vote

The once simple message, “Get out the vote,” now has a corollary: “Protect the vote.”

That message was hammered home Saturday for dozens of voting rights groups, community organizations and unions attending a rally to recruit and train poll watchers for the November election.

Organizers for several groups brought together under the banner of Love Powers L.A. offered scenarios of the threats that could materialize on Nov. 3 — from ICE raids to intimidation by the Proud Boys — and detailed strategies to counter them.

Their goal was to raise a cadre of volunteers for a Neighborhood Vote Protection Program to observe 650 polling places throughout the 11 days of voting and to turn fear and confusion sought by election deniers into a celebration of the right to vote.

“We want to make it a season of excitement,” said Jeremy Payne of the social justice group Catalyst California.

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1. David Gutierrez right, of Inner City Struggle, signs up Jocelyn Elizalde, 22, and Manuel Becerra, 19, from left, to help with outreach, during an event held by Love Powers LA, representing dozens of community groups and labor unions, provide education and training to Angelenos on how to protect their vote and respond to threats of election interference at East Los Angeles College on Saturday, September 26, 2026. (Christina House/Los Angeles Times) 2. Participants including Evelyn Gonzalez, right, attend a workshop for activist dance and street activation during an event by Love Powers LA, representing dozens of community groups and labor unions, providing education and training to Angelenos on how to protect their vote and respond to threats of election interference, at East Los Angeles College on Saturday, September 26, 2026. (Christina House/Los Angeles Times)

The event kicked off with multicultural music by Native American, Korean and West African drum ensembles.

Speakers from groups as diverse as Can’t Stop California, Inner City Struggle and Strategic Concepts in Organizing and Policy Education: SCOPE detailed the threat and their programs to respond to it for 300 prospective volunteers.

“L.A. is a target for retribution and spectacle,” said John Lee, also of Catalyst California. “When they try to steal an election, it is a sign they know they are losing.”

Godfrey Plata of L.A. Forward, left, and Jung Hee Choi of We Are California present skits on how to talk to neighbors about voting during the event Saturday.

(Christina House / Los Angeles Times)

The event, involving numerous nonprofit organizations, stayed away from endorsements or political messages aimed at the coming election. But speakers didn’t hold back on their views of President Trump.

“Trump is a chicken and a loser,” said Jung Hee Choi, of the umbrella group We Are California.

Choi described two personality types, skeptics and frozen, that the group is targeting.

She urged volunteers to hold ballot parties in their homes to move skeptics “from the couch to the poll” and routine voters from the “frozen mode to the fight mode.”

“We need people out at the polls,” she said. “You are the greatest tool to fight back and grow our movement.”

The groups held their event just a day after Trump’s latest move in his attempt to reshape voting in America.

The Supreme Court upheld Trump’s expanded use of government data to search for noncitizens who are registered to vote. The impact of the decision is likely to be limited, other than to highlight Trump’s distrust of elections and his unproven claims that a large number of illegal voters are casting ballots.

Love Powers L.A., representing dozens of community groups and labor unions, provides education and training to Angelenos including Azenith Morales, Marise Roxas, and Liezl Japona, from left, of the Filipino Workers Center, on how to protect their vote and respond to threats of election interference.

(Christina House/Los Angeles Times)

Breakout sessions covered how to plan a ballot party, activist dances and street activations.

Attendee Joe Pugh, who works for the community services organization ATAP, said she planned to host a block party to push the importance of voting in South-Central.

“They’re always talking about ‘my vote doesn’t count,’” she said.

During the poll monitoring session, Emma Olson Sharkey, a partner at the Political Law Group, outlined what poll watchers should look for and what they should do about it.

Their role, she said, is not to engage. They will observe and report any attempt to intimidate voters or poll workers.

The organization provides an online report form to report incidents.

“We hope it is boring,” Payne said. “In most cases, nothing will happen.”

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Man, we Latino men have it rough.

