vision

If anyone needs the axiom “Tell me who you’re with, and I’ll tell you who you are” whispered to them every morning as a reminder to do better, it’s Spencer Pratt.

Can someone do that ASAP, por favor?

Instead of holding events around Los Angeles to convince skeptics that his mayoral campaign is for everyone, the former reality television bad boy has bunkered himself inside an echo chamber of sycophants, friendly podcasters and milquetoast media outlets.

Instead of offering an on-ramp to join his pissed-off posse, he calls Mayor Karen Bass “Basura” — trash — and her supporters “Bassholes,” insults that his followers share and like on social media by the thousands.

Instead of enlisting surrogates to push an uplifting vision for L.A.’s future, Pratt elevates those who speak of the city as a West Coast Chernobyl.

He’s running on a message of righteous fury as a survivor of the Palisades fire, in an era when many Angelenos feel pessimistic about what’s next. In recent months, he’s raised funds at a faster pace than Bass and City Councilmember Nithya Raman and delivered a decent debate performance, while holding strong in the polls with two weeks left before the June 2 primary.

Now that Pratt has shown his electoral quest isn’t a farce, it’s time he shows all Angelenos that they can rely on a Republican entertainer with no political experience to head a largely progressive, multicultural metropolis.

Instead, he continues to double down on his doomsday message, exciting the type of people who have been whining that L.A. is a “Lost Cause” since the days of the Watts riots.

They’re the ones depicting Pratt in AI-generated videos as a superhero — Batman, Luke Skywalker and a gladiator, among others — battling Bass, cast as a clown, Darth Vader, the Joker or as herself handing out needles to half-crazed homeless people.

They hound anyone who points out that L.A. is nowhere near as apocalyptic as they make it out to be, when homicides are at their lowest since the 1960s, burglaries are down 30% from last year and unsheltered homelessness has dropped two years in a row. They follow Pratt’s example and call unhoused people with drug problems “zombies” and “bums” while depicting the L.A. of the past as a problem-free playground out of “The Wonderful World of Disney” that derailed once Democrats took over.

Not all of Pratt’s supporters are this obnoxious. But he repeatedly platforms the worst of them and shows no signs of stopping. That nihilism might sell books and gain followers — but it’s no way to prove to Angelenos he’s serious about fixing anything other than his reputation.

Mayoral candidate Spencer Pratt, left, poses with a supporter during a campaign event in Sherman Oaks.

(Etienne Laurent / For The Times)

Anyone who truly loves the city complains about it even on its best days. They realize L.A. can never be perfect, and that’s what makes it so wonderful. When people try to better their part of paradise, everyone benefits.

But Pratt needs to realize that Angelenos don’t want the city to be torn down, as dissatisfied as they may be. Criticizing the status quo is necessary — but waging a campaign of humiliation, a la Donald Trump, isn’t how to heal L.A. It won’t get large swaths of the city on your side, and it can’t spark the true change City Hall so desperately needs.

Instead, we get people like former Times contributor Meghan Daum — who now calls herself the “official Liberal Elite for Pratt” — gushing in the Atlantic about how her man is the “factory-reset option” to Make L.A. Great Again.

Resetting to when, Meghan? The 2000s of the Great Recession? The 1990s of anti-immigrant policies, the Northridge earthquake and the riots? The 1980s and its out-of-control gangs? The white flight of the 1960s? The 1950s of legal segregation and hideous smog?

Or just to the days when the problems that have long racked L.A. didn’t lap up to the denizens of Prattland — until they did?

These are the people who stayed largely silent as Trump unleashed ICE goons across Los Angeles last summer. They said nothing about housing affordability and violent crime in the years when those issues primarily afflicted South L.A. and the Eastside. They didn’t have a fit about homelessness until encampments spread beyond Skid Row.

Pratt’s loudest fans fundamentally loathe modern-day L.A., and that should chill all other Angelenos. These haters would be his primary constituents and populate his brain trust if he does beat Bass — and if he lets them take over, heaven help the City of Angels.

