Ukrainian

For more than three weeks, Ukraine was left with only “a handful” of U.S.-made AIM-9 Sidewinder air-to-air missiles for its F-16 fleet, after the supply of the weapons dried up. This is the conclusion of a Reuters report, citing three sources, all of whom are said to have direct knowledge of the situation. It also comes as Kyiv is increasingly in competition with the U.S. military and its Gulf allies as they come under continued pressure from Iranian drones and missiles in the Middle East.

The shortage of infrared-guided air-to-air missiles occurred between late November and mid-December of last year, the three sources said. This was a critical time, just before Russia began its winter campaign of bombardment against Ukrainian cities and infrastructure.

According to one of the sources, during the period when AIM-9s were in short supply, F-16 pilots were forced to fly daytime sorties and instead try to shoot down drones with their internal 20mm M61 Vulcan cannon. This is hardly ideal, since the Russian drone attacks normally come at night, but gunning down targets in the hours of darkness is judged too dangerous.

As we have discussed many times before, taking out slow-moving drones via another fixed-wing aircraft with guns can be very challenging and downright dangerous, especially for fast jets. There is also the risk of the grenade-like cannon rounds impacting the ground below over a relatively wide area, potentially killing innocent people. Doing it at night is a whole other level of danger.

Meanwhile, the situation was reportedly so desperate that pilots were flying F-16s loaded with missiles that had failed to launch on earlier missions, after these weapons had undergone another round of maintenance. This achieved mixed results, a source said.

So far, Ukrainian F-16s have been noted flying with older AIM-9L/M Sidewinders as well as the more modern AIM-9X Sidewinder infrared-guided air-to-air missiles.

Compared with the AIM-9L/M, the AIM-9X offers a more potent short-range air-to-air missile capability that can be used in conjunction with the F-16’s Joint Helmet Mounted Cueing System (JHMCS) for high off-boresight (HOBS) engagements. Even without JHMCS, the AIM-9X is a very valuable weapon that is particularly relevant for defending against drones and cruise missiles.

It’s worth noting, too, that Ukrainian F-16s use the radar-guided AIM-120 Advanced Medium-Range Air-to-Air Missile (AMRAAM). These can also be employed against drones and cruise missiles, but are more expensive weapons than the Sidewinders. Each AMRAAM costs around one million dollars, meaning they are not prioritized for use against drones.

According to the three sources, the Sidewinder shortfall was plugged in December when additional missiles were received from undisclosed partners. These reportedly arrived just in time to help defend against one of the largest Russian attacks of the winter.

A fourth source, also anonymous, told Reuters that Canada and Germany had supplied Kyiv with Sidewinders in recent months. Canada has confirmed it’s now delivering AIM-9M-8 missiles from Canadian Armed Forces stocks. “This new donation will complement the past donation of hundreds of Canadian AIM missiles and related components that are being used by Ukraine for its air defense,” Canada’s Department of National Defense said.

Interestingly, the timing of the apparent missile shortage also coincides with the appearance of another air-to-air weapon for the Ukrainian F-16.

In early December, TWZ reported on the appearance of laser-guided 70mm Advanced Precision Kill Weapon System II (APKWS II) rockets on Ukrainian F-16s. This was not an unexpected development, since these rockets would provide an extremely valuable, lower-cost option for engaging long-range kamikaze drones and subsonic cruise missiles. TWZ has been very closely tracking the evolution of the APKWS II in the air-to-air role, a capability U.S. Air Force F-16s began using in combat last year, as we were first to report.

What is believed to be the first known footage showing an F-16 fighter jet operated by the Ukrainian Air Force intercepting a Russian Shahed/Geran-type long-range OWA-UAV with the APKWS II low-cost, laser-guided anti-aircraft rockets.

Such rockets are carried in LAU-131 rocket… pic.twitter.com/JTsCsgQ7NP

— Status-6 (War & Military News) (@Archer83Able) February 17, 2026

Without a durable supply of Sidewinders, the APKWS II would have been an even more useful weapon for the Ukrainian Air Force, although there’s nothing to suggest, at this point, that the laser-guided rockets were hurried to Ukraine to make up for the AIM-9 shortfall.

It’s also not clear to what degree the reported Sidewinder shortage was connected with the new system by which the United States supplies Ukraine with weapons.

President Donald Trump introduced the Prioritized Ukraine Requirements List (PURL) system, replacing the direct military aid sent under the Biden administration.

Under PURL, weapons are sold by the United States to NATO allies, which then deliver them to Ukraine.

