Today

Welcome to Bunker Talk. This is a weekend open discussion post for the best commenting crew on the net, in which we can chat about all the stuff that went on this week that we didn’t cover. We can also talk about the stuff we did or whatever else grabs your interest. In other words, it’s an off-topic thread.

The caption to this week’s top shot reads:

Needs no caption.

Also, a reminder:

Prime Directives!

• If you want to talk politics, do so respectfully and know that there’s always somebody that isn’t going to agree with you. 
• If you have political differences, hash it out respectfully, stick to the facts, and no childish name-calling or personal attacks of any kind. If you can’t handle yourself in that manner, then please, discuss virtually anything else.
• No drive-by garbage political memes. No conspiracy theory rants. Links to crackpot sites will be axed, too. Trolling and shitposting will not be tolerated. No obsessive behavior about other users. Just don’t interact with folks you don’t like. 
• Do not be a sucker and feed trolls! That’s as much on you as on them. Use the mute button if you don’t like what you see.  
• So unless you have something of quality to say, know how to treat people with respect, understand that everyone isn’t going to subscribe to your exact same worldview, and have come to terms with the reality that there is no perfect solution when it comes to moderation of a community like this, it’s probably best to just move on. 
• Finally, as always, report offenders, please. This doesn’t mean reporting people who don’t share your political views, but we really need your help in this regard.

The Bunker is open!

US President Donald Trump said on social media that six Democratic lawmakers — all veterans and service members — should be arrested and put to ‘death’ for a video they published urging armed forces members to disobey ‘illegal orders’ from the administration.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said after a call with US Vice President JD Vance that Ukraine agreed to work with the US and Europe towards a peace plan with Russia. Earlier he told the country it faces one of its most difficult moments as it weighs a US proposal that gives major concessions to Russia.

Four new labour codes come into force as India seeks to attract investment and strengthen manufacturing.

India has announced a sweeping set of labour reforms, saying it will implement four long-delayed labour codes that the government says will modernise outdated regulations and extend stronger protections to millions of workers.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi said on X on Friday that the overhaul would provide “a strong foundation for universal social security, minimum and timely payment of wages, safe workplaces and remunerative opportunities”.

He said the changes would spur job creation and lift productivity across the economy.

The labour ministry echoed that message, saying the reforms place “workers, especially women, youth, unorganised, gig and migrant workers, firmly at the centre of labour governance”, with expanded social security and portable entitlements that apply nationwide.

The government says replacing 29 fragmented laws with four unified codes covering wages, industrial relations, social security and occupational safety will simplify compliance and make India more attractive for investment.

Many of India’s existing labour laws date back to the British colonial era and have long been criticised by businesses as complicated, inconsistent and a barrier to scaling up manufacturing, an industry that still accounts for less than 20 percent of India’s nearly $4-trillion gross domestic product (GDP).

The new rules formalise changes approved by parliament in 2020 but stalled for years due to political resistance and pushback from several states and unions.

The reforms introduce significant shifts in how factories operate. Women can now legally work night shifts, firms have greater room to extend working hours, and the threshold for companies requiring prior approval for layoffs has been raised from 100 to 300 workers.

Union opposition

Officials argue this flexibility will encourage employers to expand operations without fear of lengthy bureaucratic delays.

For the first time, the codes also define gig and platform work, offering legal recognition and expanding social protection to a fast-growing segment of the labour force.

Government estimates suggest the gig economy could reach more than 23.5 million workers by 2030, up sharply from about 10 million in 2024/25.

Economists say the changes may initially strain small and informal firms but could strengthen household incomes over time.

“In the short term, they may hurt small, unorganised firms, but in the long run … with minimum wages and increased social security, it could be positive for both working conditions and consumption,” said Devendra Kumar Pant of India Ratings & Research, speaking to the Reuters news agency.

Trade unions, however, remain fiercely opposed. “The labour codes have been implemented despite strong opposition from the trade unions and it will snatch the workers’ rights, including fixed-term jobs and rights available under the earlier labour laws,” said Amarjeet Kaur of the All India Trade Union Congress.

Boko Haram attacked Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) members in the Warabe community in Gwoza Local Government Area, Borno State, North East Nigeria, on Thursday, Nov. 20, at about 10:00 am, killing eight people and leaving three others missing, according to a CJTF member in Warabe. 

“All the members killed are part of the CJTF, except for one,” a local told HumAngle..

Warabe has no permanent military presence, and the CJTF serve as the community’s frontline defence as the Boko Haram crisis continues to endure almost a decade after it started. They had gone out earlier in the day to collect firewood when Boko Haram attacked them.

According to locals, the group arrived on five motorcycles, with about 20 fighters armed with machine guns, while several others advanced on foot. The hunters engaged them in a gunfight, but the militants overpowered them after their ammunition ran out.

After killing the CJTF members, they took their weapons and used the victims’ mobile phones to lure other hunters, pretending to request help. By the time reinforcements arrived, Boko Haram had already withdrawn with the stolen weapons.

Three hunters remain missing and are believed to have been taken. The nearest military base is located in Pulka, approximately 7 kilometres from Warabe, while Gwoza town is situated roughly 15 kilometres away. Residents say the absence of soldiers in Warabe leaves them exposed during such attacks.

HumAngle reported in 2024 how youths in Warabe, with only seven pump-action rifles among them, defended their community when the first attack came, showing a history of resilience despite being under-armed.

The terrain around the town plays a huge role in why attacks persist. The Mandara Mountains stretch across Gwoza and serve as a natural hideout for fighters who move in and out of Nigeria through rugged footpaths that link the area to Cameroon. These mountain corridors give Boko Haram a strategic advantage, allowing them to launch quick raids on villages and vanish before security forces arrive.

Former Israeli military spokesperson Daniel Hagari said Israel has “lost the war on social media,” describing the online space as the most dangerous and complex arena shaping global public opinion, especially among younger generations.

Speaking at the annual conference of the Jewish Federations of North America in Washington, DC, Hagari urged the creation of a powerful new propaganda apparatus modelled on the capabilities and structure of Unit 8200, Israel’s elite cyber intelligence division. He argued that Israel must now fight “a battle of images, videos, and statistics—not lengthy texts.”

Hagari proposed establishing a unit capable of monitoring anti-Israel content across platforms, in real time and in multiple languages, supplying rapid-response messaging and data to government and media outlets. His plan also calls for the systematic creation of fake online identities, automated bot networks, and the use of unofficial bloggers—“preferably mostly young women”—to shape global perceptions.

He warned that the decisive phase of this battle will unfold a decade from now, when students using artificial intelligence tools search for information on the events of October 7 and encounter “two completely contradictory narratives.”

Hagari, a former navy officer who served in sensitive military roles, became Israel’s top military spokesperson in 2023 before being dismissed from the position earlier this year.

READ: Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait condemn Israeli prime minister’s tour in occupied Syrian territory

Nearly a month after an MH-60R Seahawk helicopter and an F/A-18F Super Hornet from the aircraft carrier USS Nimitz crashed somewhere in the South China Sea, recovery efforts are underway, the Navy told TWZ. The two aircraft suffered mishaps within a half-hour of each other on Oct. 26 that President Donald Trump suggested could have been caused by “bad gas.” The exact cause of the crashes remains unclear.

“USNS Salvor (T-ARS 52), a Safeguard class salvage ship operated by Military Sealift Command, is on-scene conducting operations in support of the recovery efforts,” CMDR Matthew Comer, a 7th Fleet spokesman, said on Thursday. He provided no further details about the Salvor’s location, whether either or both aircraft have been located, or a timeline for recovery. In an email on Nov. 14, Comer told us that the “U.S. Navy has begun mobilizing units that will be used to verify the site and recover” the aircraft.

According to the MarineTraffic.com ship tracking site, the most recent position of the Salvor, dating back to Nov. 9, was just east of the Philippines island of Palawan in the South China Sea. MarineTraffic reports that the vessel left the Philippines on Nov. 8 bound for Guam, but it isn’t clear what its location is at the moment.

Given the tense and contested nature of the South China Sea and its proximity to China, there is likely a level of urgency to this operation to ensure these aircraft, or components from them, don’t fall into the hands of the Chinese. Beijing has a massive amount of assets in the region, and plenty that can handle some kind of recovery effort. The depths in the South China Sea are not that deep, either, making recovery operations easier. Like the U.S., China has foreign materiel exploitation, or FME, programs aimed at recovering weaponry for intelligence analysis and developmental purposes.