I’m not discounting Pratt’s chances of winning — he’s too savvy a media pro to fully flop. I knew Bass and Raman would misjudge the anger of Angelenos, fail to capitalize on that rage and find themselves on the defensive against Pratt’s populist push. I also figured he would eschew politeness for the demonizing that has tainted past L.A. elections, from Yorty’s mayoral campaigns of the 1960s to the San Fernando Valley secession movement a generation ago to the continued charges of communism thrown at the democratic socialist wing of the City Council.

I don’t blame Pratt for jumping into the race after his life was upended. And I sure don’t underestimate L.A.’s middle-class malaise, long a reactionary force in city politics with a winning track record that spans decades. But I can’t trust the guy and his crew for just now beginning to say they care about reforming L.A., when all he has fought for is his dark idea of the city.

And if you think L.A. needs a complete makeover, then you probably never really loved it in the first place.

On a recent podcast with Adam Carolla — who has long railed against L.A.’s liberal, multicultural ways and is planning to move to Nevada after his children graduate high school — Pratt huffed that he will “be done with trying to live” in the city if he doesn’t become mayor.

“I’ll go find somewhere that my kids will not have to see naked zombies,” he said, in a comment that was cheered on and seconded by his online army.

Do Angelenos really want to entrust their city to someone who might pick up his ball and quit on a place he professes to love, if he doesn’t get his way?

In recent years, the evolution of women in Saudi Arabia has become one of the most scrutinized aspects of the kingdom’s reforms of recent times. These reforms have frequently served as proof of a broader transformation under Vision 2030, an ambitious pathway designed to modernize Saudi Arabia and decrease its reliance on oil revenues. However, behind these apparent advancements arises an intricate question: are these reforms a genuine move towards social emancipation or primarily a tactical element of state-led goals of economic diversification, modernization, and enhancing global reputation?

In 2016, Saudi Arabia introduced Vision 2030, launched and guided by King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud and Muhammad bin Salman as a comprehensive and holistic strategy aimed to reform the country’s future. This initiative leverages the Kingdom’s strengths, including its pivotal role in the Arab and Islamic world, robust investment capabilities, and advantageous strategic position. The goal is to establish Saudi Arabia as a global leader while improving quality of life and broadening growth opportunities for citizens. At its essence, Vision 2030 seeks to reposition Saudi Arabia in the global economy by diversifying the non-oil sectors, drawing in foreign investment, and cultivating a dynamic workforce.

The women’s research compendium has gained significant attention from the government in alignment with the kingdom’s Vision 2030 and its associated programs. Consequently, relevant authorities, including the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Development, have allocated one of the visions’ goals to improve the public and private lives of Saudi women. From this perspective, the progress of Saudi women towards empowerment has condensed. This perspective of ministry is facilitated by numerous policies, legislations, and regulations that bolster the female’s status in society. In this context, women have become a pivotal component of reform. Enhancing female participation in the labor force is not just a social aspiration but also an economic imperative. By incorporating women into sectors like tourism, mass markets, and technology, the government intends to harness previously underutilized human capacity and accelerate economic growth. Hence, women’s empowerment is intricately aligned with the national development goals. It is important to acknowledge the considerable progress the country has made so far, such as the removal of the driving ban; increased employment; and enhanced public representation signify substantial changes in the everyday life of numerous women in Saudi Arabia.

Comparatively, these reforms demonstrate a prominent departure from more prudent norms of Saudi society and have formed new avenues for both personal and professional initiatives. Recognizing these developments is important for sustaining a fair and substantiated analysis. However, a deeper evaluation reveals that this empowerment is closely associated with the economic strategy and development. The consolidation of women in the workforce is consistently presented not just as a matter of rights but as a roadmap to enhance productivity and to boost the country’s GDP. This realistic perspective implies that empowerment is being pursued not just as a fundamental social objective but as a calculated countermove to fulfill economic demands. In this context, women are viewed not just as citizens, but also as economic assets that are essential to the success of Vision 2030.