One of the sources also mentioned a shortage of another U.S.-made missile type, the RIM-7 Sea Sparrow. These missiles have been adapted for use with modified Soviet-era air defense systems.

In the case of the AIM-9L/M and RIM-7, one likely factor in the shortages is the simple fact that these are older weapons, production of which has now ceased, meaning that there is only a finite number available. Surplus stocks have likely been whittled down to a point where remaining users are more cautious about giving them up. At the same time, the individual rounds are aging and also expiring.

Regardless of weapons supplies, the Ukrainian Air Force says it has made good use of its F-16s in the fight against Russian drones and cruise missiles.

As of the beginning of this year, the Ukrainian Air Force said its F-16s had destroyed “more than a thousand” aerial targets, including Shahed-type long-range one-way attack drones.

The Ukrainian Air Force flew its first F-16 combat sorties against aerial targets in August of 2024.

According to one Ukrainian F-16 pilot, on one occasion, one of his squadrons destroyed six cruise missiles and seven attack drones in a single sortie. This is a remarkable tally, by any measure, and would have required extremely precise use of the gun, even if all available missiles were successfully expended.

На шляху до F-16: ексклюзивна історія від українського пілота

With Russia continuing to bombard Ukraine, any potential holdup in the delivery of critical air-defense effectors is a significant problem. Since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion, Ukraine has been desperately seeking additional air defense assets, particularly those of Western manufacture.

Currently, there is no end in sight for the conflict in Ukraine, which means the demand for air-defense effectors, including Sidewinders, will continue.

But now, with an expanding war in the Middle East centered on Iran, which is hitting back with its own drone and missile attacks, the competition for effectors also looks set to intensify.

This is also being felt by Ukraine as it seeks to secure critical missiles for its Patriot air defense systems.

Even before the conflict in Iran, bottlenecks in the production of the U.S.-made Patriot meant that Ukraine’s stockpiles were drained and its European allies were on waiting lists for future deliveries. The Ukrainian shortfalls have made it easier for Russia to find gaps in Ukraine’s air defenses, something that has been felt especially heavily by Ukrainian cities and energy infrastructure.

According to some analysts, Gulf states possess only days of interceptors if Iran maintains a sustained level of drone and missile attacks. Yesterday, Gen. Dan Caine, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said that Iran had fired more than 500 ballistic missiles and 2,000 drones since the start of the campaign. He said that the U.S. has sufficient munitions for the Iran operation.

While Ukraine may have plugged its Sidewinder gap for now, the apparent shortage late last year underscores the vulnerability of the country’s air defenses and its continued reliability on Western allies. With many of these allies now looking at the potential demands of a sustained conflict in the Middle East, growing pressure on air-defense effectors could well see Russia emerge as one of the big beneficiaries.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

The makers of the Ukrainian Sting interceptor drone told The War Zone that despite growing interest in the Middle East for their product, they are not yet allowed to sell them outside the country. Other Ukrainian drone manufacturers, like SkyFall, are also reportedly interested in providing interceptors to the region.

In Ukraine, the small drones have proven to be a far cheaper alternative to munitions like Patriot interceptors and even far less advanced missiles for downing Shahed drones which have caused widespread destruction across Ukraine. Since the launch of Operation Epic Fury, that country has been firing Shaheds across the U.S. Central Command area of responsibility (AOR). That includes a March 1 strike on Kuwait that killed six U.S. Army soldiers.

“Our priority is Ukraine’s defense,” Wild Hornets spokesman Alex Roslin told us on Thursday. “Exports of drones are not permitted at this time.”

Відео 100 збиттів шахедів перехоплювачем #STING #wildhornets #дикішершні #fpv

However, “the Ukrainian government is engaged in bilateral discussions with partner countries about supplying drones,” he added. 

Should the law change, Wild Hornets has the capacity to provide drones to foreign nations, Roslin explained.

“As part of those discussions, the Wild Hornets are ready to fulfill whatever need may fall on us to help Ukraine’s strategic partners if called on to do so.”

There seems to be a willingness to make key changes to the law to make it happen. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky stated that Ukrainian military experts were in the Middle East to share their experience after four years of bombardment by Russian Shaheds and that 11 nations are interested in obtaining these interceptors and other counter-drone systems.

It is no surprise that there would be wide interest in counter-drone drones. With a price tag of roughly between $1,000 and $2,500 a piece, they are a small fraction of the cost of the multi-million dollar Patriot interceptors or even less expensive types, still costing a million dollars or more, being used by the U.S. and allies.