As we have written in the past about a Super Hornet recovery effort after one was blown off the deck of the supercarrier USS Harry S. Truman in 2022: “The F/A-18E is also filled with sensitive components, such as its AN/APG-79 active electronically-scanned radar, electronic warfare suite, identification friend-or-foe gear, and communications and data-sharing systems, as well as the software that runs them all. The Navy’s existing F/A-18E/F fleet has been in the process of receiving significant upgrades in recent years, too, as the service plans to continue operating these jets as core components of its carrier air wings for years to come.”

MH-60Rs are the Navy’s rotary-wing submarine hunter and are loaded with sensitive sensors, countermeasures, communications, computers and more that would be of high interest to a foreign adversary, and especially America’s chief naval competitor, China.

For all these reasons, the Navy dispatched the Salvor. It was purpose-built to conduct salvage, diving, towing, off-shore firefighting, heavy lift operations and theater security cooperation missions. According to a U.S. Navy document, it is equipped with: “a 7.5-ton capacity boom forward and a 40-ton capacity boom aft. A dynamic 150 ton lift is possible over the main bow or stern rollers using deck machinery and purchase tackle or hydraulic pullers. She can make a dynamic lift of 300 tons using the main blow rollers and stern rollers in unison.”

For diving operations, “the MK 12 and MK 1 diving systems provide Salvor divers the capability of air diving to depths of 190 feet. The divers descend to depth on a diving stage lowered by a powered davit. There is a hyperbaric chamber aboard for diver recompression following a dive or for the treatment of divers suffering from decompression sickness. For shallow underwater inspections, searches, and other tasks which require mobility, there is a full complement of SCUBA equipment on board.”

During a 2018 mission to recover aircraft shot down in 1944 near Ngerekebesang Island, Republic of Palau, the ship’s master offered some insights into its capabilities.

“The biggest advantage the Navy has with us on the Salvor is that we are standing by for them with a decompression chamber on board for divers, and we have heavy-lift capability,” Capt. Mike Flanagan, a civilian mariner and master of USNS Salvor, said at the time. “It’s just a robust ship. With our 40-ton-lift crane we can bring large and heavy objects off the bottom of the ocean.”

For perspective, Super Hornets have a maximum takeoff weight of 33 tons, according to the Navy. The Seahawks can weigh up to 11.5 tons.

Given its design, the Salvor has taken part in numerous recovery efforts, including the one after the December 2023 crash of a CV-22 Osprey off the coast of Japan last November, which killed eight crew.

As we reported at the time, the aircraft from the Nimitz crashed within a half-hour of each other on Oct. 26 as the carrier was operating somewhere in the South China Sea. The helicopter went down first at about 2:41 p.m. local time. All three crew were recovered.

Both Super Hornet crew ejected and were safely recovered when that aircraft crashed.

As we noted earlier in this story, the day after the crashes, Trump said that “bad gas” could have been to blame. Navy officials confirmed to us that they believed there was no “nefarious” cause to the crash. Last week, the Navy told us the cause is still being investigated. You can read more about the fuel issues in our initial coverage here.

The Nimitz was last spotted Nov. 18 in the San Bernardino Strait separating the Bicol Peninsula of Luzon to the north from the island of Samar to the south, according to open source investigator MT Anderson’s post on X. That’s about 420 miles east of where the Salvor was last seen. 

Last week, the Nimitz took part in a Multilateral Maritime Cooperative Activity with Japanese and Philippine vessels to demonstrate “growing regional unity and cooperation,” the Philippine military said, according to Newsweek.

That exercise sparked a warning from China.

“We solemnly urge the Philippine side to immediately stop provoking incidents and escalating tensions,” said the Southern Theater Command of the People’s Liberation Army, which oversees Chinese military operations in the South China Sea, on Sunday.

It is unknown how long it will take to recover (or demolish) these aircraft or whether the operation will even succeed. The Navy has promised to keep us apprised of its efforts. We will update this story with any significant developments.

Contact the author: [email protected]

The impact of Machine Learning (ML) on the global Foreign Exchange (Forex) is growing day by day. This results in a profound transformation of the algorithmic landscape, leading to a decrease in the dominance of human intuition, quantitative models, and macroeconomic analysis. These changes impact the growth of market efficiency, shift risk management patterns, and affect the very nature of global currency flow.

The ML-Driven Revolution in Forex Trading

Machine Learning, as an essential subset of Artificial Intelligence (AI), helps computer systems learn from extended datasets, identify sophisticated models, and make predictions without any pre-programmed patterns. Human traders simply cannot match the edge ML provides because the very environment of the currency market is getting faster and more data-rich.

Enhancing Predictive Analysis

ML models process vast volumes of market data pretty successfully. Their performance ranges from simple tick-by-tick price movements and trading volumes to social media responses and global news feeds. That is why forecasting with unprecedented accuracy becomes a reality. All this deals with the following:

1. Real-time data synthesis. The algorithms analyze time-series data, learn from historical market volatility, and immediately adapt to new information. Recurrent Neural Networks (RNNs) and Long Short-Term Memory (LSTM) are especially efficient for that.
2. Sentiment analysis. ML systems use Natural Language Processing (NLP). That allows them to scan thousands of new articles, economic reports, and political statements. Therefore, they never miss leading indicators based on market sentiment towards a specific currency.
3. Pattern recognition. ML can detect and observe subtle, non-linear relationships between disparate currency pairs and timeframes. In that way, they analyze all possible opportunities. 

Automation and Execution Speed

The most obvious impact of ML is observed in spreading algorithmic trading. Trades executed by automated systems are based on ML-driven insights. So, they are speedy, precise, and independent of human emotional bias.

Such automation is clearly observed in Expert Advisors (EAs), or trading bots. They can operate autonomously on various platforms, for example, on MetaTrader. The industry needs and is continuously introducing new top-rated Forex EAs. Their algorithms have already demonstrated perfect performance and resilience. These ML-powered EAs can manage such strategies as:

• High-Frequency Trading (HFT), processing thousands of trades per second;
• Adaptable trend following, used for adjusting stop-loss and take-profit levels to the shifts in real-time market schedules;
• Risk mitigation strategies, implemented through changes in hedging positions and reducing leverage according to predicted spikes in volatility.

Strategic Implications for Global Finance

ML integration into the Forex environment has far-reaching consequences. It affects international capital flows and requires enhanced risk management for financial institutions and states.

Redefining Currency Risk Management

ML provides high-quality tools for hedging and managing currency exposure. It is vital for multinational corporations and central banks. The significantly improved forecasting accuracy is crucial for optimizing forward contract planning and international payment strategies.

ML models can ensure dynamic hedging by continuous reassessment of risk-return profiles. They are capable of recommending dynamic adjustments to hedging ratios due to changing geopolitical or economic situations.

Moreover, advanced AI models can detect unusual trading patterns. That can diminish market abuse, like front-running or spoofing, much faster than conventional surveillance systems can. So, market integrity becomes better managed and more sustainable.

Geopolitical and Regulatory Challenges

So, we have examined the obvious benefits of the strategic deployment of ML. However, what about drawbacks? There are certain challenges here that require regulatory foresight and diplomatic engagement. They involve the following:

1. Algorithmic bias. An ML model may be trained on biased or incomplete historical data. That can cause systemic flaws and market instabilities, especially during unforeseen global events.
2. Concentration of power. Large hedge funds and financial institutions can concentrate large power in their hands. That may happen because the resources needed to develop, deploy, and maintain advanced ML infrastructure are hardly available beyond their authority. The need for specialized hardware and proprietary datasets may result in a systemic risk to market decentralization.
3. Need for explainability. All regulators require transparency. Complex neural networks cannot provide that due to their ‘black box’ nature. It creates a compliance hurdle that must be overcome with the help of explainable AI (XAI) frameworks.

Conclusion: A New Era of Algorithmic Diplomacy

We need to understand and accept that Machine Learning is not an additional helping tool but a superior new operating system for global currency exchange. It strategically impacts everything related to international trading. Its ability to extract the most actionable intelligence from gigantic data volumes can result in hyper-efficient, instantaneous, and emotionless trade operations.

