The administration of United States President Donald Trump has called on Israel to probe the killing of 20-year-old American citizen Sayfollah Musallet, who was beaten to death by settlers in the occupied West Bank, calling the incident a “terrorist act”.
Mike Huckabee, the US ambassador to Israel, said on Tuesday that he asked Israel to “aggressively investigate” the killing of the Florida-born Musallet, who was visiting family when he was attacked in the Palestinian town of Sinjil.
“There must be accountability for this criminal and terrorist act,” Huckabee wrote in a social media post. “Saif was just 20 yrs old.”
Huckabee’s strongly worded post marks a rare critical stance towards Israel by the US envoy, a staunch Israel supporter, who has previously said, “There’s really no such thing as a Palestinian.”
But the US ambassador’s statement stops short of backing the Musallet family’s demand for Washington to launch its own probe into the killing.
Critics say Israel rarely holds its settlers or soldiers accountable for abuses against Palestinians. Musallet was the ninth US citizen to be killed by Israel since 2022. None of the previous cases has led to criminal charges.
The Institute for Middle East Understanding (IMEU) Policy Project said Israel should not be trusted to “investigate the extremist settlers it enables at every turn”, renewing calls for an independent US probe.
Israel’s government cannot be trusted to investigate the extremist settlers it enables at every turn.
Saif was a US citizen. Our government must conduct its own independent, thorough, and transparent investigation as it would if an American were killed in any other country. https://t.co/oGnLSl5ic6
Another Palestinian, identified by health officials as Mohammed Shalabi, was shot dead by settlers during the same attack that killed Musallet on Friday.
Israeli settlers have been intensifying their assaults on Palestinian communities in the West Bank since the outbreak of the war on Gaza in 2023.
Often protected by the Israeli military, settlers regularly descend from their illegal settlements onto Palestinian towns, where they ransack homes, cars and farms and attack anyone who may stand in their way.
Several Western countries, including top allies of Israel, have imposed sanctions on far-right Israeli officials and groups over settler violence.
Trump lifted sanctions related to settler attacks, put in place by his predecessor, Joe Biden, after returning to the White House earlier this year.
The US provides Israel with billions of dollars in military aid annually.
Over the past few days, several Congress members have called for accountability for Musallet.
Hakeem Jeffries, the top Democrat in the House of Representatives, called the killing of Musallet “shocking and appalling”.
“The Israeli government must thoroughly investigate this killing and hold any and all settlers responsible for the brutal death of Mr Musallet accountable to the fullest extent of the law,” he said in a statement.
Congressman Maxwell Frost, who represents a district in Florida, also decried the “cold-blooded murder”.
“As our country’s self-proclaimed peacemaker, Donald Trump has a moral and constitutional obligation to direct the State Department to conduct a thorough investigation and, more importantly, to demand full justice and accountability for those responsible for this heinous act,” Frost said in a statement.
“Our country must ensure the protection and safety of Americans abroad.”
On Friday, Israel said it was “investigating” what happened in Sinjil, claiming that the violence started when Palestinians threw rocks at an Israeli vehicle.
“Shortly thereafter, violent clashes developed in the area between Palestinians and Israeli civilians, which included the destruction of Palestinian property, arson, physical confrontations, and stone-throwing,” the Israeli military said in a statement.
But Musallet’s family has disputed any account of “clashes”, saying that a “mob” of settlers surrounded the young Palestinian American for three hours during the attack and prevented medics from reaching him.
Florida’s Republican politicians have been largely silent about the killing of Musallet. The offices of the state’s two senators, Rick Scott and Ashley Moody, did not respond to Al Jazeera’s request for comment.
Since Musallet was killed on Friday, Scott has shared several social media posts in support of Israel.
On Tuesday, the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), called on Moody, Scott, Florida Governor Ron DeSantis and Congresswoman Laurel Lee, who represented Musallet, to condemn the killing of the US citizen.
The advocacy group said the officials’ silence is “complicity”, not neutrality.
“When American citizens like Saif are killed overseas, especially by Israeli settlers backed by the Israeli government, looking the other way sends a dangerous message: that some American lives simply don’t matter,” CAIR said in a social media post. “We demand better.”
July 7 (UPI) — The Trump administration announced Monday it will rescind the terrorist designation given to the Syrian group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham.
In a document from the State Department, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio wrote that the United States has revoked “the designation of al-Nusrah Front, also known as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, as a foreign terrorist organization.”
The revocation will go into effect upon its official publication Tuesday, but the letter already has been made available to read by the general public.
HTS is currently leading Syria as a transitional government after it led the overthrow of former dictator President Bashar al-Assad in December. The group’s origins come from a Syrian branch of al-Qaida, but it severed ties several years ago. According to the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, HTS has about 40,000 members, as of early this year, and had employed “insurgency tactics” in its fight against the Assad regime.
The State Department added HTS to the Nusrah Front’s existing foreign terrorist organization designation in June 2018.
“Tomorrow’s action follows the announced dissolution of HTS and the Syrian government’s commitment to combat terrorism in all its forms,” Rubio said in a statement.
“This FTO revocation is an important step in fulfilling President [Donald] Trump’s vision of a stable, unified and peaceful Syria.”
Trump directed the State Department last week to review the status of HTS as a terrorist group as part of an executive order that removed most sanctions formerly levied on Syria, while leaving those in place that target Assad and his regime.
“I took off the sanctions because if I didn’t do that, they wouldn’t have had a chance. And Syria has a chance,” Trump said last week during a press conference in Florida.