Americans have demonized us as criminals, buffoons, lechers, invaders, criminals and job stealers since the fall of the Alamo. Latino culture typecasts hombres as eternal machos always a few drinks away from brawling or bawling. Educators view us as underachievers. The political class long stereotyped Latino men as a sleeping giant who could change the country, if only we showed up to vote with the same enthusiasm as attending a Raiders game or lining up for a sneaker drop.

And then came Donald Trump.

So many of us fell for his siren call that 48% of Latino voters of all genders chose Trump in 2024, the highest percentage ever captured by a Republican presidential candidate. Progressives immediately blamed Latino men for Trump’s victory while holding up Latinas as the brave heroines who stood up against tyranny.

The blame game continues. A study released this month by UCLA’s Latino Policy & Politics Institute basically paints Latino men as little better than MAGA minions, trumpeting a gender gap on standing up to this administration’s deportation deluge, defending democracy and “fighting the Trump agenda.” To the media and to outraged internet commentators, it didn’t matter that two-thirds of Latino men had responded that each of those three issues was “very important” or “somewhat important.”

We just aren’t anti-Trump enough, which marks us as alien to the president’s critics. The UCLA paper’s cover page even features a red man and a blue woman conversing in what look like Aztec speaking glyphs — as if the sexes can’t understand each other and probably never will.

To explain the Latina-Latino political chasm, UCLA offers hypotheses straight out of “Men Are From Mars, Women Are From Venus.” The women supposedly work more in caretaker jobs like teaching and healthcare, softening their views toward the least of us. The men are in blue-collar sectors with a Darwinian outlook. But it doesn’t take a fancy academic paper to come to that conclusion — all you need to do is, you know, talk to Latino men.

When Trump descended that damned escalator in 2015 to announce his first presidential run by sliming Mexican immigrants as rapists and drug dealers, I knew that this racist excuse for a leader — the most anti-Latino politician in our nation’s history — would nevertheless appeal to many Latino men.

The reasons were evident: Trump’s fame. His strongman persona. His riches. His default setting of, as we Mexicans say, me vale madre — I don’t give a damn what people think. Yet three successive Democratic presidential campaigns willfully ignored these flashing sirens, instead insisting that Green New Deals and diversity, equity and inclusion programs would appeal to working-class Latino men.

Pundits thought we were still motivated by the radical politics of the Chicano movement, as previous generations were. What they didn’t realize was that assimilation had transformed Latino men into the modern equivalent of President Nixon’s silent majority.

A “Latino Americans for Trump” office in Reading, Pa., during the 2024 elections.

(Joe Lamberti / Associated Press)

I’ve always thought Latino male Trumpers were deluded — but I’ve always understood where they’re coming from. They’re believers in rancho libertarianism, my neologism for the individualistic politics exemplified by the Mexican men who raised me and who I grew up with.

Rancho libertarians, like their Scotch-Irish cousins from another mother, are forever skeptical of government, respect insurgents who want to take on the establishment, love their people and subscribe to a bootstraps approach to life. Not as praiseworthy is a tendency to dislike being told what to do, and in proving a point, to not only cut off their nose to spite their face but to lop off their heads as well.

No wonder so many Latino men went for Trump. To quote another Mexican saying, por eso estamos como estamos. That’s why we’re the way we are.

And look at what it’s earned us.

MAGA has been a miasma on this land, but especially for the blue-collar Latinos whom Trump increasingly courted with each election cycle. Immigration agents have arrested U.S.-born Trump supporters and thrown their friends and family members into squalid detention centers to await certain deportation. Diesel and gas prices are outrageously high, after Trump started a war with Iran that seems to have no end.

Nothing has degraded more for Latino men, however, than the simple pleasures of life.

When my dad and my brother had a pool party for some cousins and their children last month at our Anaheim home — no more than 15 people — the cost of carne asada, chicken, chorizo and tortillas from a local carnicería was more than $200. That side of the family never supported Trump while not exactly being wokosos, either. As Spotify blasted Antonio Aguilar and Banda El Recodo, they complained about the economy and the Republicans who have rubber-stamped the Trump agenda, when we should have been talking about the Dodgers and vacations back to our ancestral Mexico state of Zacatecas.