The rise of complex algorithmic systems, including top-rated Forex EAs, requires a new form of ‘algorithmic diplomacy.’ That is why global financial institutions and regulators must keep in touch, and their collaboration should be aimed at ethical frameworks and technical standards development. That can help them enhance the stability, transparency, and fairness of the international trading market for the benefit of the entire global economy.

EXPLAINER

At least five people killed in deadly earthquake close to the capital city Dhaka on Friday.

A powerful earthquake shook Bangladesh close to the capital city, Dhaka, on Friday, killing at least five people and injuring many others, the government said.

Here is what we know so far.

What happened?

An earthquake of magnitude 5.5 hit Bangladesh at 10:38am (04:38 GMT), the US Geological Survey (USGS) said. The shaking lasted for 26 seconds.

Dhaka resident Shadman Sakif Islam told Al Jazeera that “small ripples” he noticed in his coffee were followed by a “massive shake that started occurring without any warning” as the earthquake took hold.

“My chair and the table started shaking wildly, and I was stuck there 10-15 seconds without processing what was going on,” he added.

“I never felt anything like this in my whole life … I felt like riding on a boat, riding massive waves one after another,” he added.

Where in Bangladesh did the earthquake hit?

The tremor was felt near the city of Narsingdi, which is 33km (16 miles) from Dhaka. Many buildings in Dhaka sustained damage from the resulting quake.

The epicentre was in Narsingdi’s Madhabdi district, according to the Bangladesh Meteorological Department.

The tremors were felt as far away as in the neighbouring Indian city of Kolkata, more than 325km (about 200 miles)  from the epicentre. No casualties have been reported there.

Narsingdi is famous for its textile craft and garment industry.

What do we know about the casualties?

According to government figures, at least five people have been killed and roughly 100 people have been injured.

Local media has reported higher death toll figures, but these have not been confirmed.

On Friday, Dhaka-based DBC Television reported that at least six people had died in the capital – three when a building roof and wall collapsed and three pedestrians who were struck by falling railings.

Are earthquakes common in Bangladesh?

Earthquakes do not take place in Bangladesh very frequently, despite the country being close to the boundaries of the Indian, Eurasian and Burmese tectonic plates and thus, seismically vulnerable.

In 2023, an earthquake of magnitude 5.8 struck near Sylhet in northeastern Bangladesh, according to the German Research Center for Geosciences (GFZ). There were no reports of casualties or major damage from the quake.

In 2021, a magnitude-6.1 earthquake hit the border between India and Myanmar. Tremors were felt in Bangladesh’s Chittagong and Cox’s Bazar. There were no confirmed deaths in Bangladesh.

Magnitudes are based on a logarithmic scale, meaning for each whole-number increase on the scale, the magnitude is increased by a factor of 10.

Al Jazeera’s Tanvir Chowdhury, reporting from Dhaka, said, “It was one of the biggest earthquakes in recent history and was very close to the capital city. The entire city was in panic. Social media videos have shown buildings shaking.”

The United States has revealed all 28 points of its proposal to end the Russia-Ukraine war to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. The plan, which has been heavily criticised as far too favourable to Russia by many observers, is in its draft stage and has yet to be made public. However, a Ukrainian official is understood to have provided the details to international media.

Here is a closer look at the points and the significance of this plan.

What are the 28 points of Trump’s proposal for Ukraine?

1. Ukraine’s sovereignty will be confirmed.

2. A comprehensive, non-aggression agreement will be concluded between Russia, Ukraine and Europe. All ambiguities of the last 30 years will be considered settled.

3. It is expected that Russia will not invade neighbouring countries and NATO will not expand further.

4. A dialogue will be held between Russia and NATO, mediated by the US, to resolve all security issues and create conditions for de-escalation to ensure global security and increase opportunities for cooperation and future economic development.

5. Ukraine will receive reliable security guarantees.

6. The size of the Armed Forces of Ukraine will be limited to 600,000 personnel.

7. Ukraine agrees to enshrine in its constitution that it will not join NATO, and NATO agrees to include in its statutes a provision that Ukraine will not be admitted in the future.

8. NATO agrees not to station troops in Ukraine.

9. European fighter jets will be stationed in Poland.

10. The US security guarantee will have the following caveats:

• The US will receive compensation for the guarantee;
• If Ukraine invades Russia, it will lose the guarantee;
• If Russia invades Ukraine, in addition to a decisive coordinated military response, all global sanctions will be reinstated, recognition of the new territory and all other benefits of this deal will be revoked;
• If Ukraine launches a missile at Moscow or Saint Petersburg without cause, the security guarantee will be deemed invalid.

11. Ukraine is eligible for European Union (EU) membership and will receive short-term preferential access to the EU market while this issue is being considered.

12. A powerful global package of measures will be provided to rebuild Ukraine, including but not limited to:

• The creation of a Ukraine Development Fund to invest in fast-growing industries, including technology, data centres and artificial intelligence.
• The US will cooperate with Ukraine to jointly rebuild, develop, modernise and operate Ukraine’s gas infrastructure, including pipelines and storage facilities.
• Joint efforts to rehabilitate war-affected areas for the restoration, reconstruction and modernisation of cities and residential areas.
• Infrastructure development.
• Extraction of minerals and natural resources.
• The World Bank will develop a special financing package to accelerate these efforts.

13. Russia will be reintegrated into the global economy:

• The lifting of sanctions will be discussed and agreed upon in stages and on a case-by-case basis.
• The US will enter into a long-term economic cooperation agreement for mutual development in the areas of energy, natural resources, infrastructure, artificial intelligence, data centres, rare earth metal extraction projects in the Arctic, and other mutually beneficial corporate opportunities.
• Russia will be invited to rejoin the G8.

14. Frozen funds will be used as follows:

• $100bn in frozen Russian assets will be invested in US-led efforts to rebuild and invest in Ukraine;
• The US will receive 50 percent of the profits from this venture. Europe will add $100bn to increase the amount of investment available for Ukraine’s reconstruction. Frozen European funds will be unfrozen. The remainder of the frozen Russian funds will be invested in a separate US-Russian investment vehicle that will implement joint projects in specific areas. This fund will be aimed at strengthening relations and increasing common interests to create a strong incentive not to return to conflict.

15. A joint American-Russian working group on security issues will be established to promote and ensure compliance with all provisions of this agreement.

16. Russia will enshrine in law its policy of non-aggression towards Europe and Ukraine.

17. The US and Russia will agree to extend the validity of treaties on the non-proliferation and control of nuclear weapons, including the START I Treaty.

18. Ukraine agrees to be a non-nuclear state in accordance with the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT).

19. The Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant will be launched under the supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), and the electricity produced will be distributed equally between Russia and Ukraine, 50:50.

20. Both countries undertake to implement educational programmes in schools and society aimed at promoting understanding and tolerance of different cultures and eliminating racism and prejudice:

• Ukraine will adopt EU rules on religious tolerance and the protection of linguistic minorities.
• Both countries will agree to abolish all discriminatory measures and guarantee the rights of Ukrainian and Russian media and education.
• All Nazi ideology and activities must be rejected and prohibited.

21. Territories:

• Crimea, Luhansk and Donetsk will be recognised as de facto Russian, including by the US.
• Kherson and Zaporizhia will be frozen along the line of contact, which will mean de facto recognition along the line of contact.
• Russia will relinquish other agreed territories it controls outside the five regions.
• Ukrainian forces will withdraw from the part of Donetsk oblast that they currently control, and this withdrawal zone will be considered a neutral demilitarised buffer zone, internationally recognised as territory belonging to the Russian Federation. Russian forces will not enter this demilitarised zone.

22. After agreeing on future territorial arrangements, both the Russian Federation and Ukraine undertake not to change these arrangements by force. Any security guarantees will not apply in the event of a breach of this commitment.

23. Russia will not prevent Ukraine from using the Dnipro River for commercial activities, and agreements will be reached on the free transport of grain across the Black Sea.

24. A humanitarian committee will be established to resolve outstanding issues:

• All remaining prisoners and bodies will be exchanged on an “all for all” basis.
• All civilian detainees and hostages will be returned, including children.
• A family reunification programme will be implemented.
• Measures will be taken to alleviate the suffering of the victims of the conflict.