Beyond cost, the interceptor drones, 3-D printed weapons that look like 1950’s-era toy rockets, are far easier and quicker to produce than surface-to-air missiles.

Small enough to fit inside a backpack, they can reach speeds of up to 173 miles an hour, according to Wild Hornets. Some of Ukraine’s interceptors “combine thermal imaging with radar tracking and AI-assisted guidance, with a human operator taking manual control for the final seconds of the intercept,” Military Times noted. Sting interceptors are manually operated by pilots, Roslin stated.

In a post on X, Wild Hornets denied it was in direct negotiations with Saudi Arabia to sell the Sting drones, a claim made Thursday by The Wall Street Journal.

“Recent reporting by The Wall Street Journal, citing anonymous sources, suggested that Saudi Aramco, the world’s largest oil company, is in negotiations with Wild Hornets regarding the purchase of interceptor drones to protect oil facilities from Iranian UAV attacks. This information does not reflect the current position or activities of our company. “

Wild Hornets “regularly receives inquiries from representatives of countries across the Middle East and the European Union regarding potential exports of the STING interceptor system, which has proven highly effective against Shahed-type drones in real combat conditions,” the X post continued.

Wild Hornets is reportedly one of at least two Ukrainian companies whose interceptors are garnering interest in the Middle East in the wake of Iranian Shahed attacks.

Earlier this week, another large Ukrainian drone producer called SkyFall said its manufacturing capacity ​had outgrown Ukraine’s ability to purchase its systems and the company was ready to export, according to Reuters.

“We have had interest and inquiries from our (allies) and countries in the Middle East,” a company representative told the outlet.

While these small drone interceptors have proven successful in Ukraine and show real promise for applications elsewhere, their baseline capabilities are quite different from an actual surface to air missile, especially medium and long-range types. They have to be distributed far more broadly in order to be able to effectively respond to incoming drone threats, whereas a SAM can cover a much larger area and respond far quicker to the threat due to their high-speeds.

The lack of response speed also means that early warning is more critical, especially for area defense duties, as opposed to defending a specific facility or small area of a population center. Regardless, their cost differential and ease of deployment can overcome many of these drawbacks, especially when paired with tailored tactics, in order to get the price of interceptors far down and putting more defenses in more areas.

There are other inexpensive alternatives to costly interceptors that have taken center stage in conflicts as of late.

As we have previously noted, air-to-air optimized versions of the 70mm Advanced Precision Kill Weapon System II (APKWS II) have become a principal air-to-air counter-drone weapon for U.S. forces, which began using the rockets in this way on F-16 Vipers back in 2024. That capability was extended to the F-15E Strike Eagle and A-10 Warthog and soon to the U.S. Marine Corps legacy F/A-18C/D Hornet.

The U.S. also has a ground-based system, called Vampire, that also uses these APKWS rockets. This system is deployed in small numbers to the Middle East and in larger numbers to Ukraine.

In addition, the U.S. reportedly sent 10,000 interceptor drones used in Ukraine to the Middle East.

Known as Merops, the system flies drones against drones, The Associated Press explained.

“It is small enough to fit in the back of a midsize pickup truck, can identify drones and close in on them, using artificial intelligence to navigate when satellite and electronic communications are jammed,” according to the wire service.

Last week, we asked Adm. Brad Cooper, commander of U.S. Central Command, about Ukrainian interceptors.

“I’m not familiar with the particular offer, but the interceptors in general, we’ve had a number of new capabilities being fielded,” Cooper told us during a press conference held at CENTCOM headquarters in Tampa. “Obviously, I’m not going to talk about it from the operational perspective of what those are, but I think you have seen over a period of time us kind of get on the other side of this cost curve on drones in general.”

“If I just walk back a couple of years, remember what you used to always hear, we’re shooting down a $50,000 drone with a $2 million missile,” he added. “These days, we’re spending a lot of time shooting down $100,000 drones with $10,000” weapons.

Meanwhile, President Donald Trump has dismissed the need for Ukrainian help in combating Iranian drones and War Secretary Pete Hegseth on Friday downplayed the threat from Iranian drones and missiles. He proclaimed that one of Epic Fury’s main goals is diminishing Iran’s capacity to launch and build these weapons.

“Their missile launchers and drones being destroyed or shot out of the sky,” he told reporters, including from The War Zone. “Their missile volume is down 90%. Their one way attack drones yesterday down 95%.”

