terror

In Britain, citizens protesting against the war in Gaza are being arrested and detained under “terrorism” laws. Activists and legal experts warn that “public safety” is being used as a pretext to silence dissent, curb free speech and criminalise legitimate political activism.

Presenter: Stefanie Dekker

Guests:
Clare Hinchcliffe – mother of imprisoned activist
Laura O’Brien – head of protest team
Matt Kennard – investigative journalist and author

On a crisp spring morning in Brampton town of Canada’s Ontario province in May, Harjit Singh Dhadda meticulously tied his traditional sage green turban as he got ready for work.

He embraced his daughter Gurleen before leaving for his trucking insurance office in Mississauga near Toronto’s bustling Pearson international airport.

It was the last time Gurleen saw her 51-year-old father alive. As Harjit reached the car park of his office on May 14, two men confronted him. One of them pumped multiple bullets into Harjit’s body before fleeing in a stolen 2018 Dodge Challenger.

Harjit later died of his injuries at a local hospital.

Hours later, two men claimed responsibility for Harjit’s murder in a Facebook post, calling themselves members of a criminal gang led by Lawrence Bishnoi, an Indian national currently imprisoned at Sabarmati Central Jail in the western Indian state of Gujarat.

Barely a month after Harjit’s murder, a businessman in Surrey, British Columbia, and another in Harjit’s town, Brampton – both of Indian origin – were shot. Local authorities say the murders represent a disturbing expansion of criminal networks rooted in India into Canadian territory – led by India’s most notorious organised crime syndicate, the Lawrence Bishnoi gang.

Now, a growing number of political leaders in Canada want the federal government to act, demanding that the Bishnoi gang be declared a terrorist organisation.

‘Public safety must come first’

“The terrorist designation enables police to use the necessary tools to investigate and bring this activity to an end. It gives police significant investigative tools,” British Columbia’s Premier David Eby said in a statement on June 17.

In July, his Alberta counterpart, Daniel Smith, echoed that call. “Formally designating the Bishnoi Gang as a terrorist entity will unlock critical powers, allowing law enforcement agencies to access the necessary tools and resources needed to disrupt operations and protect our people effectively,” Smith said in a Facebook post on July 14.

Alberta’s Public Safety Minister Mike Ellis said there was credible intelligence indicating the involvement of the Bishnoi gang in extortion and targeted violence in the province and elsewhere in Canada. “The gang originates from India, and ongoing investigations are examining why they are specifically targeting the South Asian community,” Ellis told Al Jazeera in a statement.

Jody Toor, a lawmaker from the Conservative Party in the British Columbia Legislature, and Brampton city Mayor Patrick Brown have also supported designating the Bishnoi gang a terrorist organisation.

The Canadian federal government has suggested that it is examining these demands. “There is precedent for criminal organisations being designated this way, and I fully support a thorough, evidence-based approach,” Secretary of State for Combating Crime Ruby Sahota told Al Jazeera. “Public safety must come first, and if a group meets the criteria, it should be listed without delay.”

Amarnath Amarasingam, a researcher on extremism and an associate professor at Queen’s University in Ontario, said that listing the Bishnoi group as a terrorist organisation would significantly broaden law enforcement powers. It would allow law enforcement agencies to pursue terrorism-related charges, criminalise recruitment or financial support for the group, seize and freeze assets, and give them greater surveillance powers.

Canadian officials had, in 2024, accused the Bishnoi gang of acting at the behest of Indian intelligence agencies to target critics of the Indian government on their soil.

“A terrorist designation would send a strong signal to India and other allies that Canada is taking the transnational threat seriously. It would also increase information-sharing opportunities with global partners,” Amarasingam told Al Jazeera. Those partners include the Five Eyes alliance, which also includes the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand.

A terrorist tag could strengthen Canadian requests for arrests through organisations like Interpol, too, he added. It could trigger sanctions against the gang, allowing the government to institute travel bans, visa denials and financial blacklisting of associates and funders.

But he warned that listing the group as a terrorist organisation could have its downsides. While clearly involved in criminal activity, the Bishnoi gang doesn’t appear to have political, religious or ideological objectives – traditionally the bar that listings have needed – he said.

“Using terrorism powers to target a group that lacks this motivation could set a dangerous precedent, weakening the credibility of Canada’s listing process and lowering the threshold, opening the door for future political misuse,” Amarasingam said.

An Indian intelligence asset?

But the Bishnoi gang is no ordinary criminal syndicate, according to Canadian officials.