25. Ukraine will hold elections in 100 days.

26. All parties involved in this conflict will receive full amnesty for their actions during the war and agree not to make any claims or consider any complaints in the future.

27. This agreement will be legally binding. Its implementation will be monitored and guaranteed by the Peace Council, headed by President Donald J Trump. Sanctions will be imposed for violations.

28. Once all parties agree to this memorandum, the ceasefire will take effect immediately after both sides retreat to the agreed points to begin implementation of the agreement.

How has Ukraine reacted to these proposals?

Zelenskyy met with US Army officials in Kyiv on Thursday to discuss the proposals, which have been drawn up by US and Russian officials without any input from Ukraine or its European allies.

After the meeting, Zelenskyy said in an address: “The American side presented points of a plan to end the war – their vision. I outlined our key principles. We agreed that our teams will work on the points to ensure it’s all genuine.”

Zelenskyy added, “From the first days of the war, we have upheld one very simple position: Ukraine needs peace. A real peace – one that will not be broken by a third invasion. A dignified peace – with terms that respect our independence, our sovereignty and the dignity of the Ukrainian people.”

The Ukrainian president said that he will now discuss the proposals with Ukraine’s European allies.

Does this mean Ukraine and its allies will accept the proposal?

No.

“Zelenskyy had a nuanced response – he said ‘We will work on it’,” Keir Giles, a Eurasia expert at the London political think tank Chatham House, told Al Jazeera.

However, he added that agreeing to the terms of the plan in its current form would be “catastrophic” for Ukraine because of the heavy concessions Kyiv is being asked to make.

While European leaders have not reacted to the 28-point plan, they have indicated that they would not accept a plan that requires Ukraine to make such concessions.

“Ukrainians want peace – a just peace that respects everyone’s sovereignty, a durable peace that can’t be called into question by future aggression,” said French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot. “But peace cannot be a capitulation.”

For now, Ukraine’s allies are not commenting. European Council President Antonio Costa said that the EU has not yet been officially informed about the US plan, so “it makes no sense to comment” on it.

More reactions from Europe might come starting from Saturday, when Costa and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen will speak at the G20 summit.

“A 28-point plan was made public. We will discuss the situation both with European leaders and with leaders here on the sidelines of the G20,” von der Leyen said, according to UK media.

What are Russia and the US saying about this plan now?

The US has not made details of the plan public, and officials from Washington have not commented on it.

Russia has denied that there have been formal consultations between the US and Russia on a peace plan.

“Consultations are not currently under way. There are contacts, of course, but there is no process that could be called consultations,” Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said.

Meanwhile, Hungarian PM and close Trump ally Viktor Orban seemed to back the plan on Friday.

In an X post, Orban wrote that Trump’s plan had “gained new momentum”.

“The American President is a persistent maverick. If he had been President at the time, the war would never have broken out. It is clear that once he sets his mind on something, he does not let it go, and he has certainly set his mind on ending the Russian-Ukrainian war,” Orban wrote.

President @realDonaldTrump‘s peace initiative has gained new momentum. A 28-point peace plan is on the table, an American negotiating delegation is in Kyiv, and expectations are high worldwide. The American President is a persistent maverick. If he had been President at the time,… pic.twitter.com/J2cagATvc5

— Orbán Viktor (@PM_ViktorOrban) November 21, 2025

What do analysts say about these proposals?

Experts said the terms of the 28-point plan and how they would be implemented are far from clear.

“The terms are unenforceable, nonsensical and vague that they cannot be enforced without months of wrangling,” Giles said.

For instance, he said, point 9 states that European fighter jets will be stationed in Poland. However, it is unclear what “European” or “fighter jets” mean.

Giles said “European” could mean the European Union or European countries. “‘Fighter jets’ is a militarily meaningless term, which provides plenty of room for argument,” he added.

How would the US be ‘compensated’ for security guarantees?

It is unclear what security guarantees the US is offering Ukraine. Further details of these have not been released.

Point 10 states that the “US will receive compensation for the guarantee”. While it is unclear what the specific compensation would be, experts suggest that point 14 may shed some light on this.

Point 14 of the plan states that $100bn in frozen Russian assets plus $100bn from Europe would be used for Ukraine’s reconstruction.

The plan further states that the US will receive 50 percent of the profits from the reconstruction of Ukraine. It is not specified how these profits would be generated.

The plan also states that remaining Russian funds would go into a joint US-Russia investment vehicle for projects to build ties and deter future conflict, again with little detail.

Giles said this likely refers to about $300bn in Russian Central Bank assets, which have been frozen by the US and European countries since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

In October this year, EU leaders suggested a “reparations plan” under which it would use frozen Russian assets to lend Ukraine $164bn to buy European weapons, and for reconstruction.

Giles said that the point about Russian frozen assets was likely deliberately added by negotiators from Moscow because “Russia has already written off frozen assets abroad, and now is dangling that as a carrot in front of the US”.

Giles added that, according to earlier plans, however, “those funds were supposed to rebuild Ukraine”.

However, now we don’t know whether the reconstruction will be of a “free Ukraine or Russian efforts of Russification in occupied Ukraine”, he said.

Would the proposal give Russia amnesty for war crimes?

Point 26 of the plan states that all parties involved in the conflict will receive “full amnesty for their actions during the war”.

In March 2023, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued an arrest warrant for Russian President Vladimir Putin over the illegal deportation of children from Ukraine to Russia.

The US cannot unilaterally grant amnesty to an individual convicted of war crimes by an international organisation.

“Writing off the war, pretending it never happened, rolling back sanctions and ignoring war crimes is just one of the elements of this draft list where the US is assuming the cooperation of the rest of the world,” Giles said.

He added that a large number of countries across the world strongly believe in international law, and are likely to push back on this point.

“If a negotiation like this were to be enforced, then it is the US endorsing the seizure of territory through open arms aggression, and it will be encouragement to other aggressors around the world that they have the US blessing,” Giles warned.

What territory would Ukraine have to concede?

The plan says that Crimea, Luhansk and Donetsk would be considered Russian territory.

Donetsk and Luhansk are collectively called the Donbas region.

Crimea was seized by Russia from Ukraine in 2014 and remains a matter of dispute.

According to the Institute for the Study of War, overall, Ukraine still controls 14.5 percent of the territory in the Donbas, including parts of Donetsk around the cities of Sloviansk and Kramatorsk.

Russia also controls 75 percent of Zaporizhia and Kherson in southern Ukraine, bordering the Black Sea. The plan says that the current battle lines will be frozen in these regions.

How would Russia be brought back into the international fold?

Parts of the proposal aim to bring Russia out of the isolation imposed on it by the Western world since it started the Ukraine war.

Point 12 states that Russia will be invited to rejoin the G8.

The G8 – currently the G7 – was an unofficial forum for the leaders of eight major industrialised nations: Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia, the United Kingdom and the US.

Russia was part of the G8 but was ejected following the annexation of Crimea in 2014.

The plan also mentions the establishment of a US-Russian investment vehicle that would implement joint projects in specific areas. However, further details about this have not been revealed.

The plan also mentions the formation of a joint US-Russian working group on security issues to ensure compliance with the plan.

Will the proposal end the war in Ukraine?

Analysts are doubtful. “This agreement is not going anywhere – similar to the previous ones,” Giles said.

He called it “another iteration of the merry-go-round that we’ve been on many times before”.

He said he believes the plan will receive pushback from Ukraine and Europe, which will want to negotiate changes.

A 1940 self-portrait titled ‘The dream’ by famed Mexican artist Frida Kahlo has sold for $54.7m, making it the most expensive work by a female artist to sell at auction.

Nigeria remains one of the most dangerous countries in the world for students.

Being a student in Nigeria is like life on the shifting sand. One of the victims of the famous Chibok abduction of 2014, Amina Ali, still recalls that shift: “One minute we were students, the next we were running, unsure of where safety was. What stays with me most is the fear in everyone’s eyes … that feeling that life had just taken a turn I could never prepare for.”

A decade after Amina and 275 other schoolgirls were abducted from their hostels in the country’s North East, sparking the global #BringBackOurGirls campaign, the violence that began as an extremist campaign against Western education has transformed into a multi-million-naira kidnapping industry affecting both public and private schools.