Hegseth: Iran has no real air defenses, air force, or navy left. Their missiles, launchers, and drones are being destroyed.

Missile attacks are down about 90%, and one-way attack drones dropped about 95%.

2/ pic.twitter.com/pyai9V2bNC

— Tymofiy Mylovanov (@Mylovanov) March 13, 2026

Still, the interest in the Middle East for Ukrainian drone interceptors remains high.

“This phone has been ringing off the hook,” Oleg Rogynskyy, the chief executive of Uforce, a conglomerate of Ukrainian defense technology start-ups, told The New York Times.

Contact the author: howard@thewarzone.com

March 6 (UPI) — Ukraine‘s foreign minister accused Hungary of kidnapping seven Ukrainian state bank employees and stealing the cash and gold they were transporting, and Hungary announced it would expel the bank staff.

Ukraine’s Oschadbank said on Thursday that two vehicles with seven employees and about $75 million were stopped in Budapest Thursday, and Kyiv has lost contact with the personnel. The vehicles were transporting cash and gold from Austria to Ukraine.

Budapest announced Friday that the seven bank employees would be expelled from Hungary, and accused the seven people detained of money laundering.

On Wednesday, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky traded threats and accusations. Budapest blamed Kyiv for blocking a Russian oil pipeline into Hungary, but Kyiv said the pipeline was damaged by a Russian air strike in January, the BBC reported.

One month before the Hungarian elections, Orban is trailing in polling.

“Today in Budapest, Hungarian authorities took seven Ukrainian citizens hostage,” Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said Thursday on X. “The reasons are still unknown, as well as their current well-being, or the possibility of contacting them. … We will also address the European Union with the request to provide a clear qualification of Hungary’s unlawful actions, hostage-taking, and robbery.”

In a Friday morning post, Sybiha called it “state banditism.”

“Political statements from Hungarian officials this morning show that the detention of seven Ukrainian citizens in Budapest was part of Hungary’s blackmail and electoral campaign,” the post on X said. “Orban’s list of demands for Ukraine this morning was particularly telling. This is what typically happens after people are taken hostage: demands. We will not tolerate this state banditism.”

Oschadbank released a statement calling for the release of its employees.

It said the employees “were unjustifiably detained in Hungary while carrying out a regular transport of foreign currency and bank metals between Raiffeisen Bank Austria and Oschadbank Ukraine. … Oschadbank demands the immediate release of its employees and property and their return to Ukraine.”

The bank said the vehicles carried $40 million in U.S. dollars, about $40.5 million in euros and about 20 pounds of gold. The transfer was part of an agreement with Raiffeisen Bank.

“The cargo was registered in accordance with international transportation rules and current European customs procedures,” Oschadbank said in the statement.

It’s not clear what has happened to the cash and gold, but the BBC reported that Polish Foreign Minister Radek Sikorski said, “they’ve stolen the money.”

Hungary alleges that the transport was part of a money laundering operation. The Hungarian National Tax and Customs Administration said that seven Ukrainian nationals were arrested, including a former Ukrainian intelligence general, with two armoured cash trucks also seized.

“This year alone, more than $900 million, $486 million (in euros), and 322 pounds of gold bars have been transported through the territory of Hungary to Ukraine,” the statement said.

Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó also posted on X: “The government demands immediate answers and explanations from Ukraine on the cash shipments through Hungary. The question arises whether this is the money from the Ukrainian war mafia,” Szijjártó said.

Ukraine has issued a travel warning for its people to avoid traveling through Hungary.

“The Ministry of Foreign Affairs recommends that Ukrainian citizens refrain from traveling to Hungary due to the lack of guarantees of their safety against the backdrop of arbitrary actions by the Hungarian authorities,” a statement said.

Kyiv, Ukraine – Posters advertising “The Azov school of landscape design” can be seen inside subway cars and on billboards in Kyiv.

But instead of a smiling gardener surrounded by blossoming trees and flowers, the poster depicts a bearded, smiling soldier with the Azov Corps walking away from a howitzer that spews out a shell to “design” the landscape on the Russian side.

As Ukrainian soldiers keep getting killed and wounded along the crescent-shaped, 1,250-kilometre (777-mile) long front line, Kyiv faces a dire shortage of servicemen.

Individual military units compete for potential recruits and lure them with catchy slogans, witty campaigns, text messages and social media posts that promise thorough training that reduces the risk of getting killed or jobs behind the front line.