Danielle Kelly’s right leg and left arm are now in plaster, having suffered injuries as she and other passengers were forced to flee a Ryanair flight at Majorca Palma Airport
A mum has described how “utter chaos” ensued when she thought a terrorist was on her Ryanair flight.
Danielle Kelly grabbed her daughter Frankie and “feared for her life” amid the mayhem, during which she and other passengers jumped from the plane’s wings as it sat stationary at Majorca Palma Airport. Ms Kelly, 56, knew she was seriously injured once she plummeted to the ground as she was unable to walk.
The Ryanair flight, which was destined for Manchester, experienced a “false fire alarm” as it attempted to take off on Saturday morning. However, amid the confusion and panic, passengers scrambled to flee the plane, and several have reported sustaining injuries. Ryanair says these were “very minor injuries” but Ms Kelly, a self-employed fitness instructor, suffered a broken right heel, fractured left wrist and smashed elbow. The mum’s right leg and left arm are now in plaster.
Speaking from her hospital bed, Ms Kelly said: “It was terrifying, we’ve been left completely traumatised by the experience. I’ve got my foot and arm in plaster and I’ve got to have three different surgeries to pin my foot, wrist and elbow tomorrow, I’m in a mess.”
It is said eighteen passengers were injured following the incident(Image: SOLARPIX.COM)
The mother, from Bury, Greater Manchester, told Mail Online: “I’m 56-years-old, I didn’t want to jump but I feared for my life. It felt like a life or death situation. I knew as soon as I landed that I was seriously injured, I couldn’t walk but the ground staff were shouting for everyone to move away from the aircraft in case it exploded.
“It was utter chaos, passengers were screaming, ‘open the doors, open the doors’. It was terrifying, I thought there was a terrorist on board, so I grabbed my daughter and got out.”
Ms Kelly was travelling with 26-year-old Frankie, friend Francine Elkinson, 57, and her daughter, Savannah. Savannah, also 26, said: “We got off via the wing. There were no slides. I’ve hurt my shoulder, my friend hurt her knee. Her mum fractured her elbow, wrist and foot. My mum broke her ankle. She’s in a cast. She’s having surgery now. She’s done it in in three places.”
Joanne Baker, who was on the flight with her husband, said the passengers heard a “loud bang” before crew members asked passengers to “brace.” She told us: “The crew was shouting “brace! brace!. We didn’t quite know what we were meant to do. They shouted, ‘get off the plane’, and leave your possessions. The communication was awful, the staff did their best, but they are kids and were obviously frightened as well.”
A spokesperson for Ryanair said: “This flight from Palma to Manchester, on July 4, discontinued take-off due to a false fire warning light indication. Passengers were disembarked using the inflatable slides and returned to the terminal.
“While disembarking, a small number of passengers encountered very minor injuries (ankle sprains, etc.) and crew requested immediate medical assistance.
“To minimise disruption to passengers, we quickly arranged a replacement aircraft to operate this flight, which departed Palma at 07:05 this morning. We sincerely apologise to affected passengers for any inconvenience caused.”
The move follows the lifting of sanctions on Damascus after the fall of the al-Assad government last year.
The United States will revoke its designation of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) as a foreign terrorist organisation (FTO) as Washington softens its approach to post-war Syria following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s government last year.
The decision, which takes effect on Tuesday, comes as part of US President Donald Trump’s broader strategy to re-engage with Syria and support its reconstruction after more than a decade of devastating conflict.
“This FTO revocation is an important step in fulfilling President Trump’s vision of a stable, unified, and peaceful Syria,” US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said in a statement Monday.
HTS had been designated as a “terrorist” group by the US since 2018 due to its former ties to al-Qaeda.
The group emerged out of the al-Nusra Front, once al-Qaeda’s official branch in Syria, but formally severed those ties in 2016 after HTS leader Ahmed al-Sharaa declared the group’s independence.
Al-Sharaa, who led the opposition forces that removed al-Assad in a lightning offensive last December, has since become Syria’s president.
He has launched what many experts have described as a charm offensive aimed at Western powers, including meetings with French President Emmanuel Macron and, most recently, Trump in Riyadh in May.
“In line with President Trump’s May 13 promise to deliver sanctions relief to Syria, I am announcing my intent to revoke the Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) designation of al-Nusrah Front, also known as Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), under the Immigration and Nationality Act,” Rubio said.
“Tomorrow’s action follows the announced dissolution of HTS and the Syrian government’s commitment to combat terrorism in all its forms.”
HTS was dissolved in late January, with its forces folded into the official Syrian military and security forces.
Damascus welcomed the US decision as a step towards normalisation. In a statement, Syria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said the delisting of HTS was a “positive step toward correcting a course that previously hindered constructive engagement”.
The ministry added that it hoped the move would “contribute to the removal of remaining restrictions that continue to impact Syrian institutions and officials, and open the door to a rational, sovereign-based approach to international cooperation”.
Meanwhile, HTS remains under United Nations Security Council sanctions, which were imposed in 2014 over its previous affiliation with al-Qaeda. Al-Sharaa also remains under UNSC sanctions, which can only be removed by the Council itself.
Al-Sharaa is reportedly preparing to attend the UN General Assembly in New York this September.
Lawmakers in the United Kingdom have voted to proscribe campaign group Palestine Action as a “terrorist” organisation, raising fears about freedom of expression in the country.