This tragic pattern repeated itself in Kebbi State on Monday, Nov. 17, where terrorists abducted at least 25 students of Government Girls’ Comprehensive Secondary School in Maga, Danko/Wasagu Local Government Area. The school’s Security Master, Hassan Yakubu, and Aliyu Shehu, a night watchguard, were killed in the attack. One of the students escaped during the abduction. 

The Chief of Army Staff has since directed troops to intensify rescue efforts — a move that highlights, yet again, how overstretched security forces currently are in responding to the surge in school-targeted abductions and other forms of criminality.

But even as the search continues, the wider picture remains grim. A HumAngle review of verified media reports and investigations by human rights organisations shows that at least 1,880 students have been abducted or killed across Nigeria between 2014 and 2025.

These attacks have devastated communities across the country, especially in the North, and symbolise the collapse of security in spaces that should nurture the country’s future. From the ideological terror of Boko Haram in Yobe and Borno to the ransom-driven criminality of terrorist groups in Zamfara, Kaduna, and Niger, schools have become soft targets in a nation that has failed to learn from each tragedy.

The forgotten beginning 

Yet before the Chibok abduction shocked the world, there was Buni Yadi — a quiet town in Yobe State that witnessed one of the most gruesome assaults on education in Nigeria’s recent history. On the night of February 25, 2014, Boko Haram stormed the Federal Government College, Buni Yadi, killing 29 male students as they slept.

HumAngle’s earlier reporting reconstructed the night through survivor accounts: dormitories set ablaze, gunmen shouting “Allahu Akbar”, and teenagers trapped in locked hostels consumed by fire and bullets. 

It was a deliberate massacre — not for ransom, not for negotiation — but to send a message that “Western education is forbidden”. The world barely noticed. Two months later, Boko Haram struck again, this time abducting 276 schoolgirls from Chibok.

Buni Yadi, therefore, stands as the forgotten beginning of Nigeria’s school-terror era — an early signal of what would follow when ideological war met state neglect. One of the boys who survived, Mohammed Ibrahim, would eventually graduate from Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University in Bauchi State. His journey underscores how survival is not an end but the start of a long struggle to reclaim education and self. Mohammed did not have an easy time going back to school after his experience of the massacre. 

“Honestly, after the incidents, I hated school,” he said. “Many things contributed to the attack. Firstly, there was a lack of security. Before the incident, there was no single security personnel in the area; they said they would provide, but none were around. They took away the ones operating in the area; people were saying that it means there was no safety since they took away the security personnel in the area.”

From ideology to industry

Six years after the Buni Yadi and Chibok incident, armed groups and terrorists in Nigeria’s North West realised that abducting students brought instant ransom, political leverage, and media attention. What began as religious fundamentalism had by then morphed into an extortionist criminal enterprise.

In December 2020, the first large-scale operation of this kind happened at Government Science Secondary School Kankara, where 344 boys were abducted from their school dormitories by terrorists. Within days, video footage surfaced showing the terrified boys surrounded by their abductors, who pledged allegiance to Boko Haram — a claim later linked to a loosely affiliated terrorist faction.

That single event inspired copycat kidnappings across the region: Jangebe (Zamfara, 2021), Kagara (Niger, 2021), Tegina (Niger, 2021), and Birnin Yauri (Kebbi, 2021).

In Birnin Yauri, the day began like any other exam morning. Rebecca James, one of the abducted students, said she was 30 minutes into writing her paper for the day, Financial Accounting, when the first sounds came — distant gunshots, shouts, and the sudden rush of feet. “I was confused because it sounded strange,” she recalled.

As the students scrambled for safety, Rebecca tried to find her sisters in the chaos, but a teacher ordered everyone back into the hall so they could be “in one place”. The gunshots, however, grew closer, and students hid in the side rooms until the main door was forced open. “They continued shooting guns — ceilings, everywhere — helter-skelter,” she said. The terrorists kicked down doors, dragged terrified students from hiding, and fired into windows, injuring at least one student in the leg before marching a group towards the gate and loading them into a white car. “Last last, we were kidnapped,” she summed up.

Unlike the ideological attacks of Boko Haram, many of these more recent operations are driven by ransom and carried out by local militia networks with deep knowledge of their terrain and communities. Yet for the children at the centre, the distinction between ideology and crass greed is irrelevant; in both cases, the classroom becomes a trap. And this trap is often sprung most brutally on girls.

Girls as primary targets

In school abduction incidents where gender data is available, girls accounted for nearly two-thirds of all abducted students. This imbalance stems mainly from the targeting of all-female schools — a pattern rooted in both ideological and exploitative motives. Key examples include:

• Chibok (2014) – 276 girls abducted by Boko Haram; 98 remain unaccounted for.
• Dapchi (2018) – 110 girls taken, Leah Sharibu remains in captivity.
• Jangebe (2021) – 279 girls kidnapped, later released after government negotiation.

For girls like Rebecca, gender was explicitly weaponised. During her captivity, she remembers being told that their abductors would hold onto the girls because they were “more important than the male” — more valuable for ransom and more painful for families to lose. “They were saying we are the female ones … they said that the female ones, if they stayed long in a place, parents will feel more,” she said. 

Rebecca and other girls were also forcefully married off during captivity. They suffered repeated sexual abuse that led to some of them, one as young as 14, getting pregnant and giving birth. Even after their release, the terror group reached out, wanting the babies returned to them.

In contrast, the Kankara and Birnin Yauri abductions targeted boys’ or mixed schools, indicating that while both genders are vulnerable, female students face compounded risks — sexual violence, forced marriage, and sex trafficking.

The gendered nature of these attacks has left deep scars on communities, where parents now weigh the risks of educating daughters against the supposed safety of keeping them at home. 

For some survivors, the experience has hardened their resolve to fight back through education itself. Rebecca, who was once an accounting student, has switched to the arts with a clear goal: “I changed … just to study law,” she explained, adding that it will enable her to defend the vulnerable, especially girls. 

Geographical spread and shifting threats

In 2014, attacks on schools were primarily confined to the North East — Borno and Yobe — under the shadow of Boko Haram. By 2020, they had shifted westward to the North West and North Central regions, reflecting the fragmentation of armed groups and the spread of insecurity.

This expansion reshaped the threat landscape:

• North East (Boko Haram and ISWAP): Attacks driven by ideology, targeting state education systems and female students.
• North West (terrorists and armed groups): Abductions motivated by ransom, tribal vendettas, and power projection.
• North Central, especially in Niger and Kaduna: Mixed motives — ransom, political signalling, and territorial assertion.

This diffusion of violence has complicated response strategies. Each zone now faces a different kind of threat, with varying ideological, economic, and criminal drivers — all converging on the same target: students. 

For many pupils in rural areas, this unpredictability shapes daily life, as rumours of an impending attack now spread as fast as exam timetables. 

“Anytime students hear about terrorists, they should not doubt whether they are coming or not,” Rebecca advised. “They should immediately leave such areas and go back to their homes for safety, not waiting until they see the terrorists  with their own eyes.”

The human cost

Every figure in the tally masks a story of trauma. Survivors of Buni Yadi, Chibok, Dapchi, Birnin Yauri, and Kuriga describe recurring nightmares, social stigma, and broken dreams. For some, school can no longer be taken for granted. 

“Education used to feel simple — just books, teachers, friends,” Amina said. “But, after the attack, I now see my future as something I must fight for … I want to prove that what happened will not destroy the dreams I still carry inside me.”

Rebecca echoes that determination, but channels it into a specific ambition. Her anger is directed at what she sees as terrorists who wield more firepower than the state. “These terrorists have guns more powerful than military personnel here in Nigeria, which makes it the government’s fault,” she said. Her response was to lean harder into school, not away from it: “The incident made me more eager to read and learn about my country.”

Many who returned found their schools destroyed or abandoned. Some struggle with reintegration, unable to sit in classrooms without flashbacks. Others, particularly girls who bore children in captivity, face rejection from their families and communities.

Hafsat Bello, a counsellor working with young students in northern Nigeria, said: “The school, which was once seen as a means to a brighter future, is now viewed to be the most dangerous place for students. Children with dreams so beautiful now fear the very garden where their dreams would bloom. The biggest gap is that the Safe Schools Initiative is still largely theoretical in many communities. Policies exist on paper, but implementation is weak and inconsistent.”

In many of these communities, enrolment has dropped dramatically. UNICEF estimates that over 10.5 million Nigerian children are out of school, with the majority concentrated in the North, where insecurity is a leading driver. 

