battles with her mental health and struggles with the pressures of fame as her reasons for leaving.
The band then went on a hiatus in 2021.
Last week, Little Mixers everywhere had been hopeful the girlband would regroup after Jesy hinted that their six-year feud was over after the girls had privately reached out.
Leigh-Anne pulled out all the stops for her sexy lookCredit: Tiar/SOPA Images/ShutterstockIt comes after Jesy released her bombshell Amazon Prime documentaryCredit: Prime
In her recent documentary Jesy revealed hersecret suicide attemptdays before quitting the group – suggesting her cry for help was ignored by bandmates.
Fighting back tears in the doc, she said: “That made me feel really alone. I felt like there was no point. That no one cared.”
But while Jesy gave fresh hope about the possibility of reconciling with the girls, Leigh-Anne, Jade and Perrie’s reactions over the last week, suggest maybe not.
A source told The Sun: “Jesy’s confession has obviously opened up a can of worms for the girls.
“The documentary itself and the backlash that has followed, has brought up a lot of bad feeling from the past.
“It’s been upsetting for the girls, but they are focused on their solo careers and the future now.”
It comes after Jade broke down in tears on stage as she sang Natural At Disaster, whilst on her current solo tour.
The track is said to have been written about her struggling friendship with Jesy, with lyrics including: “It’s hard to love you when you hate yourself. Can’t be there for you without negatively impacting mymental health.”
Seemingly in another swipe at Jesy, she then chose to play Natural At Disaster over her latest Instagram post.
Sharing video footage from behind the scenes at her show in Chicago, JADE wrote: “And all that jazz.”
One fan commented: “The song choice… I hope you’re not shading Jesy. I love you all.”
Perrie meanwhile has kept off social media, last posting a week ago to promote her new song Woman In Love.
She brought forward the release by four days after originally announcing it would be available on the same day as Jesy’s doc.
While Leigh-Anne has been more active than usual on social media.
She has been busy posting about her new album My Ego Told Me To as she goes on tour.
She told fans: “I can’t tell you how excited I am to perform this album live for you!
“Get me back to my happy place nowww! This one’s going to be so special!”
It comes after hopes of a Little Mix reunion appear to be now dashedCredit: AlamyThe three women are yet to respond publicly to Jesy’s Prime documentaryCredit: Getty
WASHINGTON — President Bush marked Black History Month Saturday with a promise to deliver big funding increases to black colleges “even in a time of recession and war.”
Bush, who won less than 10% of the black vote in the 2000 election but has seen his popularity soar since the Sept. 11 attacks, used his weekly radio address to urge Americans to “reflect on the contributions of African Americans.”
Bush sought to assure black leaders he would not renege on a promise to increase funding for historically black colleges and Latino-serving institutions by 30% by 2005.
He also touted the education reforms enacted last month to help narrow the achievement gap between low-income students and their wealthier counterparts. “We have come far, and we have a way yet to go,” Bush said.
“Today we are fighting for freedom in a new way and on new battlefields. And we continue to press for equal opportunity for every American here at home. We want every American to be educated up to his or her full potential,” Bush said.
According to some polls, Bush’s support from blacks more than doubled after the Sept. 11 attacks. Eager to hold on to these gains, the White House has stepped up its outreach to black leaders.
But Bush has come under fire from Democrats, including prominent black lawmakers, for proposing deep cuts in job training and other domestic programs in his fiscal 2003 budget in order to fund more tax cuts and the biggest military buildup in two decades. The 2003 fiscal year begins Oct. 1.
Senate Budget Committee Chairman Kent Conrad (D-N.D.), in the Democrats’ weekly radio address, said Congress will “stand shoulder to shoulder” with Bush to fight terrorism, but he blasted Bush’s proposed budget for bringing back deficits.
“Part of national security is economic security,” Conrad said. “The problem with the president’s budget is that his plan will return us to deficit spending–not just today, but for years to come.”
Comparing Bush’s budget to collapsed energy giant Enron Corp., Conrad accused Bush of making “the Enron mistake: underestimating our debt and endangering retirement benefits.”
Many Democrats charge that the $1.35-trillion, 10-year tax cut Bush pushed through Congress last year was too costly, imperiling the Social Security retirement program and the Medicare health care program for the elderly as the baby boom generation nears retirement.
The Bush administration defended its proposed cutbacks as part of an effort to shift federal resources away from what the White House deemed wasteful programs.
The top two teams in each group – A to D – will progress to the Super 8s, which will be made up of two groups of four.
If any teams are level on points after the four group-stage fixtures, they will be separated by number of wins and then net run-rate.
The International Cricket Council has pre-determined the Super 8 groups if the eight seeded sides qualify:
X Group: India (X1), Australia (X2), West Indies (X3), South Africa (X4)
Y Group: England (Y1), New Zealand (Y2), Pakistan (Y3), Sri Lanka (Y4)
If any of those sides do not progress, the teams who do in their place will just fill the spot.
Each team plays three more matches in the Super 8s phase, facing each of the other teams in their group once.
After those fixtures, the top two teams from each group will advance to the semi-finals, with the winner of each Super 8s group facing the runner-up from the other.
Peru’s Congress has ousted President Jose Jeri just four months into his term over multiple corruption allegations. The decision was made just weeks before a general election.
Tigray, Ethiopia – Saba Gedion was 17 when the peace deal that ended the conflict in her homeland of Tigray in northern Ethiopia was signed in 2022.
She hoped then that fighting would be a thing of the past, but the last few months have convinced her that strife is once again looming, and she feels paralysed with despair.
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“Many people are leaving the region in droves,” Gedion told Al Jazeera as she sat under the shade of a tree, selling coffee to the occasional customer in an area frequented by internally displaced people (IDPs) in Tigray’s capital, Mekelle.
Gedion – herself a displaced person – is from the town of Humera, a now-disputed area with the Amhara region that witnessed heavy clashes during the 2020-2022 war between Ethiopia’s federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).
The now-21-year-old remembers the horrors she witnessed. Some of her family were killed, while others were abducted into neighbouring Eritrea, she says. She has not heard from them since.
Though she made it out alive, her life was turned upside-down when she was forced to flee to Mekelle for safety.