Parliament voted 385-26 in favour of the measure against the group on Wednesday, the move coming after its activists broke into a military base last month and sprayed red paint on two planes in protest at the UK’s support for Israel’s war on Gaza.
Critics decried the chilling effect of the ban, which puts Palestine Action on a par with armed groups like al-Qaeda and ISIL (ISIS) in the UK, making it a criminal offence to support or be part of the protest group.
“Let us be clear: to equate a spray can of paint with a suicide bomb isn’t just absurd, it is grotesque. It is a deliberate distortion of the law to chill dissent, criminalise solidarity, and suppress the truth,” said lawmaker Zarah Sultana, a member of the ruling Labour party.
Zarah Sultana not only stands against the proscription of our group, she declares we are all Palestine Action❤️ pic.twitter.com/IyKzkFHfpC
Sacha Deshmukh, chief executive of Amnesty International UK, slammed the move as “unprecedented legal overreach”, pointing out that it gave the authorities “massive powers to arrest and detain people, suppress speech and reporting, conduct surveillance and take other measures”.
“Using them against a direct-action protest group is an egregious abuse of what they were created for,” he said.
Reporting from London, Al Jazeera’s Milena Veselinovic said that protesters gathering outside Westminster had showed “defiance”.
“[They are] saying that they would still find a way to show support and hopefully not get arrested. But even if they do get arrested, many of them have told us that it is not the worst thing in the world,” she said.
The proscription order will reach parliament’s upper chamber, the House of Lords, on Thursday. If approved there, the ban on Palestine Action would become effective in the following days.
The group, which has called its proscription unjustified and an “abuse of power,” has challenged the decision in court and an urgent hearing is expected on Friday.
Lawmakers ‘boxed in’ by vote
Launched in July 2020, Palestine Action says it uses “disruptive tactics” to target “corporate enablers” and companies involved in weapons manufacture for Israel, such as Israel-based Elbit Systems and French multinational Thales.
The British government has accused the group of causing millions of pounds of damage through its actions.
On Tuesday, the group said its activists had blocked the entrance to an Elbit site in Bristol, southwestern England. Other members reportedly occupied the rooftop of a subcontracting firm in Suffolk, eastern England, that the group had linked to Elbit.
United Nations experts appointed by the UN Human Rights Council had previously urged the UK government to reconsider its threat to proscribe the group, arguing that acts of property damage without the intention to endanger life should not be considered “terrorism”.
Home Secretary Yvette Cooper, the UK’s interior minister, says that violence and criminal damage have no place in legitimate protest, and that a zero-tolerance approach was necessary for national security.
In addition to Palestine Action, the proscription order approved by parliament includes neo-Nazi group Maniacs Murder Cult and the Russian Imperial Movement, a white supremacist group which seeks to create a new Russian imperial state.
Al Jazeera’s Veselinovic said lawmakers had felt “boxed in” by the vote, feeling that they had no choice but to proscribe all three organisations.
“If they had voted ‘no’, that would have meant that those two other organisations that they wanted to ban could not have been banned,” she said.
The spate of insecurity in Nigeria is turning many local communities into ungovernable spaces. As the secular government withdraws from these communities, terrorist groups expand their influence, consolidate authority, and accumulate illicit wealth. Traditional leaders—once the primary link between the people and governance—now operate under the coercive control of armed factions, which have established parallel administrations and seized the reins of the local economy.
North East
The government’s absence is nearly absolute in northeastern Nigeria, around the Lake Chad basin. Here, the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) and remnants of Boko Haram terrorists operate not as fugitives but as rulers. Their authority is layered, structured, and chillingly effective.
ISWAP has organised its territory into mantikas (localities), which are regional districts aligned with Nigeria’s federal structure. These mantikas oversee taxation, zakat (alms-giving), farm levies, education (Qur’anic schools and ideological reprogramming), security, courts, and patrols.
Several communities in Abadam, Guzamala, Kukawa, Marte, and Mobbar no longer wait for state forces; they negotiate directly with insurgent-appointed administrators. The group’s brutality is, for many, accompanied by a disturbing sense of order within a context devoid of hope.
North West
While ISWAP’s rule is ideological, in North West Nigeria, it encompasses a chaotic mix of economic, ethnic, and religious factors. In Zamfara, armed groups now operate like proto-states. The forests of Maru, Bakura, and Anka are home to well-defended camps with command hierarchies, blood-draining tax systems, and armouries supplied via Sahelian trafficking routes and after raids on military positions.
HumAngle investigations found that communities like Tungar Doruwa, Maitoshshi, Chabi, and Kwankelai—once protected under the Dankurmi Police Outpost—are now under the firm control of Kachalla Black and Kachalla Gemu. Further south, Kungurmi, Galeji, and Yarwutsiya are governed by Kachalla Soja and Kachalla Madagwal. Up north, Kango Village and Madafa Mountain serve as fortresses for terrorists like Wudille and Ado Aleru, who command loyalty through a combination of fear and patronage.
Here, terrorism is no longer sporadic. It is systemic. It is territorial governance without borders, aided by the region’s gold trade, deep forests, and a broken justice system. Entire LGAs now function as autonomous war zones where Nigerian laws hold no sway.
The little-known Lakurawa terror network is enforcing a form of stealth insurgency in the areas of Isa, Sabon Birni, and Rabah in Sokoto State. Schools are shuttered, roads are mined, and civilians pay levies for survival. The group’s cross-border tactics, using the Niger Republic as a tactical fallback, make them elusive and resilient.