If my Arellano cousins are ready to stick it to Trump on election day, so should the Latino men who supported him two years ago.

In 2024, Latinos were the pivotal vote that delivered swing states to Trump. In this year’s midterms, Latino men are the swing vote within that constituency, from congressional races once considered safely red in Texas and Florida to local elections across the country. It’s gotten so dire for Republicans that Florida Rep. Maria Elvira Salazar put out a television ad warning Trump that “the same Hispanics who brought you to the White House … feel betrayed today.”

Honor remains big among rancho libertarians, and no politician has insulted the Latino way of life more than Trump. Helping to flip the House and Senate to the Democrats wouldn’t end his influence, but it sure would help. Plus, it would be a perfect rebuke to a pendejo who fooled too many good Latino men.

American society, whether the left or the right wing, will never fully accept us. We’ll always be thought of as too conservative, too dumb, too reactionary, too violent by too many.

Well, if we’re going to be loathed, we might as well stand on the right side of history. It’s time for Latino men to stand up and hit Trump with another Mexican saying:

Ya, güey. Enough already, man.

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Published On 19 Sep 202619 Sep 2026

Thousands of protesters formed a human chain around the Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts in Washington DC to contest its closure, amid fears that United States President Donald Trump could make good on his threat to demolish the venerated landmark.

The crowd filled streets in the Foggy Bottom neighbourhood of the capital on Friday evening, bringing traffic to a standstill as demonstrators made their way to the “Hands Around the Kennedy Center” protest. Many carried signs and some wore costumes, while boos rang out when Trump was mentioned during the programme.

At one point, some protesters linked hands around the building, whose marble facade remained partly concealed by scaffolding and tarpaulins.

Among the most iconic buildings on Washington’s Potomac waterfront, the Kennedy Center has become a battleground over Trump’s bid to assert control over the institution since he returned to office last year, replacing its board with his own appointees and installing himself as chairman.

Chris Raleigh, co-founder of Hands Off the Arts, which organised the rally, said in an interview with The Associated Press news agency that he hoped the turnout would show that people were prepared to push back against Trump’s plans for the building.

The demonstration comes just days after the Trump-installed board voted to close the centre for repairs that are expected to last up to two years. That came hours after District Judge Christopher Cooper quashed the board’s latest attempt to restore Trump’s name to the building.

Last December, the new board added Trump’s name to the building’s facade after the Kennedy Center said its Board of Trustees had unanimously voted to rename the institution in his honour.

A federal judge blocked those efforts in May, ruling that the board had exceeded its statutory authority by unilaterally renaming the Kennedy Center and adding Trump’s name to its facade without congressional approval. Congress had designated the centre as a memorial to the late 35th US President John F Kennedy.

In August, the board tried again to inscribe Trump’s name on the building, this time with wording along the lines of “The John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts Restored and Renovated By President Donald J. Trump”.

The federal judge scotched the move in September, ruling that it violated his May injunction.

Trump has since declined to rule out demolishing the building, while a federal judge on Thursday ordered the Kennedy Center to give 30 days’ notice before undertaking any major structural changes, including demolition.

Speaking to reporters in North Carolina on Wednesday, Trump argued that his administration deserved recognition for rescuing the Kennedy Center and that without the repairs, the building risked falling into disrepair and ultimately being forced to shut down.

Raleigh said he, like others, is concerned that Trump could move ahead without first notifying the court.

“Look at the East Wing,” he said. “We got up one morning and there was a giant hole there.”

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The ‘Old Lady of Threadneedle Street’ has chosen to wait, though not unanimously.

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The Monetary Policy Committee voted by a majority of six to three on Thursday to leave borrowing costs unchanged, with the dissenting trio pushing for a quarter-point increase to 4%.

The decision puts the Bank of England at odds with the Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank, both of which have tightened within the past week.

Despite holding, the central bank expects the situation to worsen before it improves.

Inflation “is likely to rise further over coming quarters,” the committee said, pointing to crude and refined energy prices that have climbed again since its last meeting and remain “more volatile and higher than pre-conflict.”