Years later, Gedion sees similar patterns as people leave Tigray – most headed to the neighbouring Afar region – once again looking for the safety that has become elusive at home.
“Recurring conflict and civil war have made us zombies rather than citizens,” she told Al Jazeera.
In recent weeks, enmity between Ethiopia and Eritrea has escalated amid separate accusations by both sides.
Speaking to Ethiopia’s parliament in early February, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed addressed his landlocked country’s access to the sea, saying “the Red Sea and Ethiopia cannot remain separated forever”. This has led to accusations by Eritrea that Addis Ababa is seeking to invade its country and trying to reclaim the Red Sea Assab seaport, which it lost in 1993 with the independence of Eritrea.
Ethiopia, meanwhile, has accused Eritrean troops of occupying its territory along parts of their shared border, and called for the immediate withdrawal of soldiers from the towns of Sheraro and Gulomakada, among others. Addis Ababa also accuses Eritrea of arming rebels in the vast Horn of Africa country.
Observers say the heightening tensions point to an impending war between the two countries – one that could once again involve Tigray.
Saba Gedion, 21, sells coffee on a street in Tigray [Zantana Gebru/Al Jazeera]
Unhealed scars of war
In Tigray’s capital, a once-booming city of tourism and business, most streets are quiet.
The young people who previously frequented cafes are now often seen applying for visas and speaking with smugglers in the hope of leaving Tigray.
Helen Gessese, 36, lives in a makeshift IDP camp on the outskirts of Mekelle. She worries about what will become of the already struggling region should another conflict erupt.
Gessese is an ethnic Irob, a persecuted Catholic minority group from the border town of Dewhan in the northeastern part of Tigray.
During the Tigray war, several of her family members were kidnapped, she said, as Eritrean troops expanded their hold of the area.
As the war intensified, she fled to Mekelle, about 150km away, looking for safety. Her elderly parents were too frail to join her on foot, so she was forced to leave them behind. Like Gedion, she has not heard from them or the rest of her family since 2022.
“My life has been held back, not knowing if my elderly parents are still alive,” she told Al Jazeera, the stress of the last few years making her seem much older than she is.
In Mekelle, it is not uncommon to meet people who are anguished or frustrated – some by the renewed tensions, and many by the trauma of the previous conflict.
More than 80 percent of hospitals were left in ruins in Tigray during the war, according to humanitarian organisations, while sexual violence that defined the two-year conflict is still a recurring issue. Hundreds of thousands of young people are still out of school, foreign investment that created jobs in the past has in large part evaporated, and the economy remains crippled after years of war.
Meanwhile, nearly four years later, the federal government’s decision to withhold foreign funds meant for the region is deepening a humanitarian crisis. The bulk of the public service in the region, for instance, has not been paid for months.
The Ethiopia-Eritrea relationship has also deteriorated in recent years.
The longstanding foes had waged war against each other between 1998 and 2000, but in 2018, they signed a peace deal. They then became allies during the 2020-2022 civil war in Tigray against common enemy, the TPLF.
But the relationship between Ethiopia and Eritrea has been in sharp decline since the signing of the 2022 accord that ended the Tigray war – an agreement that Asmara was not party to.
A destroyed tank is seen by the side of the road south of Humera, in an area of western Tigray, annexed by the Amhara region during the Tigray war [File: Ben Curtis/AP]
‘Acts of outright aggression’
Earlier this month, Ethiopia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Gedion Timothewos wrote an open letter acknowledging the presence of Eritrean troops loitering on the Ethiopian side of the border and calling for them to leave.
“The incursion of Eritrean troops …” he wrote, “is not just provocations but acts of outright aggression.”
Asmara continues to deny the presence of its troops on the Ethiopian side, and Eritrean Minister of Information Yemane Gebremeskel has called such accusations “an agenda of war against Eritrea”.
As a sign of the worsening of the relationship between the two neighbours, Ethiopia’s Abiy, in his address to lawmakers early in February, also accused Eritrean troops of committing atrocities during the Tigray war. The accusation was a first from the prime minister, following repeated denials by his government about reported mass killings, looting and the destruction of factories by Eritrean troops during the Tigray conflict.
Eritrea’s government rejected Abiy’s claims about atrocities, with Gebremeskel calling them “cheap and despicable lies”, noting that Abiy’s government had until recently been “showering praises and state medals” on Eritrean army officers.
As the tensions escalate, many observers say war between the two is now inevitable and have called for dialogue and the de-escalation of the situation.
“The situation remains highly volatile and we fear that it will deteriorate, worsening the region’s already precarious human rights and humanitarian situation,” the United Nations Human Rights spokesperson, Ravina Shamdasani, said this month.
Kjetil Tronvoll, a professor of peace and conflict studies at Oslo New University College, told Al Jazeera a new war would have “wide-reaching implications for the region” – regardless of the outcome.
He believes the looming conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea could take the shape of a new civil war, positioning Addis Ababa against Tigray’s leadership yet again.
From Ethiopia’s side, he argues the objective would be regime change in both Asmara and Mekelle, noting that “regime change in Eritrea may lead to Ethiopia gaining control of Assab”. For Asmara and Mekelle, the aim would also be regime change in Addis Ababa, he suggests.
“If it erupts, it will be devastating for Tigray,” Tronvoll said. “The outcome of such a war will likely fundamentally alter the political landscape of Ethiopia and the Horn [of Africa],” he warned, pointing out that regional states could also be pulled into a proxy war.
People in Tigray are afraid renewed tensions may bring another war [Zantana Gebru/Al Jazeera]
Fears for the future
For many in Tigray, memories of massacres committed during the 2020-2022 war are still fresh.
Axum, a UNESCO World Heritage site in the central zone of the Tigray region, is known for its tall obelisk relics of an ancient kingdom. But for 24 hours in November 2020, the city was the site of killings carried out by the Eritrean army. “Many hundreds of civilians” were killed, rights group Amnesty International said.
While the killings were denied by both the Eritrean and Ethiopian governments for many years, this month Abiy acknowledged they had taken place.
However, despite speaking of “mass killings” in Axum, he has been silent about the fact that the Ethiopian and Eritrean armies worked together openly as allies during that war.