Many villages with large populations, like Galadima, Kamarawa, and Dankari in Sokoto, now survive on whispered warnings and ritual bribes. Lakurawa’s governance is less visible but equally firm, with taxation, curfews, and brutal retribution. Residents say sporadic military raids offer little relief; the terrorists return hours later, more vengeful than before.
The fractures in Kaduna State mirror the broader problems in Nigeria. In Chikun, Giwa, and Birnin Gwari, attacks by Ansaru factions and criminal warbands have pushed out state institutions. Southern Kaduna adds another layer, with ethnic violence fused with terror raids, leaving villages like Jika da Kolo and Tudun Biri in ruins.
Katari, once a symbol of Kaduna’s transport link to Abuja, is now a ghost zone, haunted by the memory of the 2022 train attack. Trains now pass, but the residents remain missing, displaced or dead.
North Central
In Niger State, rural districts like Shiroro, Mashegu, and Borgu are steadily slipping from state and federal control. After attacks such as the 2021 Mazakuka mosque massacre, entire villages fled, leaving behind ghost towns. ISWAP and affiliated terror cells have since moved in, using dense forests to launch ambushes and collect tribute.
In Rafi, Allawa, Bassa, and Zazzaga, residents speak of “government by gun”, which is enforced through nighttime raids and extortion rackets. What began as raids has metastasised into permanent displacement. Farming has ceased. Children grow up never having seen a police officer.
Niger State is next to Abuja, Nigeria’s federal capital territory.
South East
The secessionist group known as the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) has transformed parts of Imo and Anambra States into shadow states. What began as ideological agitation has evolved into fragmented shadow governance, particularly in Orsu, Oguta, and Nnewi South, where IPOB’s Eastern Security Network (ESN) now operates checkpoints, enforces lockdowns, and levies informal taxes. Police presence is almost nonexistent; courts are shuttered; schools function sporadically.
This pattern is not isolated. As Mgbeodinma Nwankwo reports for HumAngle in Onitsha, “Southeast Nigeria has greatly changed from a region with historical landmarks and trade centres to areas of gunfire that make life deadly for civilians and law enforcement officers.” States like Anambra, Imo, Abia, and Ebonyi have become centres for violence. Non-state armed groups routinely block roads and attack police stations. Businesses close early, travel routes are avoided, and fear governs daily life.
IPOB’s camps, hidden in forest belts, serve as training grounds and operational bases – funded by diaspora networks and sustained by black-market arms. The state’s coercive apparatus has collapsed in these ungoverned interiors, like Ihiala and stretches of rural Imo. Local vigilante outfits like Ebube Agu and Operation Udo Ga Chi strive to maintain a fragile order, often overwhelmed by better-armed non-state actors.
As Nwankwo describes, uniforms have become “magnets for attacks.” Police and military personnel are hunted, ambushed, kidnapped, or executed. One soldier, attending a party in Imo while off duty, was identified and found dead the next morning.
“Wearing a uniform here is like painting a target on your back,” said a police officer in Imo, speaking anonymously. “We go to work in mufti and only change when necessary. Even then, we operate in groups, as solo patrols pose a significant risk.”
The psychological toll is immense. Morale among security forces is at an all-time low. Many seek transfers, and while some still consider the southeastern region postings financially rewarding, the life-threatening risks overshadow any incentives.
The violence is driven by a volatile mix: separatist agitation, criminal opportunism, and state withdrawal. IPOB and ESN are often suspected to be responsible for many of the terror attacks, though they frequently deny involvement. Criminal gangs, exploiting the chaos, further destabilise the region.
State response has focused on increasing highway checkpoints, leaving interior communities exposed. Critics argue this reactive approach exacerbates tensions. “Deploying more soldiers is not enough,” warns Dr Chioma Emenike, a conflict resolution expert based in the southeast. “There must be dialogue, economic empowerment, and trust-building between security agencies and local communities.”
Ultimately, the region faces a dual crisis of security and legitimacy. As uniforms vanish from the rural southeast, so does any semblance of state authority. What remains is a precarious state of fear and survival—residents trapped between hostile non-state actors and a disengaged state, teetering on the edge of anarchy.
South East Nigeria is home to ungoverned spaces. Map illustration by Mansir Muhammad/HumAngle.
Nigeria’s unseen frontlines
Nigeria’s forests have become its most telling metaphor. Once tourist destinations and biodiversity treasures, they are now frontlines of insurgency. No-go zones include Kamuku, Kainji, Falgore, and Sambisa. Dumburum and Kagara are insurgent capitals.
Even southern states are not spared. In Ondo, Edo, and Lagos, the forests harbour kidnappers and traffickers. In the Niger Delta, mangroves shelter oil theft rings bleeding billions from the national treasury.
These green belts mark the outer limit of Nigeria’s practical sovereignty. Beyond them lies another Nigeria: unrecognised, ungoverned, and rapidly growing.
Kabir Adamu, a seasoned security analyst and the CEO of Beacon Security and Intelligence Limited–a security risk management and consulting firm– expressed concerns over the scarce presence of governance and secular leadership in territories overrun by terrorists.
“Where they exist, they typically include poorly staffed and under-resourced police posts, non-functional or abandoned local government offices, dilapidated schools, and health and medical centres with little to no medical personnel or supplies,” he told HumAngle, noting that, in some locations, especially in northern Borno and remote areas of Zamfara and Katsina, such structures have been destroyed or taken over by terrorists, further eroding state presence.