Watching for second-round effects

The case for holding rests on what has not yet happened.

“There has been little evidence so far of material second-round effects in price and wage-setting,” the statement read, meaning expensive energy is not yet feeding into broader wages and prices.

However, that reprieve may be temporary.

The risk of such effects “is greater the longer higher energy prices persist or are more volatile,” the committee warned, adding that risks to the inflation outlook are “tilted to the upside, and more so than at the time of the July Monetary Policy Report.”

Brent crude and UK wholesale gas prices have risen 36% and 78% respectively since July, with Brent at $106 a barrel and gas at 207 pence per therm on 14 September.

Refinery pressures have kept crack spreads, the gap between refined fuel prices and crude, well above pre-conflict levels.

Economic activity has held up slightly better than expected, while a soft labour market and the higher borrowing costs households and businesses have faced since the conflict began should bring inflation down over time.

A crowded week for central banks

The Fed raised its benchmark on Wednesday to a range of 3.75% to 4%, its first increase since 2023 and a unanimous decision, while signalling more to come.

The ECB lifted its deposit rate to 2.5% last week.

The sequence concludes on Friday with the Bank of Japan, where markets expect a hike.

That would leave the Bank of England as the only major central bank to have stood still this week, though on Thursday’s evidence not by much.

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Kevin Warsh has broken away from US President Donald Trump in his first Fed move, and he has done it with the entire committee behind him.

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The Federal Open Market Committee lifted rates on Wednesday after holding them at 3.5% to 3.75% since December, ending a pause that had grown harder to justify as energy costs pushed prices higher.

Not a single member dissented in a unanimous 12-0 vote.

That matters because the pressure ran in both directions as three regional presidents had voted for a hike in July, while the White House spent months demanding cuts.

Nobody voted for either extreme.

At the time of writing, the market reaction to the decision has been fairly muted likely due to the fact that the hike was widely expected.

A statement stripped to the bone

The Fed’s communication was as striking as its decision.

The statement ran to three short paragraphs, a fraction of the length markets are used to, with no forward guidance and no hedging.

“Inflation remains elevated,” it read, adding that “today’s policy action will support a timelier return to the Committee’s 2 percent goal.”

The word “timelier” carries an implicit admission that the return had been too slow.

Then a sentence the Fed almost never writes: “The Committee will deliver price stability.” Not seeks to, not is committed to. Will.

The economic assessment was also confident throughout.

Activity is “expanding at a solid pace”, domestic spending “has been resilient”, productivity growth is “strong” and capital investment “robust”, while job gains “have kept pace with the workforce”.

Uncertainty remains elevated, the Fed said, owing partly to “geopolitical developments”, its formulation for the Iran war.

By describing an economy in good health, the committee removed the argument that higher rates would damage growth, which is precisely the case US President Donald Trump has been making.

Boxed in by the data

The decision had been building for months.

Three regional Fed presidents dissented in July in favour of an increase, the most in one direction since 2016, and several others said afterwards they were ready to move unless inflation eased which it did not.

The Fed’s preferred gauge, the personal consumption expenditures index, ran at 3.7% in both June and July, with core inflation at 3.3%. Before the Iran war sent fuel prices climbing, core stood at 3%.

Consumer prices held at 3.4% in August, but the monthly increase of 0.4% was the sharpest since May, evidence the energy shock is feeding through. Inflation has now been above the 2% target for more than five years.

Warsh had effectively committed himself at Jackson Hole in August, telling the symposium he “would be hard pressed to describe broad financial conditions as restrictive” and warning that unless underlying inflation moved to target “clearly and at sufficient speed”, the Fed had “work to do”.

Markets took him at his word as the CME’s FedWatch tool put the probability of a rate hike above 90% before today’s decision.

Defying the president who chose him

US President Donald Trump had spent months demanding the opposite, insisting the country should have the lowest interest rates in the world and choosing Warsh partly on the expectation he would deliver them.

Warsh himself said while campaigning for the job that rates could come down.