In recent years, the Indian government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi has faced allegations that its intelligence agents have been attempting to carry out targeted assassinations of Sikh separatists overseas, especially in Canada and the US.

Canada is home to about 770,000 Sikhs, who make up 2.1 percent of its population – their largest number outside India. Many of them moved to Canada in the 1980s when Indian forces launched a violent crackdown on alleged supporters of a movement demanding a separate Sikh homeland, Khalistan, to be carved out of the northern Indian state of Punjab. India describes such separatists as “terrorists”.

It was the killing of Sikh separatist Hardeep Singh Nijjar, 45, outside a Sikh temple on June 18, 2023, that pushed Bishnoi and his gang to the centre of a bitter diplomatic war between Canada and India.

In October that year, then Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau alleged that Indian diplomats were collecting intelligence on “Canadians who are opponents or in disagreement with the Modi government” and that the intelligence reached “criminal organisations like the Lawrence Bishnoi gang to then result in violence against Canadians on the ground”.

Trudeau and his government directly blamed the Modi government for Nijjar’s assassination. Nijjar was a prominent supporter of a Khalistani state.

But New Delhi, while rejecting these allegations, has insisted that it has sent more than two dozen extradition requests to Canada, seeking Ottawa’s help in getting Bishnoi gang members back to India to face “due legal action”. And it says that Canada hasn’t acted on its request.

As Canada and India trade allegations, many in the Indian origin community are dealing with mounting insecurity. Could they be the next target of the Bishnoi group?

‘Threatening call’

Over three decades, Harjit, a Sikh entrepreneur, had built a life that resembled a Canadian immigrant success story.

He ran a company called G&G Trucking Solutions – a consultancy firm that advised its clients on how to start and run a trucking company, and was a commercial insurance broker as well. His business expanded to Calgary and Edmonton, in Alberta, and he had nearly 30 employees.

Then, on December 10, 2023 – his birthday – he received a phone call from someone who identified himself as an Indian gangster, his daughter Gurleen recalled. The caller demanded 500,000 Canadian dollars ($361,000) in extortion money and threatened dire consequences if the money wasn’t paid. Harjit refused to pay and informed law enforcement authorities.

“He told me about the threatening call,” Gurleen, a 24-year-old business student at York University in Toronto, told Al Jazeera.

After the threatening call, Harjit changed his daily routine and began operating his business mostly from home. But eventually, he resumed meetings with clients in his office, his daughter said.

On May 14, Gurleen received a call from her father’s office. He had been shot.

“I rushed to the office. There were bullet casings scattered everywhere. Police had cordoned off the entire area. My father was rushed to the hospital, he later succumbed to his injuries,” said Gurleen.

Police have arrested three men – identified as Aman and Digvijay, both 21, and Shaheel, 22 – as suspects. But Harjit’s family says law enforcement have only scratched the tip of the iceberg.

“Police merely arrested three kids. But who orchestrated this? I wanted to know the man behind my father’s killing,” said Gurleen.

Meanwhile, two men – Rohit Godara and Goldy Brar – who called themselves members of the Bishnoi gang, posted on Facebook that they had killed Harjit. They claimed that Harjit had helped a rival gang and was involved in a murder in India – allegations that the family denies. Police have not confirmed whether they believe the Bishnoi gang was behind Harjit’s killing.

On June 12, 2025, another Indian-origin businessman, Satwinder Sharma, was shot in Surrey, British Columbia. An Indian origin gangster, Jiwan Fauji claimed responsibility for the murder. Indian police have labelled Fauji an alleged member of Babbar Khalsa International, a banned Khalistani outfit. Sharma’s family did not respond to an Al Jazeera request for an interview.

A little over a week later, on June 20, Brampton-based businessman, MP Dhanoa, was shot down. Again, Godara and Brar claimed responsibility on behalf of the Bishnoi gang in a Facebook post.

Harjit, Sharma and Dhanoa have no known links to the Khalistani movement.

But gang leader Lawrence Bishnoi, apart from his crime network, has presented himself as a Hindu nationalist in interviews from jail, and some supporters of Modi’s Hindu majoritarian Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government have spoken of how the gangster had scared Khalistan supporters.

Rise to notoriety

Indian police officials say that Bishnoi, 32, controls more than 700 sharpshooters who carry out murders and extortion globally. And he does this from behind bars, shuffling between various prisons for nearly a decade now.

Bishnoi and Brar gained wide notoriety in May 2022, when the gang murdered prominent Punjabi singer and rapper Sidhu Moosewala in Punjab. Police said Brar allegedly orchestrated Moosewala’s killing from Canada.