In 2014, the Safe Schools Initiative (SSI) was launched to prevent the collapse of schools. More than $20 million was pledged by donors and had all been received as of 2o20. The initiative was managed through the Nigeria Safe Schools Initiative Multi-Donor Trust Fund, which was overseen by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) for contributions, disbursements, and project implementation.

The funds were used for various projects, including the construction of fences, classrooms, and the provision of emergency communication tools. 

However, the implementation of these projects was uneven. While some urban and semi-urban schools benefited, many rural schools still lacked basic safety infrastructure, according to a 2021 report by the National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies (NILDS) and the Development Research and Projects Centre (dRPC). 

The report noted that many schools were still without perimeter fencing, trained guards, and emergency response systems. A steering committee, which included representatives from both donor organisations and the government, audited the SSI project to determine its efficacy. Although financial statements were made available, the NILDS-dRPC report revealed notable deficiencies in monitoring and accountability. The report shows that many projects did not undergo independent audits and that there was a lack of transparency regarding the allocation of funds at the state and local levels. 

“For this initiative to truly work, every school must have real physical protection, early-warning and rapid-alert systems, continuous emergency-response training, and a transparent accountability system that tracks how safety funds are used,” said Hafsat.

For Nura Suleiman, the Vice Principal (Academic) at Government Girls Secondary School (GGSS) Jangebe, Zamfara State, the scars of abduction and violence against schoolchildren are beyond emotional trauma, as it has dampened the morale of pupils towards education.

“From my experience, abduction and attacks affected students’ willingness to return to classrooms negatively,” Suleiman told HumAngle. “Especially in the rural northern communities where most of the students ran out of the school.”

The 2021 mass abduction of schoolgirls from Jangebe remains a haunting reminder of the vulnerability of Nigeria’s educational institutions. Despite the launch of the Safe Schools Initiative, Suleman believes the gaps remain vivid due to poor implementation.

“The practical steps which could make schools genuinely safer are to stop insurgency in the country by any means,” he said. “I mean either by fighting or negotiation.”

Suleiman emphasised that school safety encompasses more than just physical infrastructure. He explained that proper safety can only be achieved when students, teachers, and communities feel secure in their environment. 

The principal noted that his school has made efforts to boost students’ morale and encourage their return to the classrooms. In collaboration with the NEEM Foundation, a leading crisis response organisation working with individuals and communities affected by violence, GGSS Jangebe’s Guidance and Counselling department provides mental health support to students who have survived abduction. 

Yet the Jangebe experience also underscores a broader pattern: the support offered to survivors varies sharply from one case to another, leaving many children without the continuity of care they need.

Uneven support, unequal recovery

What happens after rescue reflects this inconsistency. For some, like Rebecca, there has been a rare attempt at comprehensive care.

On her return from captivity, she and other released students were taken to the hospital for medical treatment and meals, then eventually placed in placements in what she calls “the best and most expensive school in Nigeria”. She describes feeling “special every day because of what they have done for us,” noting that the authorities provide a pocketful of stuff and check in on their health.

Crucially, she says, they were encouraged to believe it was not too late to restart school after two lost years. Counsellors and guardians stressed that “age is just a number” and that education remained open to them if they chose it. She repeatedly cites the role of a mentor she calls ‘Brother Celine’, who helped them return to the classroom. “I cannot stop thanking the government for everything they have done for us,” she said.

Amina’s post-rescue experience tells a different story. For her, life after returning has been, in her words, “a mix of hope and struggle”. Some organisations offered counselling, tuition, or basic supplies, but she and many other Chibok survivors still feel like they are rebuilding essentially on their own: “The emotional healing, the financial challenges, the need for real protection — these things are still not fully met. We are grateful for any help, but there is still a long road ahead.” 

The contrast between these two trajectories — one shaped by sustained, structured support, the other by patchy assistance and lingering vulnerability — mirrors the broader inconsistency of Nigeria’s approach. Where you were abducted from, which government was in power, which NGO took an interest, and how much media attention your case drew can determine how fully you are allowed to rebuild your life.

Lessons from a decade of failure

The testimonies of survivors sharpen the picture that the statistics already suggest. 

The Buni Yadi massacre, for example, was an early alarm that signalled a war on education, yet the failure to strengthen school protections afterwards allowed abductions to spread with little resistance. As the crisis deepened, a ransom economy took root. Kidnappings became a lucrative enterprise in which armed groups in Zamfara and Kaduna negotiated openly, collecting payments that financed further attacks and entrenched the cycle.

These dynamics have been worsened by persistent security gaps. Response times remain slow, intelligence sharing between states and federal forces is inconsistent, and rural policing is largely absent. Former hostages notice that their captors often carry superior firepower. “How will a terrorist have a more powerful gun and bullets than soldiers in the military?” Rebecca asked rhetorically—a question that has agitated many Nigerians.

At the policy level, the gaps are just as stark. Nigeria endorsed the Safe Schools Declaration in 2015, yet implementation in the states most affected remains minimal, leaving the lessons of Chibok and Birnin Yauri largely unheeded. 

Gender adds another layer of vulnerability: female students are singled out both ideologically and practically. Rebecca’s recollection that girls were kept because parents “feel more for females” exposes the calculated use of daughters as leverage. 

All of this feeds into a profound erosion of trust. Each attack deepens scepticism about the state’s ability—or willingness—to protect its citizens, weakening the community cooperation that early-warning signals depend on. 

Even where authorities appear to have learnt some operational lessons, such as closing schools pre-emptively when threats arise, the underlying issues of rural insecurity, corruption, and impunity remain largely untouched.

And the consequences of those unresolved failures are visible not only in testimonies and statistics, but also from above. Satellite imagery shows that these classrooms were stolen. It captures a timeline of destruction, militarisation, and neglect that follow these school attacks.

FGC Buni Yadi remains a shadow of its former self. In 2010, it appeared as a modest rural school; by March 2015, the satellite pass captured the aftermath of the massacre — burnt buildings and scorched earth where children once learned. Reconstruction began around late 2018, yet the compound stands today as a restored shell, a reminder that almost everything was set ablaze.

Although GGSS Chibok was not torched, it lost its educational purpose to humanitarian needs after the incident. Over the decade, the school became a shelter for survivors rather than students. The surrounding town is militarised with defensive trenches, and the school vicinity is filled with tents

A similar fate met GSC Kagara. Satellite views show the school ringed by trenches, turning an academic environment into a militarised space.

The warning visible at FGC Birnin Yauri remains unsettling. Unlike other locations where defences appeared after the tragedy, imagery shows this landscape was encircled by trenches long before the abduction. This proves, as reported, that the community lived under the threat well before the attack happened.

For LGEA Kuriga, the view from space captures the slow impact of neglect. There are no burnt structures, but the gradual decay of roofing sheets and fading paint testify to fear-induced neglect. GGSS Jangebe reflects the same pattern: from above, the compound looks orderly, yet ground-level footage — including scenes from a BBC Africa Eye documentary — shows shattered windows, damaged doors, and stripped classrooms. It appears intact only from a distance.

A few affected schools, such as Greenfield University, GSSS Kankara, and Dapchi, bear no visible scars from space. No scorched earth or defensive trenches. Their normal appearance is misleading, showing that the most profound scars of Nigeria’s mass school abductions often lie beyond what satellites can record.

A nation still unprepared

Despite years of promises, Nigeria remains reactive rather than proactive in matters of insecurity. Officials still rush to the scenes of abductions, issue statements of condemnation, and announce task forces — only for the cycle to repeat months later.

In communities like Buni Yadi, buildings have been reconstructed, but the psychological wounds remain. Survivors grow into adulthood carrying invisible wounds, while new students study under the same shadow of fear.

The Kuriga abduction of March 2024, in which 227 pupils were taken, shows that little has changed. Although 137 were eventually rescued, the incident underscores how unprotected rural schools remain — and how quickly armed groups can strike, even with military presence nearby. 

For survivors such as Mohammed Ibrahim, simply graduating from university is an act of quiet defiance. For Amina and Rebecca, returning to the classroom and choosing careers in law or public service is a way of pushing back against those who tried to silence them.

But their determination does not diminish the responsibility of the state; it underscores it. Amina offers a clear warning to those in power: “Do not wait until it happens again … protect those schools like your own children are inside them.”