Marta Keberom, a resident in her forties who hails from Axum, says very few people in her hometown have not been touched by violence in the last five years.
“The killings that happened during the war wasn’t just a conflict, it had the hallmark of a genocide where whole families were murdered without a cause,” she said of the killings that targeted Tigrayans.
“To relive that,” Keberom said, speaking at an IDP centre in Mekelle, would be “something I can’t begin to comprehend.”
Waiting for customers at her coffee stand in the city, Gedion is also afraid of what might come next.
She once aspired to be an engineer, but since being uprooted from her village, she now dreams of a future far away from Ethiopia.
She has already contacted a smuggler to help her leave, she says, through Libya and on towards the Mediterranean Sea – despite the extreme risks of such a journey.
“I would rather take a chance than die a slow, certain death with little future prospects,” she said.
In 1994, the Rev. Jesse Jackson declared war on Hollywood.
The civil rights leader, who died Tuesday, set his sights on the entertainment industry, accusing it of “institutional racism” and calling out what he called the lack of representation of people of color and women, an issue that reverberates today.
Jackson aimed his trademark fiery dynamism at studio and network executives, forming the Rainbow Coalition on Fairness in the Media — an offshoot of his Rainbow Coalition that focused on social justice and economic equality — and threatening boycotts against projects that excluded minorities.
Comparing his campaign to the historic march in Selma, Ala., and other civil rights demonstrations during a news conference, Jackson said, “They think they have the right to not include us in recruitment, hiring, promotion, projection, decision making. But we have consumer power, we have viewer power, we have the power to change dials. … The networks have time now to get their house in order. They can begin to change now.”
But despite his characteristic command and media savvy, Jackson’s campaign never gained true momentum, scoring mixed results. Black actors and creators within Hollywood for the most part failed to rally around him, and leaders of some advocacy groups accused him of losing focus. Whoopi Goldberg made fun of him while hosting the 1996 Oscars.
By 1997, the battle had fizzled out and Jackson had moved on to more political concerns.
The clash with Hollywood was first sparked after several Black-oriented shows on Fox, including “South Central,” “Roc,” “In Living Color” and “The Sinbad Show” were canceled in the July 1994. Jackson felt there would not be much improvement in the diversity on the shows in the upcoming fall season.
“We know that significant shows were cut off from Fox this season, and that is of great concern to us,” Jackson said at a news conference at the African American Community Unity Center where he was accompanied by Brotherhood Crusade founder Danny Bakewell and comedian Sinbad, who starred in his own eponymous sitcom.
And Jackson said it wasn’t the only TV network with this problem. “We look at the data we have on NBC. It is substantial. It is ugly. We look at the projected format for CBS this fall. In the real sense, all of them are recycling racist practices. It is called institutional racism. It is manifest not only in their hiring, but in their priorities.”
He added that he was also concerned about what he claimed was poor representation of people of color and women among network news anchors and on writing staffs on prime-time network series. He criticized the prominence of Black actors having major roles that often involved criminal activity.
Jameel Hasan as Homey Jr., left, and Damon Wayans as Homey D. Clown on Fox’s “In Living Color,” which was canceled in 1994.
(Nicola Goode / Fox)
“We have written the networks letters, and the response, by and large, has been defensive as they attempt to justify what is unjustifiable,” Jackson said at the news conference. “While we’re willing to talk, we’re also willing to walk. It’s now time for aggressive direct action.”
In a separate interview, he targeted politically oriented Sunday news shows, saying they excluded Black journalists and news figures: “Those all-white hosts determine their guests and set the political agenda for public policy for Monday morning. That’s not America.”
His newly formed commission was researching network hiring practices and minority images. He vowed that boycotts and other actions would take place if there was not significant change.
But those demonstrations never materialized, and no boycotts were called. Roughly a year after his initial declaration, observers inside and outside the industry said networks had mostly ignored Jackson, and that little had changed.
Some leaders at the time questioned his commitment, saying he did not seem truly dedicated to aggressive action.
Sonny Skyhawk, founder and president of American Indians in Film, one of the organizations that had joined forces with Jackson, said the campaign against the networks should have been stronger.
“I would hate to criticize him for not being more diligent, but it is frustrating,” said Skyhawk in a 1995 interview about the initiative. “I don’t know where (the issue) is or why he is not continuing on this. But I think he got sidetracked on a lot of other things.”
Sherrie Mazingo, who was then head of broadcast journalism at USC, said she was not surprised that the Jackson campaign had lost steam: “What happened last season isn’t new, it’s perennial, and may even be cyclical. Protests and accusations and talk like this goes on all the time, and nothing ever happens. Nothing.”
Mazingo cited similar efforts by the National Assn. for the Advancement of Colored People in the early 1980s that had attacked Hollywood’s hiring practices. A boycott of films that failed to use Black artists in front of or behind the camera was proposed but never materialized.
“I believe what happens when these things start is that an individual in the organization who is pushing forward on these issues gets tired of banging their head against a brick wall,” Mazingo said. “They make an all-out assault, exhaust a lot of energy and money, and nothing ever significantly changes, except for a token gesture here and there.”
Sumi Haru, who was president of the Assn. of Asian Pacific Artists, said Jackson had been sidetracked by more topical issues such as a conservative power grab in Washington, D.C., and calls for abolishing affirmative action programs.
“He needed to focus his energy on the civil rights initiative, and affirmative action was a much bigger deal,” said Haru.
But Billie Green, president of the Beverly Hills/Hollywood branch of the NAACP, said Jackson’s campaign would have been more effective if it had joined forces with other organizations that had members within the television industry.
Jackson pushed back against the criticism, insisting that the fight against Hollywood “is still very high on our agenda.” He pointed out that he had worked to continue government funding for the Public Broadcasting Service, protested the cancellation of the Nickelodeon series about two Black brothers, “My Brother and Me,” picketed conservative “hate radio” programs and sent out a fax to 8,000 supporters asking them to rally CBS to bring back the family drama “Under One Roof.”
“It’s going to get more intense,” Jackson said.