In addition to the economic considerations, these reforms significantly contribute to the international image of Saudi Arabia. As the kingdom aims to enhance foreign investment and establish itself as a contemporary progressive nation, the advancement of women’s rights acts as a strong emblem of transformation. These developments are visible as a form of strategic liberalization, a deliberate opening intended to synchronize domestic policies with the international standards. Within this framework, women’s empowerment is integrated into a broader soft power strategy, boosting nations’ appealing image on the world stage. However, this transformation is still being meticulously overseen. Although new liberties have been introduced, they operate within a well-defined structure and are regulated by the state. The pace and scope of these structural initiatives are not propelled by grassroots institutions but are instead orchestrated by the governing bodies. This top-down approach limits the acceleration of the independent voices and limits the growth of a more autonomous civil society. Consequently, empowerment is allocated rather than asserted, therefore prompting the queries regarding its substantive nature and sustainability.

Therefore, this dynamic creates a striking paradox: “advancement without complete autonomy.” Currently, Saudi women experience enhanced mobility and visible participation in public life, but their capacity to independently shape the trajectory of reform is still constrained. The expansion of opportunities has not been accompanied by a similar increase in agency. This conflict highlights an important question: can empowerment truly exist in the absence of independent expression and participation in decision-making processes? However, the future prediction denotes that the sustainability of these reforms depends on their ability to progress beyond their strategic foundations. Women’s empowerment continues to be closely linked to economic and image-building objectives of the state; it risks being susceptible to shifts in governmental priorities and policies. On the other hand, lasting transformation necessitates more profound structural alterations that are way beyond mere participation to encompass genuine agency and proper representation.

In this context, the transformations unfolding under Vision 2030 are the embodiment of both advancement and limitation. They indicate a notable departure from the previous practices and traditional norms while also underscoring the constraints of government-driven modernization. Ultimately, the issue is not if change will lead to enduring empowerment, for true empowerment is not just about participation in the workforce or recognition in public spheres; it is about having the capacity to influence one’s own future. This aspect remains the most vital and a pending dimension of Saudi Arabia’s evolution.

In conclusion, the trajectory of advancing gender diversity as articulated in Vision 2030 demonstrates both meaningful advancements and fundamental structural limitations. Although reforms have undeniably broadened strategic growth indicators and transformed the social norms, they’re still closely intertwined with economic needs and strategic initiatives for international status. This top-down model of reform prompts essential inquiries regarding the depth, independence, and long-term durability of women’s empowerment. For Saudi Arabia, the operating complexities will be whether these transformations can progress beyond mere instrumental milestones to cultivate true agency and representation. Only then can women’s empowerment shift from being a facet of national strategy to a lasting anchoring principle of societal advancement.

WASHINGTON — Polls show that record numbers of Americans think the country is on the wrong track. Anxious voters find no shortage of corroboration. Seeming proof of national decline is everywhere–the savings-and-loan bailout, an imperial Congress, overpaid executives at the top of underperforming companies, record murder rates in cities, declining school quality, an intractable drug epidemic, spiraling health-care costs and a flat economy riddled with deep pockets of regional recession. We haven’t felt good about ourselves, our country or our future since the Gulf War.

President George Bush’s decline in the polls mirrors this trend. As long as voters were concerned about foreign policy, his high standing compensated for lower ratings on domestic affairs. The Cold War’s end has changed the issue mix of presidential races forever.

The recession is an immediate problem, but that will decline in importance when the growth most economists predict resumes this spring. But the recession masks a deeper fear that our post-Cold War inheritance is a declining standard of living, with high-paying jobs and prosperity flowing overseas. That fear will not recede quickly.

With the recession ending by spring, campaign planners will be tempted to heave sighs of relief and run a status-quo candidacy against the uncertainties of a switch to the Democrats. That would be a serious mistake.