She believes Nigeria has learnt “some lessons, but not enough”. Continued reports of attacks and abductions, like the recent incident in Kebbi, reinforce this for her. “Until schools in every region are safe, until security becomes a priority and not a reaction, the risks will continue,” she said.

Na’empere Daniel, who survived the Birnin Yauri abduction alongside Rebecca after years in captivity, has similar thoughts. “Sometimes, it feels like Nigeria hasn’t fully learned from what happened to us,” she said. “Our pain should have changed things, but many students are still living through the same fear. No one deserves to experience what we went through.”

The violence has evolved, but the state’s response has barely shifted. Until education is treated as a security priority rather than a social service, the classrooms of northern Nigeria will remain haunted by ghosts of unprotected children.

The question now is not whether it will happen again, but when and to whom it will happen. Survivors like Rebecca and Amina have done their part: they remember the gunshots in the exam hall, the fear in their classmates’ eyes, the long nights of captivity — and they have turned those memories into vocal demands for justice and protection.

Whether Nigeria listens — and acts — will determine if the next generation can learn without fear, or if more of its classrooms will be stolen.

To make learning more resilient, Hafsat Bello, the counsellor who works with young students, stresses the need to adapt education to current realities. She highlights the importance of flexible learning models, noting that “in conflict zones, learning should not stop simply because the physical school is unsafe,” suggesting mobile classrooms, community hubs, radio lessons, or temporary safe spaces to keep children engaged.

Hafsat also underscores trauma-informed teaching, explaining that teachers need training to recognise signs of trauma and adjust their approach, because “a child who has witnessed violence will not learn the same way as a child who feels safe.” She emphasises that every school, particularly in high-risk areas, must have clear emergency response plans in addition to standard timetables.

Teachers themselves require protection and support, including emotional care, hazard allowances, and a sense of security, as their stability directly impacts students’ learning. She further calls for strong collaboration between schools, security agencies, and communities, stressing that education cannot operate in isolation and must be supported consistently, not only after attacks.

“Education must evolve to meet the reality of the children we serve. If we want to protect their futures, then resilience must be built into the system, not as an afterthought, but as a priority,” the counsellor added. 

Each of the U.S. Air Force’s Special Operations Command’s (AFSOC) new OA-1K Skyraider II light attack aircraft has a somewhat unexpected feature in its cockpit. Nestled on the right side of the dashboard in the aircraft’s front seat is a commercially available EOTech XPS-series holographic sight, which is commonly used on tactical rifles.

TWZ reached out to AFSOC after @GansoConABomba on X called attention to this overlooked and somewhat peculiar aspect of the OA-1K in a post on Monday (seen below). The discussion on the X post had users positing what the commercially off-the-shelf sight was intended to do. Now we have a definitive answer to that question.

Air Force Skyraider IIs are starting to be seen more commonly in certain areas as active-duty Air Force and Oklahoma Air National Guard personnel push ahead with getting the aircraft into operational service. Prime integrator L3Harris delivered the first fully missionized OA-1K, which is a heavily modified version of the Air Tractor AT-802 crop duster, earlier this year. The Skyraider II fleet is eventually expected to grow to 75 aircraft.

“As you are aware, the Skyraider II will be used for close air support, precision strike, and armed ISR [intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance],” an AFSOC spokesperson told TWZ. “As such, the sight has been included in the OA-1K design since inception and installed on every OA-1K.”

“The EOTech holographic sight is used before flight to align [the] pilots [sic] helmet mounting cueing system to the aircraft position,” they added.

OA-1K pilots reportedly use Thales’ popular Scorpion helmet-mounted display, which has already been integrated on a number of other tactical aircraft in U.S. service. The system puts datalink and sensor data, including positions of friendly and enemy forces, and more, along with flight data, right in front of their eyes.

In modern tactical combat aircraft where members of the crew wear helmet-mounted displays, the preflight alignment process can involve calibrating positioning via the aircraft’s built-in heads-up display (HUD). However, the two-seat OA-1K’s tandem cockpit, though full of digital displays, has no HUD.

Especially in the absence of a fixed HUD, there is also the possibility that the EOTech optic might also provide an emergency back-up option for aiming weapons. However, this would only be doable when employing gun pods or other munitions in an unguided mode, and its placement is far from ideal for that role.

“Well it does shoot things,” the official Air Tractor AT-802U account on X wrote yesterday in response to @GansoConABomba’s post. AT-802U is Air Tractor’s in-house designation for the special mission version of the AT-802 that serves as the basis for the OA-1K.

It is interesting to note that this isn’t the first time a standard, off-the-shelf EOTech XPS-series sight has appeared in the cockpit of an AFSOC aircraft. Back in 2018, TWZ noticed that these optics were in use on now-retired AC-130W Stinger II gunships, mounted on the left side of the cockpit, next to the pilot.

The exact function the EOTechs played on the AC-130W is unclear. It is possible the reason was, in part, similar to why the sights are now found on the OA-1Ks. Older model AC-130s had traditional HUDs in this position in the cockpit, but the Stinger II did not. TWZ has separately reported on how AC-130W pilots also used Scorpion helmet-mounted displays, and they would have similarly needed to align them before flight.

The video below shows AC-130W operations over Syria circa 2018, and includes views of the EOTech sight mounted in the cockpit.

AC-130W pilots could also have used the EOTechs in the same role as the HUD on earlier AC-130s, to help line up the aircraft against targets on the ground during pylon turn attack runs using the guns firing out of the left side of the fuselage. As we noted in our report back in 2018, the pilots of the Air Force’s very first fixed-wing gunships, the Vietnam War-era AC-47s, used World War II-era reflector gunsights mounted in a window on the left side of the cockpit to aim at targets on the ground.

As another interesting aside, for many years, Air Force F-15 squadrons mounted scopes designed for hunting rifles in the cockpits below their windscreens to provide a ‘poor man’s’ long-range visual identification capability.

In a way, the EOTech sight on the OA-1K also evokes the aircraft’s namesake, the Korean and Vietnam War-era Douglas Skyraider. Development of the piston-engined Skyraider began at the tail-end of World War II, and they were fitted with a reflector gun sight as was the standard for tactical aircraft at the time. AFSOC’s new Skyraider IIs already have the distinction of being the first tail-dragging tactical combat aircraft anywhere in U.S. military service in decades.

We now know the OA-1Ks all have lowly rifle sights in their cockpits, albeit primarily to help cue up much more modern helmet-mounted displays.

Contact the author: [email protected]

Noah Zaitar allegedly ran a drug empire, producing and exporting narcotics, including the synthetic stimulant captagon.

The Lebanese army has detained the country’s most infamous drug lord, two years after he was sanctioned by the United States over suspected links to narcotics rings in Syria.

In a post on X on Thursday, the Lebanese army confirmed they had arrested a citizen with the initials “NZ”, and three security sources confirmed to the Reuters news agency that the individual in question was the fugitive Noah Zaitar.

Following a “series of precise security surveillance and monitoring operations”, security forces arrested Zaitar in an ambush in the city of Baalbek in Lebanon’s eastern Baalbek-Hermel governorate, the Lebanese military said.

“The detainee is one of the most dangerous wanted individuals, pursuant to a large number of arrest warrants, for crimes of forming gangs operating across numerous Lebanese regions in drug and arms trafficking, manufacturing narcotic substances, and robbery and theft by force of arms,” the military said.

“He had also previously opened fire on army elements and facilities, as well as citizens’ homes, and kidnapped individuals for financial ransom. The investigation has commenced with the detainee under the supervision of the competent judiciary,” it added.

Zaitar allegedly ran a drug empire in Lebanon’s Bekaa Valley area near the Syrian border, producing and exporting drugs including the synthetic stimulant captagon.

A military tribunal sentenced Zaitar – who had evaded arrest for years while living in his home village of Kneisseh surrounded by armed supporters – to death in 2024 for killing a Lebanese soldier.

He was also named in US Department of State sanctions in 2023 against the regime of ousted Syrian ruler Bashar al-Assad and individuals connected to his lucrative captagon trafficking network.

The State Department said Zaitar was a “known arms dealer and drug smuggler”, with close ties to the Fourth Division of the Syrian Arab Army – an elite unit once central to the captagon trade.