In 1996, Jackson turned his attention to the Academy Awards, angered that there was only one Black nominee among the 166 artists nominated. He called for picketing in major cities and and said Black people attending the Oscar ceremony should wear a symbol expressing solidarity against what he called Hollywood’s “race exclusion and cultural violence.”
But during the Oscars, which was produced by Quincy Jones, Goldberg, who was hosting, took a swipe at the civil rights leader who was picketing across town.
“Jesse Jackson asked me to wear a ribbon. I got it,” Goldberg said during her opening. “But I had something I want to say to Jesse right here, but he’s not watching, so why bother?” The remark drew applause and laughter from the black-tie audience.
Some leaders, producers and directors were not amused by Goldberg, saying her remarks were insulting and dismissive of a serious fight to gain diversity within the motion picture industry. But others criticized Jackson, calling his action ill-timed and ill-advised. Several of the most prominent African Americans present, including Oprah Winfrey, Sidney Poitier and Laurence Fishburne, did not wear rainbow-colored ribbons as a sign of solidarity with Jackson and his Rainbow Coalition.
Even though he concentrated on other endeavors, Jackson was not totally done with Hollywood. He and the Rev. Al Sharpton spearheaded a protest in 2002 against the comedy “Barbershop” and its jokes about Jackson and ciivil rights icons Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King Jr. The two leaders also threatened a boycott against the 2004 comedy “Soul Plane.”
ONE ride at Legoland is set to be knocked down to make way for something new.
The Viking River Splash ride in Land of the Vikings closed back in 2023 and was once a favourite amongst visitors.
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The Viking River Splash ride in Legoland Windsor has been closed since 2023Credit: Handout
The clearance of the site is to make way for a new attraction within the park.
The Viking River Splash, a water rapids ride, first opened in 2007.
After 16 years, Legoland announced news of the ride’s closure on Facebook. They wrote: “Calling all Vikings! It is time to lay down your oars and say a fond farewell to Viking River Splash.
“Join the LEGO® Viking fleet one last time and make your last voyage before Monday 25th September, after which the ride becomes part of Viking history.”
An application has been submitted to build a 4D cinema at the Imagination TheatreCredit: AlamyA ride at Legoland resort will be demolished to make way for a new attractionCredit: Legoland
DID you know that the UK is home to Europe’s largest wave pool?
The resort that’s a haven for surfers has just been named as the best of its kind in the world – it also has on-site restaurants and luxury lodges.
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Lost Shore Resort is home to Europe’s largest wave poolCredit: instagram/@lostshoreIt has beautiful hilltop lodges as well as waterfront podsCredit: instagram/@lostshore
The publication assessed the likes of on-site food and drink, overnight accommodation, hot tubs and recovery pools, viewing areas.
The resort was a £60million project and is found on a Craigpark Quarry just outside of Edinburgh.
It opened in 2024 and last year welcomed 200,000 visitors – of course most were enticed by the fact that it’s home to Europe’s largest wave pool which provides top tiers water conditions for keen surfers.
Surf lesson start from £65 (£55 for children) and is coached in groups of eight with qualified instructors.
For those who are more experienced, a ‘surf session’ starts from £60 (£50 for children) – you can choose the wave setting and get started.
There are also surfskate lessons on offer which is a form of skateboarding that feels like surfing on dry land – and is recommended for beginners before heading into the water.
These start from £22.50 (£17 for children).
While Lost Shore Resort is obviously a haven for surfers, but there’s so much more to do on-site too from checking out its food options, to checking into its beautiful pods and lodges.
The high-end luxury Hilltop Lodges at the resort have sweeping views across the cove.
Inside are open plan living areas with up to four bedrooms and are ideal for families or large groups.
A stay in a Hilltop Lodge which sleeps up to eight people starts from £200 (with a minimum two night stay).
The cheapest stay is in the waterfront pods which are right next to the wave pool and each comes with a floating super king bed.
It’s high-tech so guests get touchscreen and app control over the pod -it has mood lighting and the en-suite bathroom has underfloor heating.
A one-night stay in the pod which sleeps up to two people starts from £100 per night.
There are plenty of offers for those who want to ‘surf and stay’ with one night in a Waterfront Pod along with four surfs starting from £300.
The resort offers lessons for beginners and sessions for experienced surfersCredit: instagram/@lostshoreYou can stay inside one of the pretty waterfront lodgesCredit: Lost Shore resort
Blooloop added: “The venue goes above and beyond the core surf park offerings through its Surf Therapy collaborations with The Wave Project and Inclusive Surfing Scotland.
“Weekly events fill the calendar like Quiz Night, dance events, movie premieres, kids surf camps and specialty surf competitions.”
The resort focuses on wellness too, so the resort also has a spa with a wood-fired sauna – a 30-minute session is just £10.
Visitors and members can also book massages and other treatments.
There are even surf-inspired treatments like ‘soulful surfer’ which is an aromatherapy and rebalance ritual.
It’s loved by visitors too, one wrote on Tripadvisor: “Lost Shore is a Phenomenal place. The food was amazing, surf was awesome and the accommodation was stunning. I would highly recommend a visit.”
Another guest added: “The facility is incredible, looks beautiful and the attention to detail of every aspect is clear to see. We stayed in a large pod and it was amazing, right beside the pool, big rooms, kitchen, all the amenities you could want.”
Over the Easter holidays, Lost Shore Resort is offering family stays in the Hilltop Lodges from £150 per night.
The high-tech pods with mood lighting even have app controlCredit: instagram/@lostshore
And for anyone staying in the months of February and March, guests can enjoy a free brunch, from pastries to granola, toasted croissants and breakfast baps.
There are three different restaurants at the canteen on the resort – lost Kitchen which serves up the likes of chunky fish fingers and fried chicken with chips.
At Lost Taco, dig into Mexican favourites of tacos, burritos and nachos, or opt for Civerinos or pizzas and crispy gnocchi.
As for where to find it, Lost Shore Resort is 25 minutes from Edinburgh‘s city centre.
WASHINGTON — In a simple ceremony attended by their families and a few well-known friends, Sen. Nancy Landon Kassebaum and former Sen. Howard H. Baker Jr. were married Saturday, the first time two people who served in the Senate have ever tied the knot.