Ajai Sahni, executive director of the New Delhi Institute for Conflict Management, said establishing a command chain – and even defining what constitutes a gang – isn’t easy with transnational groups. “Any incident executed in India can be claimed by Bishnoi gang members in Canada or in the US, and vice versa through unverifiable social media accounts,” Sahni told Al Jazeera. He suggested that in such cases, even surveillance records against suspects might not suffice as strong enough legal evidence.

Sanjay Verma, former Indian high commissioner – Canada expelled him after Trudeau’s allegations in 2023 – said last year that India had shared information about Brar’s presence in Canada with Ottawa.

In 2024, Bishnoi’s gang claimed responsibility for the murder of a 66-year-old politician, Baba Siddique, in Mumbai’s Bandra area. Two members of the Bishnoi gang were also arrested for firing outside the Mumbai residence of popular Bollywood actor, Salman Khan.

Gurmeet Singh Chauhan, deputy inspector general of the Anti-Gangster Task Force in India’s Punjab, advocates for a joint data-sharing mechanism between countries affected by criminal gangs, like Bishnoi.

“If we have any evidence, it should be promptly shared with our Canadian counterparts, who must investigate it without delay and keep us informed. Crime is crime – no matter where it occurs in the world,” Chauhan told Al Jazeera. “There is a very thin line between organised crime and terrorism. These networks can be exploited for terrorist activities at any time, anywhere in the world.”

The Bishnoi group has also claimed responsibility for attacks on the homes of two prominent Punjabi singers, AP Dhillon and Gippy Grewal, in British Columbia, over the past two years, as its empire of fear has expanded from Mumbai to Mississauga. And on August 7, an alleged Bishnoi gang member claimed responsibility for gunshots fired at a cafe in British Columbia owned by Indian comedian Kapil Sharma.

‘They could execute me’

Satish Kumar, a 73-year-old businessman in Surrey, British Columbia who migrated to Canada 45 years ago, says he lives in constant fear.

Kumar is the president of Lakshmi Narayan Temple in Surrey, a prominent religious site for Hindus.

Earlier this year, he received a phone call from a man who identified himself as Godara, the Bishnoi associate who – along with Brar – claimed responsibility for the killings of Harjit and Dhanoa. “He demanded two million Canadian dollars [$1.45m] as extortion,” Kumar told Al Jazeera, adding that he blocked the number.

Later he reported the call to the police, after receiving threats from other numbers. “They sent multiple voice notes on May 28, 2025, threatening to kill me and harm my business premises, but I blocked the numbers”, said Kumar.

Then, the threats turned to bullets.

On June 7, men allegedly belonging to the Bishnoi gang fired shots at various buildings owned by Kumar. “The gang members filmed the shootings at three of my premises and sent me the footage, but I refused to pay extortion,” he said.

Kumar said he was frustrated with what he called an “inadequate response” by the Canadian police. “They [gangsters] could execute me at any moment. I still receive calls from them. My family is under constant stress,” he told Al Jazeera.

As attacks escalate, the South Asian community in Surrey and Brampton has been campaigning for more safety on social media, uploading videos of various shootings in the two cities. Since 2003, gang-related homicides in British Columbia have climbed from 21 percent to 46 percent of all homicides in 2023, according to the provincial police.

“During work, I can momentarily forget about these gangs,” Kumar said. “But once I finish my work, then it’s there – this fear.”

Young adult comedies are best when the misery of high school is paired with other extreme types of terror — a plane crash, a supernatural mystery, vampires. “Wednesday,” Netflix’s Addams Family series, did just that and more when it premiered in 2022, combining sardonic wit, smart casting and murder in a beautifully macabre setting influenced by producer and director Tim Burton. Jenna Ortega stars as the Addams’ dark-hearted daughter. Her deadpan delivery and zombie prom dance solidified “Wednesday” as one of the year’s best and liveliest funerary comedies.

The second season of “Wednesday,” Part 1 of which debuts Wednesday followed by Part 2 on Sept. 3, finds the show’s namesake back at Nevermore Academy, where she’s faced with challenges familiar to last season. She must navigate the idiocy of her high school peers while solving a metaphysical murder mystery.

But there’s a new twist that threatens to undermine the unflappable protagonist, and it’s a teenager’s worst nightmare — even for a girl who enjoys night terrors. Wednesday’s weird family is headed to school with her. Brother Pugsley (Isaac Ordonez) is a Nevermore freshman and her parents Morticia (Catherine Zeta-Jones) and Gomez (Luis Guzmán) are helping with fundraising and such. Oh the horror.