Many Ukrainian men of fighting age – 25 to 60 – who cannot refuse the draft choose to join them. Otherwise, they could be rounded up by “conscription patrols” and undergo perfunctory training to end up as storm-troopers – a role which comes with a high risk of death.

“There’s zero training. They don’t care that I won’t survive the very first attack,” Tymofey, a 36-year-old office worker who was forcibly conscripted last year but broke out of two training centres, told Al Jazeera.

Hundreds of thousands of men dodge the draft, pay bribes to flee abroad or illegally cross into European nations amid corruption and coercion on the part of conscription officers, as documented by government officials, media and rights groups.

In the first year after Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion, men of all ages volunteered in droves, standing for hours outside conscription offices and even travelling to other parts of Ukraine to find a less crowded conscription office that would enlist them.

“The first wave very massive, they were motivated,” a senior serviceman told Al Jazeera on condition of anonymity.

But volunteers are rare these days. The average age of conscripts has risen to above 40, and their fitness levels have dropped.

“We get what is left of what is left,” he said of the new recruits in his military unit – adding that infantrymen are “hardest to recruit”.

“They can and will be trained, but there’s a matter of condition. A man in his 50s with a white-collar job and several chronic diseases is not exactly fit,” he said.

Azov’s hiring spree

While recruitment campaigns are very visible, the hiring process is largely non-transparent.

Most of the applications should be filled online, and only prospective candidates are invited to recruitment offices whose locations are not disclosed because Russia targets them with drones, missiles or attacks by people recruited via messaging apps or the dark web.

And when it comes to picking the cream of the crop, Azov, now known as the First National Guard Corps, and its offshoot, The Third Storm Brigade, reign supreme.

Apart from the “school of landscape design,” Azov has billboards and online advertisements offering sarcastically named “courses” in “content making,” “event management” and “cross-fit”.

Azov has, for years, been one of Ukraine’s most outspoken military units, and its servicemen were dubbed “300 Spartans” for their months-long defence of the southern Ukrainian city of Mariupol in early 2022 that ended only when top brass ordered them to surrender.

Some 700 of Azov fighters are still behind bars in Russia, facing torture and starvation, according to swapped servicemen and Ukrainian officials.

They have become the bogeymen of the Kremlin propaganda machine that calls them “neo-Nazis” and claims they “terrorise” civilians and stage their killings to blame Russian “liberators”.

Azov had far-right origins, but the current leadership claims to have cleaned up the brigade, denying any links with “extremist” groups. Al Jazeera is unable to independently verify these claims.

The publicity and halo of martyrdom have raised Azov’s domestic profile.

And what its recruiters offer is a “soldier-centred” approach that takes into account each potential serviceman’s background, shape, medical history and military experience – or lack thereof.

“We are building a system centred around a soldier, because a soldier is not a resource, it’s the basis of the whole system,” a senior Azov recruiter who identified himself by his call sign, Tara, told Al Jazeera in one of Azov’s open spaces in central Kyiv.

The open space is a far cry from average Ukrainian conscription centres usually located in gloom, claustrophobic Soviet-era buildings with drafty corridors and creaky floors.

It has a cafeteria with a menu most hipsters would find palatable, and a shop with trendy T-shirts, hoodies and souvenirs.

“A nation that doesn’t stand up for its heroes kneels before the enemy,” a handwritten sign on a wall reads.

Tara said that aspiring Azov servicemen undergo tests and interviews – and choose a job “with the highest efficiency

“We, for our part, guarantee that [the recruits] will serve in the exact position for which they have been approved.”

All of Azov’s recruiters are battle-tested servicemen, said Tara, who volunteered to join nascent Azov in 2014.

With a tidy moustache and at the towering height of six feet, five inches (1.95 metres) tall, he took part in Azov’s transformation from ragtag volunteer crews of football fans and nationalists who were instrumental in repelling the onslaught of Russia-backed separatists in southeastern Ukraine, into a primary military unit.

Meanwhile, smaller, less outspoken units can barely find enough recruits to replenish their losses.

“We ask around, we tell friends, we say that we can make sure they get trained properly, but it’s never enough,” Oleh, a senior officer with a military unit stationed in eastern Ukraine, told Al Jazeera.

And some are adamant that Ukraine should introduce a system of compulsory and universal military service.

“All privileges must be cancelled, all men of fighting age should undergo training and be ready for service. Otherwise, we’ll keep on losing ground,” retired Lieutenant-General Ihor Romanenko, former deputy head of Ukraine’s general staff of armed forces, told Al Jazeera.