“She was beautiful, he was handsome, and they were happy,” said former Tennessee Gov. Lamar Alexander, who attended the wedding with his wife, Honey, at St. Alban’s Church in Washington.
The bride, 64, who is retiring in a few weeks after serving three Senate terms from Kansas, wore a dark purple dress just below knee length, accented by rolled pearls. Baker, 71, who served three Senate terms from Tennessee ending in 1985, wore a navy blue suit, white shirt, and navy tie with small yellow dots.
Viewed through the glass outer doors of the church, the couple clasped hands before the ceremony and then walked together down the aisle of the stone church, which is adjacent to the huge National Cathedral.
The 15-minute ceremony before 80 guests was performed by former Sen. John Danforth of Missouri, an ordained Episcopal priest, and the Rev. Martha Anne Fairchild, a Presbyterian minister from Baker’s hometown of Huntsville, Tenn.
The matron of honor was Kassebaum’s daughter, Linda Johnson. Baker’s son Darek was best man.
After sealing their marriage with a kiss and greeting guests, the newlyweds came outside in a steady, cold rain to talk to reporters. Kassebaum said she wasn’t nervous, but Baker felt a little differently.
“I’ve been nervous for days,” he said.
Aside from their families, guests at the wedding included former First Lady Barbara Bush, former Kansas Sen. Bob Dole and his wife, Elizabeth, former ambassador Robert S. Strauss and former Secretary of State Lawrence S. Eagleburger.
The couple planned a honeymoon, but wouldn’t reveal where they will go.
In 1841, the first filibuster in the U.S. Senate began. It ended March 11.
In 1865, after a long Civil War siege, Union naval forces captured Charleston, S.C.
In 1930, dwarf planet Pluto was discovered by astronomer Clyde Tombaugh.
In 1954, the Church of Scientology was established in Los Angeles. L. Ron Hubbard, who founded the church based on his book Dianetics: The Modern Science of Mental Health, died in 1986.
In 1967, J. Robert Oppenheimer, the “father of the atomic bomb,” died in Princeton, N.J., at the age of 62.
File Photo courtesy of the U.S. Department of Energy
In 1979, snow fell in the Sahara Desert in southern Algeria for the first known time. It fell a second time in 2016 and a third time in 2018.
In 2001, Dale Earnhardt Sr., stock-car racing’s top driver, was killed in a crash in the final turn of the final lap of the Daytona 500. He was 49.
In 2003, nearly 200 people died and scores were injured in a South Korea subway fire set by a man authorities said apparently was upset at his doctors.
In 2004, 40 chemical and fuel-laden runaway rail cars derailed near Nishapur in northeastern Iran, producing an explosion that killed at least 300 people and injured hundreds of others.
File Photo by Ali Khal/UPI
In 2006, 16 people died in rioting in Nigeria over published cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad that enraged Muslims around the world.
In 2008, two of four masterpieces stolen from the Zurich museum a week earlier, a Monet and a van Gogh, were found in perfect condition in the back seat of an unlocked car in Zurich.
In 2013, eight men disguised as police disabled a security fence, drove two vehicles onto a Brussels airport tarmac and stole diamonds worth $50 million.
In 2021, NASA’s Mars rover Perseverance made a robotic landing on Mars, starting a high-tech mission to hunt for signs of life in an ancient lakebed.
In 2024, Fifty-five people died following an ambush in Papua New Guinea’s remote Highlands region amid a years-long series of clashes among warring tribes.
When India’s top court banned a controversial scheme in February 2024 that allowed individuals and corporates to make anonymous donations to political parties through opaque electoral bonds, many transparency activists hailed the judgement as a win for democracy.
Between 2018, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government introduced the electoral bonds, and when they were scrapped in 2024, secret donors funnelled nearly $2bn to parties.
More than half of that went to Modi’s Hindu majoritarian Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has held India’s central government since 2014, and also governs at least 20 Indian states and federally controlled territories, either directly or in coalition with allies.
In striking down the scheme, the Supreme Court said that “political contributions give a seat at the table to the contributor” and that “this access also translates into influence over policymaking”.
But two years later, data shows that big business continues to pump in millions of dollars in funding to political parties, with the BJP retaining its position as the biggest beneficiary, frequently raising serious concerns over a quid pro quo with donors.
The donors have returned to an older funding mechanism: electoral trusts. Introduced in 2013 by the Manmohan Singh government led by the Congress party that preceded Modi, the trusts, unlike bonds, require the donors to disclose their identities and the amount of money being given.
But that relative transparency is not dissuading companies from major mega-donations to parties directly positioned to benefit them through policies and contracts, an analysis of recent political funding by Al Jazeera reveals.
Ashwini Vaishnaw, federal minister for railways, information and broadcasting, electronics and information technology, and N Chandrasekaran, chairman of Tata Sons, hold bricks during a foundation stone-laying ceremony for a semiconductor manufacturing facility in Dholera, Gujarat, India, on March 13, 2024 [Amit Dave/ Reuters]
‘Money determines access’
In 2024-25, nine electoral trusts donated a total of $459.2m to political parties, with the BJP receiving $378.6 million — 83 percent of it. The main opposition Congress party got about $36m (8 percent), while other parties received the remaining amount.
This data is sourced from disclosures made during the first full year after the Supreme Court ban on bonds.
Two major corporations stood out, due to their significant financial scale and policy influence: The Tata Group, founded in 1868 by Jamsetji Nusserwanji Tata, is a global conglomerate with more than 30 companies spanning steel, IT, automobiles, aviation, and more. Its aggregate revenue for FY 2024-25 exceeded $180bn. The Murugappa Group, founded in 1900 by A M Murugappa Chettiar as a money-lending business in Burma (now Myanmar), is a prominent Indian conglomerate with 29 businesses in engineering, agriculture, financial services and beyond. Its turnover stood at $8.53bn in 2024-25.
Documents submitted to the Election Commission of India in 2024-2025 show that the Progressive Electoral Trust, backed by 15 companies belonging to the Tata Group conglomerate, distributed approximately $110.2m to 10 political parties in the run-up to the 2024 general election.