For Bush will never have more fertile ground to lay out a new GOP agenda that addresses the deep fear voters have about the future of America. He can capitalize on the public’s thirst for certainty by laying out a set of ambitious goals–in government, in jobs, in schools and in social progress.

He can start with government. A recent Gallup poll shows 20% blame Bush for the economy’s condition, but 54% blame Congress. Support for term limits and a Trumanesque campaign to fix what’s wrong with Congress will not only pay political dividends, but give him a governing coalition for a second term. Beginning with this week’s State of the Union, Bush should challenge Congress to pass his economic recovery program within 100 days and return it to him for signature. He should also push legislation on health-care reform, education and crime by similarly challenging Congress. To dramatize the push for excellence, he might consider national middle-class merit scholarships for college.

Nor should he give up on trade, despite the Japan trip. Presidential involvement in a few trade confrontations will make his claim to fight for American jobs more credible. Where unfair trading practices are found, executive action on import relief should be swift.

By establishing his vision for the post-Cold War future, contrasting his own activism with Democratic and congressional obstruction, showing that he thinks free trade should benefit us as well as our partners and fighting hard for the middle class–in essence charting a course the country thinks takes us in the right direction and gets us off the wrong track–he’ll win not only reelection but a mandate.

It’s also important to understand this is not the 1984 reelection. Compression of the primary calendar means there are fewer days between the first Iowa caucuses, Feb. 10, and Super Tuesday, March 10, and the Democratic winner-take-all rules could give a front-runner enough momentum to be the apparent nominee by April. There is little prospect for a protracted Democratic primary battle like 1984’s between Gary Hart and Walter F. Mondale.

Because the Democrats won’t be tearing each other apart as long, Bush should engage the Democrats early. But he needs to shore up his own vulnerabilities before he begins to contrast with the Democratic nominee. He needs to sharpen his middle-class message, starting with the economy and people’s fears about the future.

This should be done well before the summer Democratic convention, when the Democratic ticket will have a solid week of national television coverage to engage in Bush-bashing.

It’s also critical to understand this is not 1988. The Democratic nominee will also have learned a lesson from Michael S. Dukakis–define your candidacy before your opponent gets a chance to define it negatively for you. It’s highly unlikely the ’92 Democratic nominee will be kept on the defensive for months as was Dukakis.

This year’s presidential election takes place in politically uncharted territory. It is the first contest of the post-Cold War era, probably the last election with a World War II veteran running for President. World events, from Eastern Europe’s velvet revolutions of 1989 to last summer’s failed Soviet coup, have irrevocably reshaped America’s political landscape.

Foreign policy and defense no longer matter much to voters. Communism’s death also buried anti-communism as an issue. With few external threats, Americans see old relationships through a new prism. They supported the post-war alliance with Japan for mutual security; without the Cold War, that same relationship looks one-sided.

To win reelection, it’s critical to understand what this dramatic shift means. The old rules are gone–now is the time for a new political order in American campaigns. For four decades, we’ve elected presidents against a Cold War backdrop. Now that we’ve won the Cold War, we need a new presidential agenda that’s relevant for the ‘90s.

General Atomics is calling attention to a new mission for its Mojave short takeoff and landing (STOL) drone: hunting uncrewed aerial threats with laser-guided Advanced Precision Kill Weapon System II (APKWS II) rockets. The company put a heavy focus on this planned capability in a larger vision for Mojave that rolled out today.

Mojave is also envisioned as launching its own kamikaze drones, escorting friendly helicopters, spotting targets for artillery, and even transporting small cargoes. With its short and rough field capabilities, the drone could also push these capabilities far forward, including to island outposts during a future conflict in the Pacific. This was all showcased in a new computer-generated video, seen below. General Atomics’ Aeronautical Systems, Inc. division (GA-ASI) showed the video first today at the Army Aviation Association of America’s (AAAA) 2026 Warfighting Summit, at which TWZ is in attendance.