The treatment of his predecessor sharpened the stakes as Jerome Powell was publicly attacked for moving too slowly, and the US Justice Department opened a criminal investigation into testimony he gave to Congress.

Today’s decision could also have a restoring effect on the perceived independence of the Federal Reserve as an institution.

The technical details point to a Fed settling in at the new level.

The interest rate on reserve balances rises to 3.90% from Thursday, the primary credit rate to 4%, and standing repurchase operations will run at 4%. Seven regional reserve banks requested the discount rate increase.

The Fed’s new dot plot shows 12 of 18 officials expect another 0.25% hike by year-end, taking rates to 4.125%, while four see rates reaching 4.375%.

The hawkish signal extends well beyond 2026 as 14 officials see rates ending 2027 above today’s level, while the 2028 median stands at 3.9% versus 3.4% expected.

The longer-run rate also rose to 3.2%, suggesting officials increasingly believe neutral rates have moved higher while economists also expect more to follow.

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\”,\”blocks\”:[{\”type\”:\”fragment\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”Edwards, the Labour MP for Rochester and Strood, said: \\\”Parliament has dropped the ball today. \”,\”attributes\”:[]}}]}},{\”type\”:\”paragraph\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”\\\”It will be picked up again as it must be, because the law as it stands is simply too cruel and too unjust to be allowed to stand.\\\”\”,\”blocks\”:[{\”type\”:\”fragment\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”\\\”It will be picked up again as it must be, because the law as it stands is simply too cruel and too unjust to be allowed to stand.\\\”\”,\”attributes\”:[]}}]}},{\”type\”:\”paragraph\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”Those in favour of a change in the law have said they would try to bring forward legislation again, with Kim Leadbeater, the Labour MP who introduced the original bill, telling the BBC another attempt could come as soon as next year.\”,\”blocks\”:[{\”type\”:\”fragment\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”Those in favour of a change in the law have said they would try to bring forward legislation again, with Kim Leadbeater, the Labour MP who introduced the original bill, telling the BBC another attempt could come as soon as next year.\”,\”attributes\”:[]}}]}},{\”type\”:\”paragraph\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”Labour MPs Ashley Dalton, Dame Meg Hillier and Jess Asato, who all opposed what they described the \\\”unsafe and unworkable\\\” bill, welcomed MPs’ decision.\”,\”blocks\”:[{\”type\”:\”fragment\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”Labour MPs Ashley Dalton, Dame Meg Hillier and Jess Asato, who all opposed what they described the \\\”unsafe and unworkable\\\” bill, welcomed MPs’ decision.\”,\”attributes\”:[]}}]}},{\”type\”:\”paragraph\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”In a joint statement, they said: \\\”This is not a moment for celebration, we understand the deep concerns of so many people across the country who have campaigned hard for a change in the law.\”,\”blocks\”:[{\”type\”:\”fragment\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”In a joint statement, they said: \\\”This is not a moment for celebration, we understand the deep concerns of so many people across the country who have campaigned hard for a change in the law.\”,\”attributes\”:[]}}]}},{\”type\”:\”paragraph\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”\\\”But the truth is none of the relevant royal medical colleges, professional groups or experts will attest to the safety or workability of this bill.\\\”\”,\”blocks\”:[{\”type\”:\”fragment\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”\\\”But the truth is none of the relevant royal medical colleges, professional groups or experts will attest to the safety or workability of this bill.\\\”\”,\”attributes\”:[]}}]}},{\”type\”:\”paragraph\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”They said there is a need to \\\”fix our NHS and sort out social and palliative care before we even consider introducing assisted dying\\\”.\”,\”blocks\”:[{\”type\”:\”fragment\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”They said there is a need to \\\”fix our NHS and sort out social and palliative care before we even consider introducing assisted dying\\\”.\”,\”attributes\”:[]}}]}},{\”type\”:\”paragraph\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”Sarah Wootton, chief executive of Dignity in Dying, said \\\”thousands of terminally ill people will continue to suffer against their wishes in their last days and weeks\\\”.\”,\”blocks\”:[{\”type\”:\”fragment\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”Sarah Wootton, chief executive of Dignity in Dying, said \\\”thousands of terminally ill people will continue to suffer against their wishes in their last days and weeks\\\”.\”,\”attributes\”:[]}}]}},{\”type\”:\”paragraph\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”She added she still believes \\\”law change is inevitable\\\”.\”,\”blocks\”:[{\”type\”:\”fragment\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”She added she still believes \\\”law change is inevitable\\\”.\”,\”attributes\”:[]}}]}},{\”type\”:\”paragraph\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”Care Not Killing chief executive Gordon Macdonald described the vote as \\\”decisive\\\”.\”,\”blocks\”:[{\”type\”:\”fragment\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”Care Not Killing chief executive Gordon Macdonald described the vote as \\\”decisive\\\”.\”,\”attributes\”:[]}}]}},{\”type\”:\”paragraph\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”He said: \\\”Our hope is that MPs now focus on repairing palliative care in the UK and securing the necessary funding to make sure that no matter what part of the country you live in, you can access the best possible care available and are treated with dignity and respect.\\\”\”,\”blocks\”:[{\”type\”:\”fragment\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”He said: \\\”Our hope is that MPs now focus on repairing palliative care in the UK and securing the necessary funding to make sure that no matter what part of the country you live in, you can access the best possible care available and are treated with dignity and respect.\\\”\”,\”attributes\”:[]}}]}}]}},{\”type\”:\”image\”,\”model\”:{\”caption\”:{\”type\”:\”text\”,\”model\”:{\”blocks\”:[{\”type\”:\”paragraph\”,\”model\”:{\”text\”:\”Supporters of assisted dying react in Parliament Square following the vote in the 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The 269 MPs who voted for were made up of 190 Labour, 52 Lib Dem, 17 Conservative, 5 Green, 3 Plaid Cymru and 2 Independent and the 286 MPs who voted against were made up of 153 Labour, 90 Conservative, 17 Lib Dem, 5 Reform, 1 Plaid Cymru, 9 Independent, 5 DUP, 2 Your Party, 1 APNI, 1 Restore Britain, 1 TUV and 1 UUP. The 87 who did not vote were 56 Labour, 9 Conservative, 8 SNP, 3 Reform, 2 Lib Dem, 7 Sinn Fein and 2 SDLP. Excludes tellers, the Speaker and deputy speakers. These figures are as reported on the Parliament website, based on MPs’ passes scanned during voting. 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Published On 30 Aug 202630 Aug 2026