The BJP received about $91.3m – again roughly 83 percent of the total fund – while the Congress got $9.31m, with smaller sums going to several regional parties. Tata made its contribution on April 2, 2024, while Murugappa did so on March 26, 2024.
India’s general elections began on April 19 and concluded on June 1, 2024.
The timing and scale of these donations are significant, say experts. Tata’s donations came within weeks of the government approving two semiconductor projects worth more than $15.2bn announced by the Tata Group in Gujarat and Assam – both BJP-ruled states.
The Modi government also provided additional support of about $5.3bn under India’s plans to promote semiconductor development.
Meanwhile, in February 2024, the Indian government approved a semiconductor assembly and testing facility proposed by CG Power and Industrial Solutions Ltd, a Murugappa Group company. The project, to be set up in Sanand, Gujarat, with an investment of approximately $870m, also received central and state government incentives.
In the same financial year, disclosures showed that yet another trust called Triumph Electoral Trust received $15.06m from Tube Investments of India Ltd, another Murugappa Group company. The entire money went to the BJP, with no contribution by Triumph to other parties.The scale of these donations surprised observers as the Murugappa Group had been a modest political donor over the previous decade.
“Electoral trusts may be legal, but they normalise a system where money determines access, policy, and electoral success,” Parayil Sreerag, a political strategist, told Al Jazeera. Sreerag argued that such a mechanism “favours the ruling party, marginalises smaller movements, and erodes democratic competition and public trust”.
To be sure, corporate funding in India has a long history.
The Birla group of companies was a major financier of Mahatma Gandhi in the years leading up to independence in 1947. Since then, other companies and parties have continued the practice.
“Business houses have traditionally supported ruling political parties,” G Gopa Kumar, former vice chancellor of the Central University of Kerala and a political strategist, told Al Jazeera.
A major overhaul came in 2013 with the introduction of Electoral Trusts and the Companies Act, 2013. The new law capped corporate donations at 7.5 percent of average net profits, required board approval, and mandated disclosure, marking a significant attempt at regulation and transparency.
But while the Modi-era electoral bonds between 2018 and 2024 drew the bulk of the criticism over electoral finance from transparency activists, the return to electoral trusts has coincided with what is, in effect, an increase in corporate funding for parties. Between 2018 and 2024, the electoral bonds led to an average of under $350m in total donations per year.
Trusts – to which corporates turned after the bonds were scrapped – donated more than $450m by contrast, in 2024-25.
“Left unchecked, it [soaring corporate funding] risks creating a duopoly between political power and corporate capital,” Sreerag said.
Al Jazeera reached out to the Tata Group, the Murugappa Group and the Election Commission of India for their responses to concerns over links between donations and influence, but it has not yet received any response.
Activists of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) protest in Hyderabad, India, seeking compliance with a Supreme Court order against a controversial electoral bonds scheme, on Monday, March 11, 2024 [Mahesh Kumar/AP Photo]
Uncovering corruption in election funding
Transparency activists argue that the surge in corporate funding, especially for the ruling party, both reveals the access and influence enjoyed by major firms and sheds light on the disadvantages faced by smaller parties and independent candidates.
Shelly Mahajan, a researcher at the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), a prominent Indian election watchdog, said unequal access to private donations undermines political participation and electoral competition.
“Despite decades of reform proposals, the nexus between money and politics persists in India due to weak enforcement and inadequate regulation,” she told Al Jazeera.
To many, the electoral bonds scheme came to epitomise that dark and cosy “nexus”.
In December, Nature magazine published a study on alleged corruption under the scheme, authored by academics Devendra Poola and Vinitha Anna John.
The authors found that newly incorporated companies made unusually large donations soon after their formation, pointing to expectations of gains from the government. In several cases, firms accused of tax evasion or other financial crimes donated after raids by India’s enforcement and investigating agencies, raising concerns of coercive political pressure: 26 entities under investigation bought bonds worth $624.7m, including $223.3m after raids by investigating agencies.
Bond purchases peaked around election cycles. That timing – around elections and after raids – was “significant”, Poola told Al Jazeera. “That sequencing is analytically difficult to dismiss as coincidence.” While the data cannot establish legal intent, Poola stressed that the pattern points to an “institutionalised quid pro quo ecosystem enabled by opacity”.
Yet critics say transparency alone does not resolve the link between public policy and political funding – as the data since the ban on electoral bonds shows.
S Mini, a candidate from the SUCI party, during her campaign for India’s national elections in April 2024. She had hardly any funding and secured just 1,109 votes. She questioned what she — and others — have described as an uneven playing field [Rejimon Kuttappan/ Al Jazeera]
‘What kind of democracy is this?’
Mahajan, the ADR researcher, said that in its decision to strike down the electoral bonds, the Supreme Court invoked the 2013 law on electoral trusts to reimpose a 7.5 percent cap on corporate donations based on their net profits.
Companies were ordered to disclose both the amounts and the recipients, creating greater scope for public scrutiny and detailed analysis. But that is not happening. Abhilash MR, a Supreme Court lawyer, said large corporate donations raise serious concerns, particularly under Article 14 of the Constitution of India, which guarantees political equality and administrative fairness.
He said there is mounting evidence of generous government incentives followed by large corporate donations.“When policy decisions appear calibrated to facilitate corporate funding, the very idea of a welfare state is undermined,” he told Al Jazeera, adding that proving corruption in courts remains extremely difficult.
“Temporal proximity between policy benefits and donations rarely meets the evidentiary threshold needed to trigger an independent judicial inquiry,” he said. “In such situations, accountability shifts from courtrooms to the public domain.”
Mini S, a politician from the Socialist Unity Centre of India (Communist) party, had hoped for that shift among voters when she contested the 2024 national elections from Thiruvananthapuram, the capital of the southern Kerala state.
She couldn’t fund air-conditioned vehicles, so her campaign during India’s notorious summer moved through neighbourhoods on hired motorbikes and autorickshaws. She hoped to unseat Shashi Tharoor, a former UN diplomat and politician from the opposition Congress party, who had been representing Thiruvananthapuram in parliament since 2009. When the votes were counted, Mini secured just 1,109 votes, while Tharoor won by a landslide. She also forfeited her $275 security deposit.