Adamu added that, as the state recedes, communities have been forced to adapt in ways that challenge conventional notions of governance. He said many communities have resorted to local self-help mechanisms, including forming or reviving armed vigilante groups, with support from traditional rulers or local elites in some cases.
“These groups often serve as the first and only line of defence against armed groups, conducting patrols, manning checkpoints, and gathering intelligence. Unfortunately, the formation of the vigilantes continues not to reflect the communities’ diverse residents,” the security analyst noted.
Forest guard corps
The federal government’s response to these problems offers a glimmer of optimism, as it established the new Forest Guard Corps to reclaim these wild spaces. Trained in guerrilla warfare and intelligence, these units, drawn from local populations, are tasked with intercepting armed groups and restoring order.
However, without systemic reforms such as real policing, honest governance, and economic renewal, the corps risks becoming merely a temporary solution to a persistent problem. These affected communities nationwide need more than just soldiers; they need schools, courts, trust, and opportunities.
Although Adamu admitted that the Nigerian government has taken various actions in and around ungoverned spaces to reduce the influence of armed groups, he insisted that these approaches remain fragmented and often lack the institutional follow-through needed to fill the broader governance vacuum.
“There are clear signs that the ungoverned spaces in Nigeria are expanding, consolidating, and in some cases, connecting across local government and state boundaries in mostly the northern regions but also affecting some of the southern areas,” he said, adding that although military operations have resulted in the arrest or killing of militants, and recovery of weapons, the gains are often temporary in the absence of sustained civilian governance.
The rise of an economy of fear
As formal taxation collapses, ransoms rise in northwestern Nigeria. In Dansadau, HumAngle found that farmers trade goats and sorghum to retrieve kidnapped relatives. In Zugu and Gaude, families pay monthly levies to criminals to avoid attacks. Pay tribute is the only way to ensure public safety in some places.
This economy of fear has reshaped entire communities. Young men, disillusioned and broke, join gangs and terrorist groups as an alternative to starvation. Each payment made strengthens the enemy and weakens the state.
In many rural communities, ransoms are paid in cash, livestock, or entire harvests. Local leaders admit to pooling security levies from residents to meet ransom demands — institutionalising these payments and strengthening the criminals’ hold.
“Displacement remains a widespread coping strategy; fearing violence or oppressive demands from armed actors, entire villages have fled to IDP camps or relocated to safer towns and cities, leaving behind homes and livelihoods,” Adamu stressed, confirming the overwhelming fear consuming locals in these communities.
“Others, unable or unwilling to flee, have turned to informal negotiations with insurgents or bandits — offering payments in cash, crops, or livestock in exchange for relative peace. In some areas, communities have adapted to insurgent-imposed governance systems, accepting taxation or dispute resolution by armed non-state actors to maintain a semblance of normal life,” he added.
This cycle of violence is self-sustaining. As armed groups become richer and better armed, their reach extends deeper into communities. Interviews by HumAngle revealed that young men claimed that they saw joining kidnapping gangs in the forests as their sole means of escaping the oppressive poverty they faced.
Every community across the country visited or examined by HumAngle reveals the same grim logic: when the state withdraws, someone else steps in. Whether they come in the name of religion, gold, or secession, these armed groups usurping Nigeria’s justice system are redrawing the country’s map from the grassroots up.
Authorities have confirmed a bomb explosion that killed at least five people and injured 15 others in Kano State, North West Nigeria, on Saturday, June 21, 2025.
The explosion in the Hotoro Eastern Bypass area near a metal company sent panic through the neighbourhood. Security and emergency response teams were quickly deployed to manage the situation and aid victims.
Kano State Commissioner of Police, Ibrahim Adamu Bakori, told journalists that preliminary findings suggest the explosion may have involved military-grade explosives in transit, not a terror attack.
“Preliminary findings suggest the explosive material was being transported by a trailer, but it remains unclear whether the vehicle was carrying military personnel or contractors,” he explained.
“I received an emergency call about a disturbing incident. Upon arrival, it appeared the explosion came from ordnance possibly being transported by military personnel,” Bakori said.
According to the commissioner, an initial investigation indicated that a large truck carrying explosive materials, reportedly headed toward Yobe State, might have been involved in the blast.
With regards to the casualties, he said 15 people sustained various degrees of injuries, while tragically, five have been confirmed dead. He says those injured have been taken to nearby hospitals for urgent medical attention.
“Security agencies are currently investigating the incident. The facts will be clearer once the investigation is completed,” the Commissioner said.
He also urged residents to remain calm as security agencies continue their investigation.
Meanwhile, photos show officers cordoning off the area and examining debris.
A painful history
Kano has a long and painful history with bomb explosions, many of them linked to Boko Haram’s violent campaign in Northern Nigeria. The city’s darkest day came on January 20, 2012, when coordinated attacks on police stations and government buildings killed over 185 people.
In the years that followed, bombings became frequent, especially in civilian areas like Sabon Gari, where explosions at motor parks in 2013 and 2014 claimed dozens of lives. The group’s use of female suicide bombers, including minors, created a new dimension of fear. Hospitals, markets, and schools were no longer safe.
Another devastating attack occurred in November 2014, when over 120 worshippers were killed at the Kano Central Mosque. Although military offensives have since pushed back the group’s operations, and urban attacks have declined, Kano has continued to face sporadic explosions from either suspected insurgent remnants or poor handling of explosives.