Jenna Ortega’s Wednesday Addams “dance dance dances with her hands, hands, hands” in “Wednesday” Season 1.

(Netflix)

Season 2 follows many of the same formulas, replete with eviscerating comebacks from Daddy’s Little Viper. When her new high school principal, Barry Dort (Steve Buscemi), asks if she’d like a Nevermore Academy spirit sticker, she responds, “Only if you have one that says ‘Do Not Resuscitate.’” And when describing her underachieving brother’s shortcomings, she says, “He’s got the brains of a dung beetle and the ambitions of a French bureaucrat.”

But it’s impossible to recapture the magic of the first season, and “Wednesday” Season 2 isn’t quite as crisp or surprising. In the first four episodes made available for review, Wednesday’s zingers aren’t as wickedly sharp as they once were. And because we know she’s going to be annoyed by her classmates, such as perky werewolf roommate Enid (Emma Myers), the dynamic is not as morbidly charming.

The bond between Addams family members, however, is more deeply explored and their dysfunctional interactions add a new layer of contemptuous humor to the mix. The relationship between Wednesday and Morticia is strained, and not just due to the usual disgust teen daughters have toward their mothers. “When do I get to read your novel?” asks Morticia of her daughter’s work in progress, “Viper de la Muerte.” Wednesday’s inner voice answers, “When the sun explodes and the Earth is consumed in a molten apocalypse.” Her outside voice? “Soon, Mother. Soon.”

Morticia is worried about Wednesday’s increasing use of her psychic powers because similar abilities drove another family member mad. Her daughter is showing troubling signs such as black tears streaming from her eyes each time she has a psychic episode — though it’s a good look, especially for those contemplating their next Halloween costume.

We thankfully see a lot more of eccentric Uncle Fester (Fred Armisen owns this role) as he helps Wednesday solve her latest case, sometimes using the benefit of his telekinetic powers. Christina Ricci, who played Wednesday in the 1991 film, is also back. The deranged villain from Season 1 is now a deranged inmate.

Welcome new additions include Grandmama Hester Frump (played by Joanna Lumley of “Absolutely Fabulous”), Morticia’s immaculately coiffed mother and wealthy mogul who owns Frump Mortuaries. She’s cold, conniving and happy to cause a deeper rift between her granddaughter and daughter. And in a perfect casting move, Christopher Lloyd, who played Fester in the film, appears as a disembodied head in a jar who teaches at the academy.

Thing, the lone hand played by Romanian magician Victor Dorobantu, perhaps has the most screen time of anyone. Season 2 opens with the stitched-up appendage beating the hell out of a serial killer. It’s at once satisfying and stupidly hilarious.

As for the plot, it’s much the same as last season. There’s another mystery to solve, but this time it involves killer surveillance crows, a hooded stalker and at least a few visits to an insane asylum. There’s also a walking dead character added to the mix, so expect gore in the form of goo, brains and bugs.

But it’s really the performances, casting and artistic flourishes that make “Wednesday” a ghoulish delight. A short ghost story about a boy with a clockwork heart buried under the Skull Tree is told via Burton claymation, in black-and-white, in the spirit of “Frankenweenie.” It’s beautiful, sweet and sorrow-filled. “Wednesday” isn’t what it was and that’s OK. It still works as spooky comedy about a girl and her severed hand.

A TEEN boy died “in terror” after his dad crashed on a motorway while high on cocaine.

Daniel Burba, 31, has been advised by doctors not to drive when got behind the wheel of his wife’s van with 14-year-old Ryan Morgan in the passenger seat.

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The dad had been diagnosed with epilepsy just weeks before the horror which was made worse by the use of illegal drugs.

Despite this, Burba was four-times the limit for cocaine and its derivative benzoylecgonine – causing him to suffer an epileptic fit.

Ryan had no choice but to try to gain control of the van before it swerved off the M6 near Lancaster and hit a tree.

The teen was tragically pronounced dead at the scene after suffering head injuries.

Burba, who also only had a provisional licence, was taken to hospital with “relatively minor” injuries.

While being treated, a paramedic discovered a small bag of cocaine in the dad’s wallet.

Burba has now been jailed for ten years after he pleaded guilty to causing death by dangerous driving and driving without a licence or insurance.

In a victim impact statement, Ryan’s mum said her heart has been broken and told how she has been unable to grieve properly because she fears once she starts, she won’t be able to stop.

She continued: “I feel that no amount of time Daniel will serve will ever be enough for taking Ryan’s life. Not only did he take my boy’s life, he took my boy’s future.