Maryna Bondarenko, a 51-year-old journalist, has three packed suitcases in her apartment in Poland, hopeful for the return of peace in Ukraine. She fled Kyiv with her son and mother when Russia invaded on February 24, 2022, expecting to be away for just a month or two. Now, four years later, she continues to work in a Ukrainian language newsroom serving over 1.5 million Ukrainians in Poland. Bondarenko recounts many moments of anticipation for returning home, having even packed her belongings multiple times, convinced the war would soon end.

The ongoing war has resulted in Europe’s largest refugee crisis since World War Two, with over 5 million Ukrainians dispersed across Europe, particularly in Central and Eastern regions. Most refugees are women and children due to martial law in Ukraine that prevents military-age men from leaving. Bondarenko expresses a strong desire to reunite with her husband, Andrij Dudko, who works as a drone operator on the front line. However, the harsh conditions in Kyiv, including devastating air strikes and bitter winter, keep her from returning with her child.

In Poland, large Ukrainian communities have formed in cities like Warsaw and Krakow, but this has sometimes led to tensions with local residents over jobs and welfare benefits. Bondarenko wishes to return home but acknowledges that Ukraine will be significantly changed. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy hopes that 70% of Ukrainians abroad will go back after the war, but surveys indicate that many want to stay away, particularly among younger generations. Her 11-year-old son, Danylo, finds it hard to remember life in Ukraine and finds Poland more familiar, though he has faced some hostility at school.

Additionally, Iryna Kushnir and Olga Yermolenko, who were high school friends in Kharkiv, found each other again in Istanbul, where they moved at the start of the war. Kushnir had hoped for a quick return home but remains in Turkey, now married and employed as a teacher at Istanbul University, while she left her 19-year-old daughter Sofia to study in Ukraine. Yermolenko works remotely for Ukrainian clients and stays in touch with her mother who still lives in Kharkiv. Despite her efforts to adapt to life in Turkey, she feels caught between her past and an uncertain future. Both women follow the war closely, with Yermolenko expressing fear when seeing news of missile strikes in Kharkiv and making sure to check on her mother’s safety.

With information from Reuters

Feb. 18 (UPI) — As the Ukraine war nears its fifth year, more than a third of Ukrainian children remain displaced following Russia’s invasion of its neighboring nation.

Russian forces invaded Ukraine on Feb. 24, 2022, which has led to the displacement of 2.59 million Ukrainian children, UNICEF reported on Tuesday.

The number of displaced children includes 791,000 who are still inside Ukraine and nearly 1.8 million who are refugees living outside of the country’s borders. Russian forces also have taken many Ukrainian children and relocated them to Russia.

“Millions of children and families have fled their homes in search of safety, with one in three children remaining displaced four years into this relentless war,” said UNICEF Regional Director for Europe and Central Asia Regina De Dominicis.

“For children in Ukraine, safety is increasingly hard to come by as attacks on civilian areas continue across the country,” De Dominicis said. “In many ways, the war is following these children.”

Many children and their families have been forced to flee their homes several times during the war as Russian forces targeted civilian areas.

A recently published UNICEF survey showed that a third of teen respondents between age 15 and 19 said they moved at least two times due to safety reasons so far during the war.

Bombardments by Russian artillery, attack drones and ballistic missiles have killed or injured more than 3,200 children since the war started.

Each year, the number of dead and injured has increased among Ukraine’s children, according to UNICEF.

“Obligations under international humanitarian law must be upheld, and every possible measure to protect children and the civilian infrastructure they rely on must be taken,” De Dominicis said.

“Every child has the right to grow up in safety, and without exception that right must be respected.”

Many of the support services for the country’s children also have been damaged or destroyed, including more than 1,700 schools and other education facilities, which deprives a third of Ukrainian children from attending school on a full-time basis.

Russian strikes on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure have deprived millions of Ukrainian children and their families of the power needed to heat their homes and water during the country’s extremely cold winters.

Babies and young children are especially vulnerable to harm due to a lack of electrical power, which could lead to hypothermia and respiratory illnesses.

More than 200 medical facilities also have been damaged or destroyed in Ukraine over the past year and many more before then.

The stress of the ongoing war is putting a severe mental strain on Ukraine’s children, who often experience a constant fear of attacks that force them to seek shelter in basements and remain isolated while at home.

About a fourth of Ukrainian youth between age 15 and 19 say they are losing hope for the country’s future.

UNICEF officials said they are working with local and national authorities to support Ukrainian children and provide them and their families with safe water, healthcare, food, educational support, mental health services and similar needs.