In May 2022, a blast in Sabon Gari killed several schoolchildren. Initial reports blamed terrorists, but authorities later said it resulted from the illegal storage of chemicals by welders. The incident and the recent one in Hotoro have exposed deep gaps in arms regulation and safety enforcement in civilian zones.
This latest explosion in Hotoro, which killed five people and injured 15, revives old fears. Although authorities have said they suspect the blast came from military-grade explosives being transported, the incident reflects Kano’s enduring vulnerability.
Extensive ungoverned forested areas in Kano State compromise security, serving as transit points for terrorist groups exploiting the complex landscape of northern Nigeria. Although Kano has historically been protected from widespread terrorism due to strategic military initiatives and its geographic advantages, recent incidents suggest a decline in safety. The local authorities’ inadequate communication and response during attacks heighten residents’ feelings of vulnerability and diminish their reliance on traditional security measures.
The international humanitarian organisation, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), has raised concerns about the critical situation regarding sexual violence in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. They report that the support and treatment available for victims are still insufficient, while assaults against women continue to occur at an alarming rate.
In 2024, approximately 40,000 victims and survivors received treatment from the MSF team in the North Kivu province. This trend continued into 2025. Between January and April 2025, the organisation says it cared for around 7,400 people in Goma and over 2,400 in Sake, which is near Goma.
Despite changes in the security landscape, sexual violence continues to be a pervasive issue. “The context in the region has changed, but the problem of sexual violence persists, with women remaining the primary victims,” explains Francois Calas, the MSF chief in North Kivu.
The ongoing insecurity in these conflict zones contributes to the perpetuation of violence. Most recorded acts of aggression are committed by assailants wielding weapons, who are often not identified due to the presence of numerous armed groups and the widespread availability of firearms.
Organisations like MSF have condemned the worsening access to treatment, noting that many health facilities no longer have the necessary medications and supplies to treat victims. Ongoing conflicts disrupt supply chains, and a decrease in humanitarian funding further exacerbates the situation.
The revelations by victims who spoke to MSF indicate the brutality of the assaults and the absence of secure places for women, both displaced and those in their homes.
“Armed men entered our house around 22:30,” reveals Nasha, a displaced woman who found refuge in a school. “Some husbands [men] were killed and women raped. It was the case with me. Three men wanted to rape me in front of my husband and my eight children. My husband resisted, and they killed him.”
Around Goma and Sake, other victims report having been assaulted on the highway or on their farms.
“They asked me to choose between allowing them to rape me or death,” said Rika, an inhabitant of a village situated forty kilometres to the west of Goma. “They raped me one after the other.”
In South Kivu, the situation remains preoccupying. In the territories of Kalehe and Uvira, about 700 survivors have been taken charge of since January 2025. There, too, the assaults continue sometimes during displacement or near health structures.
“We have suffered on the farms where we sought refuge,” says an inhabitant of the hills around Kamanyola. “Armed men do not authorise us to go through villages. Some women have even been raped while trying to reach a health centre,” the woman added.
MSF insists that the figures given are below the real figures. According to Luders Leriche, medical coordinator of South Kivu, the fear of reprisals, stigmatisation, distance, and weakness of the health system prevent many victims from accessing medical assistance. The social and psychological consequences are hefty and include isolation, rejection, and thoughts of resorting to suicide. While the women are the principal victims, the men are also affected, though the number of cases reported remains less than those involving women.
The French humanitarian organisation calls for urgent mobilisation, saying: “Despite the present challenges, it is imperative not to abandon these women and children. Their being taken care of must be an absolute priority.”
In the provinces of North Kivu and South Kivu, MSF proposes comprehensive care for victims, including preventive treatment for sexually transmitted infections, urgent contraception, vaccinations, psychological therapy, secure abortions, and hospitalisation for more severe cases.
Emergency risks continue to escalate when civilian protection measures are not strengthened and access to treatment is not maintained. Therefore, MSF emphasises the need to sustain and enhance humanitarian efforts, prioritising the care of victims, even in the face of reduced global funding.
At dusk, Najibullah Nakaka begins a 20-minute steep climb to Wajen Etisalat, a hilly neighbourhood in Birnin Gwari, Nigeria, where the mobile signal is slightly stronger. Locals gave it the name, which translates to Etisalat’s Place, because it is one of the few spots where you might find internet access, even if only momentarily. The name harks back to Etisalat, the former name of 9mobile, a local telecom operator that once had a stronger presence in the area.
With his phone gripped tightly in one hand and hope in the other, he ascends through rocky paths and bushy outgrowths. He just wants to upload an image of the native caps, wristwatches, or shoes he sells in his small shop on a social media marketplace. It is a ritual that takes him away from his home, often at night, in search of a network signal that may or may not be there.
“I used to wait till midnight, sometimes longer,” Najibullah, a soft-spoken man in his early 30s, recalled. “Even if the signal came, it wasn’t enough to make a call. At best, I could send a text or a voice note. Sometimes, I had to hike for about 41 km to neighbouring areas like Bagoma or Kamuku National Park just to find MTN’s signal — one we believe was coming from Niger State.”
This is not just his story. It’s the lived reality for over 300,000 people in Birnin Gwari, a local government area in Kaduna State, northwestern Nigeria, where full network coverage has remained elusive for over three years.
Najibullah’s sister struggles to communicate with her husband, who is in Europe. She tries to send him pictures of their one-year-old daughter from time to time.