It also said Zaitar was wanted for having “materially assisted, sponsored, or provided financial, material, or technological support for, or goods or services” to the Lebanese armed group Hezbollah.

The arrest of Zaitar comes amid an ongoing crackdown by Lebanese authorities against drug traffickers in the country.

In a separate post on X on Wednesday, the Lebanese military said two soldiers, named as Bilal al-Baradi and Ali Haidar, were killed in clashes in Baalbek on Tuesday as they pursued fugitive narcotics suspects.

تنعى قيادة الجيش ـــ مديرية التوجيه، المعاون الأول الشهيد بلال البرادعي والعريف الشهيد علي حيدر اللذين استشهدا بتاریخ ١٨ /١١ /٢٠٢٥ نتيجة اشتباكات مع مطلوبين أثناء تنفيذ مديرية المخابرات سلسلة عمليات دهم بمؤازرة وحدة من الجيش في منطقة الشراونة – بعلبك.
وفي ما يلي نبذة عن حياة كل… pic.twitter.com/aIw9IjiuYi

— الجيش اللبناني (@LebarmyOfficial) November 18, 2025

Translation: The Army Command – Directorate of Orientation, mourns the First Assistant Martyr Bilal al-Baradi and Corporal Martyr Ali Haidar, who were martyred on 18/11/2025 as a result of clashes with wanted individuals during the execution by the Intelligence Directorate of a series of raids backed by an Army unit in the al-Sharawna area – Baalbek. 

The military said that another Lebanese citizen, referred to by the initials HAJ – and named by the local news outlet Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation International as Hassouneh Jaafar – was shot and killed after opening fire on Lebanese security forces during that raid.

The fugitive was wanted in connection with the murder of four soldiers, as well as kidnapping, robbery, armed robbery and drug trafficking.

Lebanese authorities also arrested two other men – referred to only as FM and GQ – for “promoting drugs” and “possessing a quantity of weapons and military ammunition” in the Akkar governorate, north of Baalbek, close to the Syrian border.

A 1940 self-portrait by Frida Kahlo has sold for $54.7m and made auction history at Sotheby’s in New York.

A haunting 1940 self-portrait by famed Mexican artist Frida Kahlo has sold for $54.7m, making it the most expensive work by a female artist to sell at auction.

The painting of Kahlo asleep in a bed, titled El sueno (La cama) – or in English, The Dream (The Bed) – surpassed the record held by Georgia O’Keeffe’s Jimson Weed/White Flower No 1, which sold for $44.4m in 2014.

The sale at Sotheby’s in New York on Thursday evening also topped Kahlo’s own auction record for a work by a Latin American artist.

The 1949 painting, Diego and I, depicting the artist and her husband, muralist Diego Rivera, went for $34.9m in 2021.

Her paintings are reported to have sold privately for even more.

The self-portrait that broke records on Thursday is among the few Kahlo pieces that have remained in private hands outside Mexico, where her body of work has been declared an artistic monument.

Kahlo’s works in both public and private collections within Mexico cannot be sold abroad or destroyed. Because the painting sold on Thursday comes from a private collection, it is legally eligible for international sale. Sotheby’s said the owner who put the painting up for auction – and whose identity has not been disclosed – “astutely” purchased the piece also at auction in New York in 1980.

The buyer’s identity was also not disclosed.

‘El sueño (La cama)’ by Frida Kahlo soars to $54.7 million, becoming the most valuable work by a woman artist ever sold at auction.

Painted in 1940 during a pivotal decade in her career, marked by her turbulent relationship with Diego Rivera. pic.twitter.com/t6Sni7fIKT

— Sotheby’s (@Sothebys) November 21, 2025

Some art historians had scrutinised the sale for cultural reasons, while others had raised concerns that the painting, which was last exhibited publicly in the late 1990s, could again disappear from public view after the auction.

It has already been requested for upcoming exhibitions in cities including New York, London and Brussels.

The piece depicts Kahlo asleep in a wooden, colonial-style bed that floats in the clouds. She is draped in a golden blanket and entangled in crawling vines and leaves. Above the bed lies a skeleton figure wrapped in dynamite.

Kahlo vibrantly and unsparingly depicted herself and events from her life, which was altered by a bus accident at 18.

She started to paint while bedridden, underwent a series of painful surgeries on her damaged spine and pelvis, and then wore casts until her death in 1954 at age 47.

During the years Kahlo was confined to her bed, she came to view painting as a bridge between worlds as she explored her mortality.

“I’m very proud that she’s one of the most valued women, because really, what woman doesn’t identify with Frida, or what person doesn’t?” her great-niece, Mara Romeo Kahlo, told The Associated Press news agency before the auction.

“I think everyone carries a little piece of my aunt in their heart.”

Kahlo resisted being labelled a surrealist painter, a style of art that is dreamlike and centres on a fascination with the unconscious mind.

“I never painted dreams,” she once said. “I painted my own reality.”

The new record for Kahlo’s painting came hours after a Gustav Klimt portrait sold for $236.4m, setting a new record for a modern art piece.

Klimt’s Portrait of Elisabeth Lederer sold after a 20-minute bidding war, also at Sotheby’s in New York, on Tuesday.

Justice Department prosecutors accused Grammy-winning rapper Pras Michel of betraying his country for money.

A United States district judge has sentenced Prakazrel “Pras” Michel, a member of 1990s hip-hop group the Fugees, to 14 years in prison for illegally funnelling millions of dollars in foreign contributions to former US President Barack Obama’s 2012 re-election campaign.

Michel declined to address the court before Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly sentenced him on Thursday. The trial in Washington, DC, included testimony from former Attorney General Jeff Sessions and Hollywood actor Leonardo DiCaprio.

This week’s sentencing came after a federal jury convicted Michel on 10 counts, including conspiracy and acting as an unregistered agent of a foreign government, in April 2023.

Michel obtained more than $120m from fugitive Malaysian financier Low Taek Jho – also known as Jho Low – and steered some of that money through straw donors to Obama’s campaign.

Low is wanted for his leading role in the 1MDB scandal, in which billions of dollars were pilfered from Malaysia’s state investment fund in one of the largest financial frauds in history.

Several senior financial figures and members of Malaysia’s government have been convicted for their role in the scandal, including disgraced former Prime Minister Najib Razak, who was handed a 12-year prison sentence in 2022, which was later halved.

Court documents, filed by Justice Department prosecutors on Thursday, said the 52-year-old Grammy-winning rapper “lied unapologetically and unrelentingly to carry out his schemes” as he syphoned illegal payments from Low to the Obama campaign.

It is illegal in the US for foreigners to donate to election campaigns, as well as to pay someone else to make a campaign contribution.

“Prakazrel Michel betrayed his country for money. He funnelled millions of dollars in prohibited foreign contributions into a United States presidential election and attempted to manipulate a sitting president to serve a foreign criminal and a foreign power,” prosecutors said.

Prosecutors also said Michel had attempted to end a Justice Department investigation into Low and the 1MDB scandal, as well as “tampered with witnesses and then perjured himself at trial”.

Judge Kollar-Kotelly was advised by prosecutors that federal sentencing guidelines recommended a life sentence for such crimes, urging her to take into account the “breadth and depth of his crimes, his indifference to the risks to his country, and the magnitude of his greed”.

Michel’s lawyers downplayed the extent of his crimes, saying Low’s motivation for donating money was not to “achieve some policy objective”.

“Instead, Low simply wanted to obtain a photograph with himself and then-President Obama,” Michel’s lawyers wrote.

Low – who remains in hiding and claims innocence – courted America’s rich and famous during a years-long spending spree allegedly financed by funds stolen from 1MDB.

Notably, he was one of the primary financiers of the 2013 film The Wolf of Wall Street, starring DiCaprio.

Defence lawyer Peter Zeidenberg said Michel will appeal.

He labelled his client’s 14-year sentence “completely disproportionate to the offence” and “absurdly high” given such terms are typically reserved for deadly terrorists and drug cartel leaders.

Instead, Zeidenberg recommended a three-year prison sentence for Michel.

Michel, a Brooklyn native whose parents immigrated to the US from Haiti, was a founding member of the Fugees along with childhood friends Lauryn Hill and Wyclef Jean. The group won two Grammy Awards during their peak in the 1990s and sold tens of millions of albums.