Mojave STOL: Real. Rugged. Ready Today.

General Atomics is also now officially referring to the drone at the center of the video as Mojave STOL. The company has previously used the name Gray Eagle STOL to differentiate planned production models from the already flying Mojave demonstrator, which first broke cover in 2021. Mojave is derived from the MQ-1C Gray Eagle, which itself leveraged the preceding MQ-1 Predator and MQ-9 Reaper designs.

“General Atomics is all-in on providing the best STOL solution for the Army and U.S. allies worldwide,” General Atomics spokesperson C. Mark Brinkley told TWZ. “Everything you see is a capability we can do right now, things already demonstrated on a real, flying aircraft.”

The new video, set “somewhere in the Western Pacific,” focuses first on the rocket-armed drone hunter mission. A Mojave STOL is depicted using an EagleEye multi-mode radar, as well as its infrared sensor in the turret under its nose, to spot and track a pair of kamikaze drones clearly modeled on the Iranian-designed Shahed-136 pattern. EagleEye is another General Atomics product, which was first unveiled in 2022 and has a demonstrated air-to-air target acquisition capability. It also has surface search, synthetic aperture radar (SAR) imaging, and ground moving target indicator (GMTI) modes.

The drone is then shown alerting a forward U.S. outpost to these approaching uncrewed aerial threats via satellite. Using a ruggedized laptop, an operator on the ground then orders the kamikaze drones to be destroyed. A Mojave carrying two 19-shot 70mm rocket pods, one under each wing, then swoops in and shoots them down. Afterward, it is also depicted being rearmed at a very rough-looking, unimproved jungle airstrip.

“We’ve shown APKWS [BAE Systems’ 70mm Advanced Precision Kill Weapon System II laser-guided rocket] mounted to Mojave in a static display at some of the recent U.S. Army shows where Mojave STOL was present,” General Atomics’ Brinkley told us. “Integrating new weapons is a multi-part process. Fit tests, weight considerations, captive carry for airworthiness, software, [and] actual live-fire.”

“For Mojave STOL and other GA-ASI aircraft, we’re inside that process now with APKWS,” he added. “It’s flying and firing soon, [in] weeks not months.”

“APKWS has already been demonstrated on other aircraft against airborne targets, so we know the weapon itself works for this mission,” he also noted. “GA-ASI has successfully destroyed other airborne targets using various weapons, including AIM-9X and Hellfire, so we know we can track, target, and hit flying objects of various sizes and speeds.”

APKWS II has had a meteoric rise in popularity in the air-to-air role since the U.S. Air Force F-16 fighters first began using the rockets this way in combat against Houthi drones in 2024, which TWZ was first to report. APKWS II was originally designed as an air-to-surface weapon and then also adapted to the surface-to-air role against drones. The total number of U.S. military and foreign aircraft cleared to use a variant of the rocket specifically optimized for air-to-air use continues to grow. Other companies that make similar laser-guided rockets are also now adapting them for employment in the anti-air role.

As an anti-air weapon against slower-flying and less dynamic targets, APKWS II offers immense benefits over traditional air-to-air missiles when it comes to cost-per-engagement and magazine depth, as you can read more about here. Just carrying two 19-shot pods, Mojave has an impressive 38 engagement opportunities. The drone has six underwing pylons and could carry additional pods, as well as other stores.

After the drone-hunting vignette, General Atomics’ new Mojave video moves on to show one of the drones leading a group of AH-64 Apache and UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters into apparent hostile territory. The drone fires an AeroVironment Switchblade 600 loitering munition to destroy an enemy mobile surface-to-air missile system to help clear the way. GA-ASI, in cooperation with AeroVironment, has previously demonstrated the ability of Switchblade 600 to be air-launched from the MQ-9 Reaper.

The video also shows Mojave being used to find and fix enemy forces, which are then engaged by friendly 155mm howitzers, as well as to carry cargo in underwing pods to forward locations. GA-ASI has previously showcased the potential value of Mojave in the latter role as part of a larger construct to provide logistics support during future expeditionary and distributed operations, even in actively contested environments.