Vandalised infrastructure at a base station in Birnin Gwari. Photo courtesy of Najibullah Nakaka
Birnin Gwari used to be a lively transit hub linking Nigeria’s North to the South. Bigger in size than Lagos, with an area of 6,185km², the town bustled with trailers transporting livestock, grains, and people along its highways. Its large grain and livestock markets were among the largest in Kaduna State. But a large forest on its outskirts became a hideout for armed groups, and eventually, the town began to unravel under waves of insecurity.
In 2021, as violence escalated across the region, state governments, starting with Zamfara and Katsina, then later Kaduna, ordered a telecom shutdown aimed at disrupting insurgents’ ability to coordinate attacks. But rather than stopping the violence, the blackout brought untold socio-economic hardship to residents. Locals told HumAngle that the attacks not only continued but worsened, with people not being able to make distress calls during the attacks. With mobile networks down, terrorists began demanding ransoms through handwritten letters.
Although the government lifted the restrictions in late 2021, residents of Birnin Gwari say network coverage has not returned. Local telecom operators like MTN, Airtel, and 9Mobile are absent across the local government. GLO works only sporadically in three out of eleven wards. Residents rely on a mix of low-tech ingenuity and costly alternatives; climbing hills, suspending phones on antennae, or congregating at fuel stations that use satellite internet services like Starlink.
While it is an alternative, Starlink installation and subscription are expensive and cannot be afforded in every home or business. As of June 2025, the hardware costs about ₦626,300, and the monthly subscription is around ₦57,000, figures far beyond reach for most residents.
“Sometimes, it feels we’re back to the Stone Age,” said Mallam Hassan, a resident who sells telecom recharge cards. “When we can’t reach the people we want to communicate with, we have to rely on word of mouth to get our messages delivered. It is that bad.”
The shutdown’s effects are far-reaching. Najibullah’s fashion business suffered. His attempts to apply for a Master’s programme at Bayero University, Kano, failed due to an inability to access the application portal in time. Eventually, he relocated to Zaria, an urban area in Kaduna State, where he now works as a classroom teacher and digital educator.
“It led me to open a foundation that serves as a bridge between students and opportunities that are being shared online,” Najibullah told HumAngle. “They send me their details, and I fill out the forms for them. Teachers and students alike are missing out on digital educational tools that will get them prepared for the future. There is no integration of technology and digital tools in education.”
He added that, “There is no JAMB centre in Birnin Gwari. People have to travel to other neighbouring local governments or Kaduna town to register and sit for JAMB (pre-university) exams.”
Businesses are in decline. Livestock and grain trading have slowed to a crawl. There is no single functioning bank in the town. Union Bank, once the only commercial presence, shut its doors due to both insecurity and the absence of a telecom signal.
“This is why I had to leave, because my work and schooling are virtual,” Najibullah said.
Hassan, who once supplied over ₦5 million worth of recharge cards weekly, now struggles to hit ₦200,000. “People can’t recharge phones without a signal. My friend, who used to sell livestock and grains worth ₦50 million monthly, can barely survive now. [Physical] cash movement is dangerous, and there’s no network for mobile transactions.”
‘Peace has not translated into connectivity’
In January 2025, Kaduna State negotiated a peace pact with some armed groups, reportedly enabling the reopening of markets and the resumption of 24-hour road traffic. The cattle market, which had been dormant for over a decade, is slowly reviving, with more than 50 trucks now departing weekly.
But peace has not translated into connectivity. Telecommunications companies have been reluctant to return. Masts destroyed during the conflict remain unrepaired.
abandoned telco base station in Birnin Gwari. Photo courtesy of Najibullah Nakaka
“We have been writing letters and lobbying the influential individuals in our town to lead the conversation about restoring the networks. We have equally written to the telcos to come back, as Birnin Gwari is peaceful now. Up till now, nothing has been done,” Najibullah said.
Gbenga Adebayo, Chairperson of the Association of Licensed Telecom Operators of Nigeria, did not respond to our requests for comment.
However, Frank Eleanya, a telecom analyst, said: “When we think about telecommunications, we need to see it more as a commercial entity than a humanitarian one.”
Eleanya explained that restoring operations in a community like Birnin Gwari, where several pieces of infrastructure have been vandalised, might not be an easy decision for telecom operators, particularly in the face of declining revenues and shrinking profit margins. “One of the things that will determine whether they return immediately is how much they were earning there in the first place. If it wasn’t profitable, they wouldn’t see it as viable. The decision to return depends on commerce — on how much they stand to make,” he added.
Amid financial constraints, many telecom companies have slowed the deployment of new infrastructure. “They are currently focused on optimising existing assets to generate returns for shareholders,” he told HumAngle.
Eleanya also noted that if telecom operators are not convinced that security has been sufficiently addressed in these communities, it will be difficult for them to reinvest, particularly because restarting connectivity and revamping infrastructure is capital-intensive.
Nonetheless, he stated that if the federal or state government is willing to bear the costs, including the right of way and cutting down multiple taxation, telecom operators may be more inclined to consider returning. “But you can’t hold them to ransom and insist they must come back to the community,” he said. “There are significant costs they are factoring in.”
HumAngle reached out to James Kanyip, the Kaduna State Commissioner of Home Affairs and Internal Security, for comment via email and phone call, but he did not respond.
“The people are living in darkness, deprived of communication and opportunities due to this prolonged outage,” said Isah Muhammad Galadima, a lecturer at the Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, in an open letter to Nigerian telecom operators. “[They] are in dire need of assistance.”