But for Mini, the outcome was less a personal defeat than an indictment of how Indian elections are fought. Her entire campaign ran on $5,500, she said, an amount much lower than the $105,000 limit set by the Election Commission of India on expenditure by a parliamentary candidate.
“India likes to call itself the world’s largest democracy, but it’s not,” Mini told Al Jazeera. “When corporate money openly funds mainstream parties – through electoral bonds and trusts, often in clear quid pro quo arrangements – and the Election Commission stays silent, what kind of democracy is this?”
In such a scenario, Mini said, government policies “serve corporate interests, not the constitution”.
“Ordinary people are sidelined, and the marginalised are pushed further into the margins. With money of this scale in elections, anyone without corporate backing, like us, is effectively locked out of politics,” she said.
The cause of death for Victoria Jones, the daughter of Hollywood legend Tommy Lee Jones, has been revealed a month and a half after she was found dead in a hotel in San Francisco on New Year’s Day.
The San Francisco medical examiner released a report Tuesday ruling her death accidental, the result of the toxic effects of cocaine. The 34-year-old was discovered dead at the Fairmont San Francisco in the early hours of Jan. 1.
San Francisco police responded to a call at 3:14 a.m. regarding a report of a deceased person at the hotel. Officers met with medics at the scene who declared an adult female dead.
Jones briefly pursued acting, making a cameo alongside her father in “Men in Black II” (2002) and later appearing in “The Three Burials of Melquiades Estrada” (2005), which was directed by her father. She later largely remained out of the spotlight and struggled with substance abuse.
In August 2023, her father petitioned that she be placed under temporary conservatorship, according to Marin County court records.
At the time of the filing, she was under a 14-day involuntary psychiatric hold at a hospital in the community of Greenbrae, and her father wanted her to be transferred to a rehabilitation facility, according to a copy of the petition acquired by the San Francisco Chronicle.
“The proposed conservatee needs to recover and work towards sobriety,” the petition stated. “For these reasons, the proposed conservatee will suffer irreparable harm if her residence is not changed from a hospital to a rehab facility.”
Margaret Caron Schmierer was granted temporary conservatorship over Jones in August 2023. Jones retained an attorney and fought the conservatorship.
Then, in December 2023, Tommy Lee Jones filed a petition for the convervatorship to be terminated, which was granted, court records show.
In 2025, Jones was arrested twice in Napa County.
She was charged with three misdemeanor counts — being under the influence of a controlled substance, possession of a narcotic and obstruction of a peace officer — from an incident on April 26. She was later charged with misdemeanor domestic battery from an incident on June 13, court records show. She pleaded not guilty to all charges and the cases remained open at the time of her death.
Jones was the daughter of Tommy Lee and ex-wife Kimberlea Cloughley. She is also survived by her older brother, Austin Jones.
Tommy Lee Jones is known for his Academy Award-winning role as U.S. Marshal Sam Gerard in “The Fugitive” (1993) alongside other iconic roles such as Agent K in “Men in Black” (1997) and as Sheriff Ed Tom Bell in “No Country for Old Men” (2007).
Staff writer Tracy Brown contributed to this report
SACRAMENTO — After months of partisan warfare and weeks of hard-nosed bargaining, Gov. Pete Wilson signed into law a historic reform package Monday transforming welfare in California into a program that provides only temporary aid to the poor and requires work in return for assistance.
With legislative leaders standing at his elbow, the Republican governor formally set into motion revolutionary changes in the welfare law that will affect 2.3 million people, mostly women and children, who depend on government assistance for the basic necessities of life.
“This was not an easy task, but in the end the effort produced a solution based on very sound and very equitable principles,” Wilson said. “From now on public assistance in California will be temporary, it will be a transition, it will be strictly time-limited.”
The new program, named CalWORKS and slated to take effect Jan. 1, 1998, will limit to 24 months the time that current recipients can be on aid. It also will provide community service positions for those who reach that limit and cannot find work, require recipients to participate in job searches and job training, and penalize those who refuse to accept a valid job offer.
Mirroring a federal welfare reform act passed almost exactly a year ago, the program sets a five-year lifetime limit for adults to receive aid, but at the same time it obligates the state to make massive investments in job training and child care to ease their movement into the work force.
In the first year alone, state officials estimate that $1.3 billion will be spent on child care and $530 million on employment.
Because of the investments in child care and training, the $7-billion-plus welfare program initially will not produce savings. And, in the first year, the legislative analyst estimates that welfare spending will increase by $223 million.
But the program–designed to comply with the new federal law–is expected to significantly reduce welfare rolls in the next five years and result in cost reductions.
“In a vibrant economy that creates jobs and enables entry-level workers to climb the ladder of success,” Wilson said, “we have a duty to encourage [welfare recipients] to escape from dependency to the independence and dignity of work.”
Smiling legislative leaders, many of whom only a week ago were exchanging barbs with the governor, praised the reform package as an example of compromise at its best.
“Today we put behind us politics and enacted a bipartisan welfare reform plan,” said Assembly Speaker Cruz Bustamante (D-Fresno). “CalWORKS is a tough and fair plan that makes welfare what those of us in the middle have always thought it should be–temporary help to let families get back on their feet.”
Senate President Pro Tem Bill Lockyer (D-Hayward) said the high-level bargaining between legislators and the governor had forced them to find a middle ground that “appropriately combines the doctrines of personal responsibility, market discipline and humanitarian efforts to help those who are needy.”
But amid the enthusiasm, he sounded a cautionary note, warning that the real test of their compromise would come at the county level, where the reforms would have to be implemented in the next few years.
“We hope [these] efforts will survive the next economic downturn,” he said.
Left undone in the reform package, said Sen. Mike Thompson (D-St. Helena), one of the authors of the legislation, was any attempt to create the low-level jobs that welfare recipients will need if they are to leave welfare.
Even California’s current robust economy, he said, does not produce hundreds of thousands of jobs that will be needed in the coming years to provide employment for recipients who move out of the welfare system.
“I am struck by the fact,” said Assemblyman Roy Ashburn (R-Bakersfield), “that while this seems like the end, it is really but the beginning.”
In recognition of the new responsibilities that the law places on counties, Wilson flew later in the day to Los Angeles County, which has a welfare population that is larger than the entire populations of more than half the states.