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Icelanders head to the polls on Saturday to decide whether their country should reenter negotiations to join the European Union, a vote that could have economic and security implications beyond the small Arctic country.

The election comes 13 years after Iceland, under a Eurosceptic government, paused the last EU accession talks, believing the country would fare better outside the bloc.

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But much has changed since then.

Arctic security concerns have grown amid Russia’s war against Ukraine and United States President Donald Trump’s threats to invade neighbouring Greenland, the cost of living has climbed and Iceland’s currency has kept wavering.

Prime Minister Kristrun Frostadottir, whose Social Democrats party is pro-EU, said she will honour whatever choice the public makes.

If Icelanders vote “yes”, the country would likely start years of negotiations with Brussels to hammer out membership terms. It would then hold a second referendum on whether to formally become part of the EU.

Frostadottir has said a “yes” vote would see the nation “enter negotiations with our heads held high and stand together in seeking a good agreement”.

If the result is “no”, “all speculation about what [EU membership] might involve will be set aside”, she said.

Knife-edge vote

Recent surveys show Icelanders are almost evenly split on the proposal.

A Gallup opinion poll conducted this week found that 51.6 percent of respondents were against new EU membership talks, while 48.4 percent favoured them.

An earlier survey by Icelandic pollster Maskina showed a narrow majority of 51.3 percent of respondents backing new EU accession talks.

Gabriella Gricius, associate professor of strategy at the Norwegian Military Academy, said Iceland’s lack of armed forces has always left it “reliant on NATO and specifically the US for its security”.

