world stage

Ryan Porter, the acclaimed trombonist and fixture of the West Coast Get Down jazz ensemble, has died. He was 46.

Porter died Saturday from injuries sustained in a “severe” car crash on April 28, Porter’s bandmate Tony Austin wrote on Instagram. “Despite the best medical care, his condition deteriorated,” Austin wrote, noting that Porter “took his last breath, peacefully surrounded by his loved ones.”

Porter was a pivotal figure in contemporary Los Angeles jazz, beginning with his studies under legendary educator Reggie Andrews in the Multi-School Jazz Band in Watts. Porter formed close friendships and musical connections with saxophonist Kamasi Washington, multi-instrumentalist Terrace Martin, bassist Thundercat and the key players that would later form the West Coast Get Down.

“When it comes to keeping the lineage of jazz in L.A. alive, there have been people who were selfless and sacrificed a lot,” Porter told The Times in 2024. “For me back then, it was hard to understand why they cared so much. But it was because they saw potential in all of us so early, so we could see it for ourselves.”

That group cultivated a following at Leimert Park’s beloved venue the World Stage. They would go on to craft dense, experimental and spiritually yearning compositions for Kendrick Lamar’s 2015 LP “To Pimp a Butterfly,” among countless other LPs in the L.A. jazz scene, including Washington’s 2015 breakthrough “The Epic.”

Porter released four solo albums in his career — 2018’s “The Optimist,” 2019’s “Force for Good,” and 2022’s “Resilience,” along with his 2017 children’s album “Spangle-Lang Lane” — each featuring arrangements from his lifelong bandmates. In 2024, he released a documentary film, “Resilience,” focused on the impact of free music education programs in Los Angeles and how they helped build the city’s modern jazz scene.

“In the inner city, you can be a gang member or drug dealer, but most kids want to take their best steps,” Porter said in 2024. “Friends and music teachers inspired me through their work ethic, giving us a place to perform where we could take advantage of that expertise. Now it’s our turn to take care of them for the next generation.”

Washington, Porter’s frequent collaborator, remembered Porter in a poignant statement on Instagram. “I love you Ryan Porter, I miss you, and you will always have a space in my heart and soul. I will cherish the many years we had together, I thought we would have more, but I am thankful for what we had,” he wrote, adding, “You have been my friend for most of my life. I’ve looked up to you since I was 11 years old. We learned from each other, we supported each other, we created beautiful music together and shared it with people all over the world.”

“You would always tell me that you wanted more than anything else to be a FORCE FOR GOOD and you did it, you are the complete embodiment of that,” Washington continued. “You did so much good Ryan, your life made this world better.”

Porter is survived by two daughters, both of whom are preparing for college, according to a GoFundMe page set up by his friends to contribute to funeral costs and support his children. “Beyond the stage and beyond the music, Ryan’s greatest pride was being a father and provider for his family,” the fundraiser states.

BEIJING — The Trump administration has repeatedly framed the war in Iran as a quick, winnable fight, vowing to defeat the Islamic Republic “totally and decisively” — incomparable to the “dumb” wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

But from China’s perspective, the parallels are clear.

“You can blow everything up — destroy it all,” one Chinese official told The Times, describing the Americans, “but you don’t have a strategy.”

President Trump arrives in Beijing this week for talks with a Chinese government that is confident as ever in its ascendance on the world stage, taking stock of its leverage and still baffled the U.S. administration chose yet another costly war in the Middle East.

China has watched as the United States, over seven weeks of fighting an outmatched enemy, has depleted nearly half of its stockpiles of high-end munitions — including its THAAD and Patriot batteries — and fired its Army chief of staff, among other Pentagon leaders, who had warned of critical shortages.

Marco Rubio, Trump’s national security advisor and secretary of State, has said the military operation that started the war known as Operation Epic Fury “is over.”

But the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most vital commercial waterways, remains effectively shuttered. Iranian attacks in the region continue. And talks between Washington and Tehran have failed to reach a diplomatic agreement to bring a definitive end to the conflict.

“The Chinese have high regard for the operational proficiency of U.S. forces, but they recognize that, thus far at least, the Trump administration has not achieved its core objectives in going to war with Iran,” said David Ochmanek, a former deputy assistant secretary of Defense now with the Rand Corp.

The war has given Beijing an opportunity, Ochmanek said, “to double down on the claim they have made for the past year and a half that the [People’s Republic of China], not the U.S., is a force for global stability.”

The war has allowed China to demonstrate some diplomatic prowess. An initial ceasefire reached between the United States and Iran last month was only clinched after Beijing pressured Tehran to agree. And China’s advocacy for an open strait — rejecting Iranian attempts to impose a toll system — while opposing the U.S. war itself has allowed Beijing to maintain leverage with both sides.

It has also inflicted costs. Allies of Beijing noticed when the government did not leap to the defense of Tehran at the start of the war. And China has its own vested interest in a free and open waterway, where nearly 50% of the country’s crude oil imports pass through each day.

Building up to the start of the war and throughout its initial weeks, Washington diverted significant military assets from Asia — where Trump’s own national security strategy says they are needed most — to the Middle East.

The USS Abraham Lincoln was redirected from the South China Sea, along with scores of advanced missile interceptors from South Korea and Japan and nearly the entire U.S. inventory of long-range air-to-surface missiles in the Pacific.

Policy experts at the Pentagon were brought in to discuss a potential invasion of Kharg Island, the jewel of Iran’s oil industry, to draw lessons from planning a defense of Taiwan, according to a Defense official, who was granted anonymity to speak candidly. A Marine expeditionary unit was sent from Okinawa to the region for the potential operation.

Chinese officials and analysts have been candid in their assessments of U.S. hard power, impressed by a military they acknowledge remains the best in the world.

But Beijing sees a persistent flaw in U.S. strategy: the belief that military strength alone can reshape political realities, a view further weakened by the pressures on a democratic government whose public grows impatient with wars that drag on beyond days or weeks.

China’s autocracy is free from accountability to the public — and anyway has confidence that Chinese public opinion would be on its side if it were to launch a major military operation against its main target, Taiwan.

But there are lessons of caution to be learned from the Americans, as well.

Over the last year, the Taiwanese Navy has been practicing the rapid deployment of cheap and domestically produced smart mines for the sea — a potential bulwark against enemy blockades of ports and hostile invasion forces.

It is the type of asymmetric warfare that has so far frustrated the U.S. military in the Strait of Hormuz, protracting a war that Trump vowed would last a month or less.

Taiwan, too, would confront Beijing with political realities that military force cannot erase. Nearly 90% of the Taiwanese people oppose a Chinese takeover, and about 60% say they would resist it at all costs.

“Chinese analysts see two things at once,” said Craig Singleton, senior director of the China program at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. “They are impressed by U.S. military reach, precision and operational capability, but they also see a familiar pattern of American power struggling to translate battlefield success into a durable political outcome.”

That matters for Taiwan, Singleton said, “because China’s own military modernization has borrowed heavily from the American model, relying heavily on joint operations, high-tech precision strikes, decapitation concepts and information dominance.

“If the world’s most experienced military can still struggle to convert military pressure into political success,” he added, “Beijing has to ask whether the [People’s Liberation Army] could do better in a far more complex Taiwan scenario.”