“We have a lot riding on the success of this program,” said County Board of Supervisors Chairman Zev Yaroslavsky. “We have to place tens of thousands of people into jobs in the coming weeks and months, but it can be done.”
Calling the new reform act a “testament to what happens when both parties try to find out what they have in common,” Yaroslavsky said passage of the act should not be considered a belittlement of welfare recipients.
“People who are on public assistance should not all be painted with one negative brush,” he said. “Most of the people we have on public assistance today want to work. They are productive and talented. They just need a chance and, given a chance, they will perform.”
Herman Mancera, a single father of two who appeared at the news conference with Wilson and Yaroslavsky, said that, after receiving assistance for four years, he had been able to move into a job program sponsored by United Airlines for welfare recipients.
“It feels great being able to be part of the work force again,” Mancera said.
HIGH SCHOOL BASKETBALL PLAYOFFS TUESDAY’S RESULTS SOUTHERN SECTION BOYS
OPEN DIVISION Pool A #1 Sierra Canyon 95, #8 Corona del Mar 65
Pool B #7 Harvard-Westlake 83, #2 Santa Margarita 62
Pool C #3 Redondo Union 69, #6 Corona Centennial 57
Pool D #4 Sherman Oaks Notre Dame 69, #5 St. John Bosco 60
Note:Quarterfinals Friday; Semifinals Feb. 24; Finals 6 p.m. Feb. 28 at Toyota Arena.
QUARTERFINALS DIVISION 1 Crean Lutheran 83, Village Christian 58 Rancho Christian 71, Millikan 62 Inglewood 82, Fairmont Prep 69 JSerra 66, Rolling Hills Prep 49
DIVISION 2 Bishop Amat 74, Anaheim Canyon 70 Eastvale Roosevelt 74, Edison 65 Mater Dei 82, El Dorado 72 Hesperia 55, Rancho Verde 53
DIVISION 3 Murrieta Mesa 64, Ontario Christian 50 Warren 56, Golden Valley 53 Aliso Niguel 78, Alta Loma 58 Gahr 65, Woodbridge 55
DIVISION 4 Trabuco Hills 99, Blair 92 Norte Vista 70, Cathedral 63 Shalhevet 46, Long Beach Jordan 45 Colony 63, Walnut 60
DIVISION 5 Gardena Serra 65, Rancho Mirage 49 Vasquez 80, Oakwood 71 Pilibos 55, Temple City 33 San Juan Hills 70, Verbum Dei Jesuit 63
DIVISION 6 Placentia Valencia 57, St. Bonaventure 39 Ramona 66, Montclair 52 Laguna Hills 73, Orange Vista 62 Moreno Valley 49, Buckley 45
DIVISION 7 Canyon Country Canyon 60, Vista del Lago 55 Salesian 52, Webb 32 Rowland 48, Riverside Notre Dame 47 Rialto 63, Rosemead 32
DIVISION 8 Redlands Adventist 58, Twentynine Palms 48 Victor Valley at Barstow South El Monte 65, Coastal Christian 50 Edgewood 58, Dunn 56
DIVISION 9 Colton 54, Sherman Indian 47 Santa Maria Valley Christian 53, Loma Linda Academy 51 Samueli Academy at Santa Barbara Providence Pacific 68, Mesrobian 56
Note: Semifinals Friday; Finals Feb. 27 or 28.
WEDNESDAY’S SCHEDULE (Games at 7 p.m. unless noted)
CITY SECTION BOYS QUARTERFINALS
DIVISION IV #8 Hawkins at #1 East Valley #5 San Fernando at #4 Gardena #6 Angelou at #3 Bell #7 Conteras at #2 Franklin
DIVISION V #8 Legacy at #1 Van Nuys #21 Camino Nuevo at #13 Magnolia Science Academy, 2 p.m. #19 Santee at #11 Torres #7 Monroe at #2 Canoga Park
Note: Semifinals Friday; Finals Feb. 27 or 28 at TBA.
SOUTHERN SECTION GIRLS
OPEN DIVISION Pool A #8 JSerra at #1 Ontario Christian
Pool B #7 Lakewood St. Joseph at #2 Etiwanda
Pool C #6 Corona Centennial at #3 Sierra Canyon
Pool D #5 Mater Dei at #4 Sage Hill
Note:Quarterfinals Saturday; Semifinals Feb. 24; Finals 8 p.m. Feb. 28 at Toyota Arena.
QUARTERFINALS
DIVISION 1 Windward at Ventura Valencia at Troy, 6 p.m. Moreno Valley at Orange Lutheran Villa Park at La Salle
DIVISION 2 Portola at Saugus Camarillo at Summit San Clemente at Crescenta Valley Rosary Academy at Dos Pueblos
DIVISION 3 Murrieta Valley at St. Monica Oxnard at Trabuco Hills Leuzinger at Mark Keppel St. Margaret’s at Canyon Country Canyon
DIVISION 4 Long Beach Jordan at La Canada Anaheim Canyon at Eastside El Dorado at Long Beach Wilson Pasadena Poly at Marina
DIVISION 5 Sunny Hills at Bishop Diego, 6 p.m. Godinez at Torrance Whitney at Oakwood Burbank Burroughs at Carter
DIVISION 6 San Jacinto vs. Immaculate Heart at LA City College Palm Desert at Savanna Rowland at Hillcrest Santa Fe at Warren
DIVISION 7 Laguna Hills vs. Foothill Tech at Rio Mesa Patriot at Rosemead Ridgecrest Burroughs at AGBU Cajon at La Palma Kennedy
DIVISION 8 Yucca Valley at University Prep, 5 p.m. Riverside Notre Dame at Orange Schurr vs. CAMS at Cabrillo Santa Monica Pacifica Christian at Chadwick, 5 p.m.
DIVISION 9 Vista del Lago at Santa Clarita Christian, 4:30 p.m. Channel Islands at Desert Hot Springs Redlands Adventist at La Sierra Sierra Vista at Western
Note:Quarterfinals Saturday; Semifinals Feb. 24; Finals 8 p.m. Feb. 28 at Toyota Arena.