The new video caps off with a Mojave firing on unseen targets with a pair of underwing Minigun pods. This is another capability General Atomics has previously demonstrated in real life. The drone can also carry other stores, including AGM-114 Hellfires and AGM-179 Joint Air-to-Ground Missiles (JAGM), on the pylons under its wings.

General Atomics is pitching the overall vision presented here for Mojave heavily to the U.S. Army, though it has also been engaged with other potential customers. Testing in cooperation with authorities in the United Kingdom and South Korea has demonstrated how the drone’s short-field capabilities could also translate to naval operations from aircraft carriers and big deck amphibious assault ships. Last year, GA-ASI announced a partnership with Hanwha Aerospace in South Korea to produce what was still then being called Gray Eagle STOL in that country.

Mojave Aircraft Carrier Takeoff and Landing

“Mojave STOL provides the versatility that the U.S. Army and others need for the future, with the endurance and persistence they’ve come to rely on, underpinned by experience gleaned from almost 10 million total flight hours,” General Atomics’ Brinkley told us. “That’s why Hanwha jumped in as our partner on this, bringing international investment to further buy down risk.”

“The U.S. Army wants to be successful right out of the gate. No stumbling, no fumbling,” he added. “They’re already integrating tactical drones into the force and experimenting with how that will change the nature of American warfare. They’re bringing a new tiltrotor online. It’s a period of massive change for Army aviation.”

The tiltrotor in question is the MV-75A, now officially nicknamed the Cheyenne II, which Bell derived from its V-280 Valor design. You can read more about the Army’s current plans for this aircraft here.

The Army is now in the early stages of formulating plans to acquire uncrewed companions for the MV-75A and its existing fleets of crewed helicopters. However, the focus so far has been on vertical takeoff and landing (VTOL) capable designs rather than a fixed-wing type like Mojave, as TWZ has explored previously. In general, greater independence from traditional runways has been a major area of focus across the U.S. military in recent years when it comes to planning for future aviation operations, especially in the context of a high-end fight in the Pacific against China.

“Our engineers are obsessed with developing the next-generation of uncrewed aircraft. More than a decade ago, they dug deep into VTOL and runway independence,” General Atomics’ Brinkley explained. “What they discovered was payload and endurance tradeoffs with VTOL create a lot of challenges when applied to real combat operations. It’s a tough hand to play.”

“Mojave STOL is flying right now. We have five million square feet of existing manufacturing, ready to go,” he added. “We can help the Army integrate a real, rugged, ready today Mojave STOL into the force with far less risk to success.”

Questions have also been raised in the past about the survivability and general utility of drones like Mojave, as well as predecessors like the MQ-1C and MQ-9, in future high-end operations. The latest conflict with Iran has underscored the vulnerability of the Reaper, in particular. Air-launched drones and stand-off munitions, as well as new self-protection capabilities, can help keep these drones further away from enemy defenses. TWZ has also previously highlighted how a drone like Mojave could be used to provide more localized force protection, including against uncrewed aerial threats, at forward outposts and rear areas in the context of a larger conflict.

It’s also worth noting here that while Mojave would not be as quick to respond to incoming drone threats as a tactical jet, it would be able to loiter in a particular area for a longer period of time. It could also provide strike and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) support while on station. Being able to fly from unimproved forward airstrips would also allow it to operate organically with the forces it is assigned to support.

When it comes to the Army, it remains to be seen how that service’s visions for its future drone fleets and crewed-uncrewed teaming evolve. As mentioned, the Mojave STOL’s capabilities, including its ability to act as a rocket-armed drone hunter, could be attractive to other potential operators, who might fly the drones from bases on land or ships at sea.

In the meantime, General Atomics continues to expand on the Mojave concept, which now includes the planned integration of APKWS II laser-guided rockets.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com