“As the US has grown more unpredictable, and specifically, its rhetoric around Greenland has grown more concerning, it is not surprising that Iceland is seeking additional security guarantees through the EU,” Gricius told Al Jazeera.

Adam Fishwick, a lecturer in international relations at the University of Iceland, said the expected benefits of membership would be reduced inflation, a more stable currency and fewer customs barriers for consumers.

“There may also be opportunities for regional development in Iceland, which is an important issue here, with access to dedicated EU funds,” he told Al Jazeera.

However, the debate over EU accession remains “quite polarised”, he noted. Opponents fear the small nation of 395,000 people would “lose control over everyday policy decisions” and have limited sway in a bloc filled with larger European powers, Fishwick said.

Voters to weigh impact on inflation, currency

The benefits of EU membership for Iceland are not as obvious as for other potential candidates.

Iceland is a relatively wealthy country that, as a member of Schengen and the European Economic Area, already gets a lot of the single-market access that would come with EU membership.

However, the country has experienced growing economic pains in recent years, primarily regarding the cost of living. Consumer prices in 2025 exceeded those of any EU state and were 87 percent higher than the EU average.

Iceland’s currency, the krona, meanwhile, has been prone to exchange-rate swings that opponents say lower investment confidence and make it more costly to borrow money. Earlier this year, the Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs concluded that the costs of maintaining Iceland’s own currency probably outweigh the benefits. Adopting the euro, it said in a report, may help reduce interest rates and transaction costs.

Joining the EU could help address both issues.

Iceland would become a part of the bloc’s customs union, in which goods move freely between members and face a common tariff when imported from non-member countries. It could also adopt the more stable euro as its currency.

Fishing industry concerns: ‘Backbone of the economy’

A major concern, though, is the impact on the country’s fishing industry, an economic pillar that in 2024 directly contributed about 8 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) and much more indirectly.

By joining the EU, Iceland would become subject to the EU’s Common Fisheries Policy, which governs European fishing fleets and fish stocks.

Iceland’s fishing industry fears this change could lead to new catch quotas, increased foreign competition and, more broadly, less control over local fishing policy.

“The fundamental objection to EU membership is that Iceland would not retain full control over its fisheries – the traditional backbone of the economy,” Valur Ingimundarson, professor of contemporary history at the University of Iceland, told Al Jazeera.

Even if Icelanders vote “yes” to proceed with EU negotiations, the country is unlikely to go forward with EU membership unless it secures “ironclad” exemptions regarding its fishing industry, said Ingimundarson.

‘Additional security guarantees’

Mounting security pressures in the Arctic, coupled with uncertainty about US commitment to its traditional European partners, are also contributing to Iceland’s renewed interest in the EU, say analysts.

Though Iceland is a founding member of NATO and has a 75-year defence treaty with the US, it has no standing armed forces of its own and is located in a geopolitical hotspot that both Russia and the US have sought to project power in.

While Russia has expanded its military presence in the Arctic in recent years, President Trump has repeatedly threatened to use force to seize nearby Greenland.

 

Ingimundarson said pro-EU Icelanders see “the EU as a source of political and economic protection for a small state confronted by coercive great-power politics and uncertainty about the US as a reliable security partner”.

Iceland’s Foreign Minister Thorgerdur Gunnarsdottir has said membership would be “a valuable addition” for Iceland, even though NATO and the US would still be its core security partners.

In comments to Reuters, Gunnarsdottir said Iceland has been “disappointed” with the US’s “pressure campaign waged against both Greenlanders and Denmark”.

Russia poses a security threat “in our waters and nearby, in the North Atlantic”, said Gunnarsdottir.

For the EU, bringing Iceland into its orbit would expand EU territory much deeper into the North Atlantic, potentially deepening its strategic focus there, said Gricius, the professor.

“Icelandic membership in the EU wouldn’t necessarily change Arctic security dynamics, as Iceland is and will continue to be an Arctic state,” she said. “However, it may influence how the EU behaves in the Arctic, as the EU would then include four of the eight Arctic states – Iceland, Finland, Sweden and Denmark.”

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