A ‘comprehensive review’ of the US’s chaotic military withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021 has also been ordered.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio has said that the United States is reviewing whether to designate Afghanistan’s rulers, the Taliban, as a “foreign terrorist organization”.
Rubio told the House Foreign Affairs Committee during a hearing on Capitol Hill in Washington on Wednesday, “I believe that classification is now, once again, under review.”
The response came a day after US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth ordered a “comprehensive review” of the United States’s chaotic military withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021, an evacuation operation in which 13 US service members and 150 Afghans were killed at Kabul’s airport in an ISIL (ISIS) bombing.
Hegseth said in a memo on Tuesday that after three months of assessing the withdrawal, a comprehensive review was needed to ensure accountability for this event.
“This remains an important step toward regaining faith and trust with the American people and all those who wear the uniform, and is prudent based on the number of casualties and equipment lost during the execution of this withdrawal operation,” Hegseth wrote.
Former President Joe Biden’s administration, which oversaw the pull-out, mostly blamed the resulting chaos on a lack of planning and reductions in troops by the first Donald Trump administration, following its deal with the Taliban to accelerate the withdrawal of US forces.
Trump had signed the deal with the Taliban in Doha in February 2020 aimed at ending its 18-year war in Afghanistan, beginning with the withdrawal of about 4,000 troops “within months”.
The then-Trump administration had agreed it would withdraw from the country by May 2021 if the Taliban negotiated a peace agreement with the Afghan government and promised to prevent internationally designated terrorist groups, such as al-Qaeda and ISIL, from gaining a foothold in the country.
After assuming office in January 2021, Biden said he had to respect the agreement or risk new conflicts with the Taliban, which could have required additional troops in Afghanistan.
On the 2024 campaign trail, Trump frequently criticised Biden and his administration for the withdrawal, saying that the manner in which it was done “was the most embarrassing day in the history of our country’s life.” Trump said that the withdrawal should have been done with “dignity, with strength, with power.”
Senior US military officials, including then-Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin and the then-top US general, Mark Milley, have already appeared before lawmakers to give their testimonies regarding the withdrawal.
The war in Afghanistan from 2001-2021 was the US’s longest war, surpassing Vietnam.
US Central Command, which oversees operations in the Middle East, has also carried out an investigation into the ISIL attack on Kabul during the last few days of the withdrawal.
For almost 30 years, the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 has been a forgotten headline. Now, the BBC are shining a light on the tragedy – leaving Connor Swindells lost for words.
The BBC is airing a bombshell drama about the bombing of Pan Am flight 103(Image: CREDIT LINE:BBC/World Productions)
December 21, 1988. A routine transatlantic flight from Heathrow to JFK ends in catastrophe. Pan Am Flight 103 explodes mid-air over Lockerbie, Scotland, killing all 259 people on board and 11 on the ground.
It was the deadliest terrorist attack on US citizens before 9/11, yet for many – including some of the cast of BBC One’s gripping new series The Bombing Of Pan Am 103 – the tragedy has become a forgotten headline.
“I didn’t know much about it before,” says Sex Education actor Connor Swindells, 28, who plays a Scottish detective. “The filming process was really informative.”
His co-star, Suits’ Patrick J Adams, 43, says, “I was seven years old when it happened and living in the UK at the time. As soon as I heard a series was being made about the events, I thought, ‘How has this never happened before?’”
In the six-part series, also coming to Netflix, Connor and Patrick play opposing forces in the aftermath of the bombing. Connor steps into the role of DS Ed McCusker, the detective leading the case on home soil.
Patrick portrays his American counterpart and rival, FBI special agent Dick Marquise. As Scotland and the US wrangle for control of the investigation in a bid to seek answers, political friction and personal grief collide.
Connor Swindells shot to fame on Netflix’s Sex Education as Adam Groff. He’s now thrown into geopolitical turmoil in the BBC’s The Bombing of Pan Am 103(Image: CREDIT LINE:BBC/World Productions)
The series doesn’t shy away from the geopolitical tensions that followed the bombing. While the FBI got involved assuming there would be cooperation, they were met with resistance from the Scottish authorities.
“I thought the FBI would be welcomed to any investigation,” says Patrick. “But this happened on Scottish soil – it belonged to them. There was friction despite everyone wanting the same thing.”
That complexity was front and centre for Connor, who found the emotional weight of his role intense. “This is a story that must be handled with care,” he says. “It’s been a real lesson in trying to do justice to the truth every single day, which is how it should be.”
Joining Patrick and Connor are Merritt Wever as FBI victim services director Kathryn Turman and Eddie Marsan as explosives expert Tom Thurman. Like Connor, Merritt knew little about the tragedy before filming.
The tragedy took place in 1988, killing 270 people and becoming the deadliest terror attack in British history(Image: CREDIT LINE:BBC/World Productions)
“It wasn’t on my radar,” she says. “But once I started speaking to people, so many had connections.” Eddie, however, remembers it vividly. “It was a terrible moment in history,” he says.
Kathryn went on to reshape the FBI from the inside out once the investigation was closed. “She saw that, back in 1988, these big investigative institutions lacked a framework for putting families first in the wake of these disasters.
She helped transform the Department of Justice and FBI, essentially giving them a heart,” says Merritt. Writer Jonathan Lee hopes the series does justice to the enormity of the event – and its continued relevance.
“It was the biggest crime scene the world had ever seen at the time,” he says. “They had to piece together the communication lines across borders, beliefs and individual agendas. It’s a lesson we’re constantly learning and unlearning.”