“My boy will never grow and be a father, go to work and follow his dreams or travel. He didn’t even get to finish school. He hasn’t ever had a chance to experience life.

“It’s so unfair because Ryan did have a beautiful heart. He wanted to be a policeman. He would have changed the world. He made it a better place in the short time he was here. He made everyone smile who came into contact with him. He had a smile that lit up the room.

“Daniel has taken all that and more. Daniel has taken a precious son, brother, grandson, nephew, friend and cousin. He had so much to live for.

“The fact that Daniel knew he wasn’t allowed to drive due to his seizures, plus a lack of licence and insurance is just disgusting.”

Preston Crown Court heard the horror unfolded on April 20 as other motorists noticed Burba driving erratically with his hazards on.

He reached speeds of more than 70mph before leaving the carriageway and smashing into a tree.

The court heard the Peugeot Bipper van flipped over due to the force it hit the tree.

Police later discovered Burba had been told in October 2014 by his doctor to stop taking cocaine after he suffered a seizure which lasted up to four minutes.

He was also advised not to drive, with the same warning issued in February when he was admitted to hospital after more fits.

Sentencing, Judge Robert Altham, the Honorary Recorder of Preston, told him: “You knew that cocaine predisposed you to further fits.

“You were not entitled to drive unsupervised and certainly not on the motorway. You should not have behind the wheel at all.”

As well as the jail sentence, Judge Altham disqualified Burba from driving for 14 years and five months.

Sgt Martin Wilcock, Senior Investigating Officer at our Road Policing Unit, said: “No sentence will ever make up for any loss of life, particularly in these tragic circumstances. However, Daniel Burba will have the rest of his life to reflect upon the catastrophic consequences his decision to consume drugs and then get behind the wheel have had. Sadly, his son will not.

“I hope the outcome of this case sends a strong message out to anyone who is considering driving, having been told by a doctor not to. Or anyone who is considering driving, having consumed drugs or alcohol.

“As is so very obvious from this case, you run the risk of taking a life but also ruining many others – including your own.”

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In Shambat al-Aradi, a tight-knit neighbourhood in Khartoum North once known for its vibrant community gatherings and spirited music festivals, two childhood friends have suffered through confinement and injustice at the hands of one of Sudan’s warring sides.

Khalid al-Sadiq, a 43-year-old family doctor, and one of his best friends, a 40-year-old musician who once lit up the stage of the nearby Khedr Bashir Theatre, were inseparable before the war.

But when the civil war broke out in April 2023 and fighting tore through their city, both men, born and raised near that beloved theatre, were swept into a campaign of arbitrary arrests conducted by the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

The friends were detained separately and tortured in different ways, but their experiences nonetheless mirrored one another – until they emerged, physically altered, emotionally broken and forever bound by survival.

Imprisonment and ransom

Al-Sadiq’s ordeal began in August 2023 when RSF forces raided Shambat and arbitrarily arrested him and countless other men.

He was crowded into a bathroom in a house that the RSF had looted along with seven other people and was kept there for days.

“We were only let out to eat, then forced back in,” he explained.

During his first days of interrogation, al-Sadiq was tortured repeatedly by the RSF to pressure him for a ransom.

They crushed his fingers, one at a time, using pliers. At one point, to scare him, they fired at the ground near him, sending shrapnel flying into his abdomen and causing heavy bleeding.

After three days, the men were lined up by their captors.

“They tried to negotiate with us, demanding 3 million Sudanese pounds [about $1,000] per person,” al-Sadiq recalled.

Three men were released after handing over everything they had, including a rickshaw and all their cash. Al-Sadiq and the other remaining prisoners were moved to a smaller cell – an even more cramped toilet tucked beneath a staircase.

“There was no ventilation. There were insects everywhere,” he said. They had to alternate sleeping – two could just about lie down while two stood.

A few kilometres away, al-Sadiq’s friend, the musician, who asked to remain anonymous, had also been arrested and held at the Paratrooper Military Camp in Khartoum North, which the RSF captured in the first months of the war with Sudan’s military.

That would not be the only time the musician was taken because the RSF had been told that his family were distantly related to former President Omar al-Bashir.

“They said I’m a ‘remnant of the regime’ because of that relation to him even though I was never part of the regime. I was against it,” he said, adding that he had protested against al-Bashir.

Months into the war, his family’s Shambat home was raided by the RSF and his younger brother was shot in the leg. To keep everybody safe, the musician quickly evacuated his family to Umm al-Qura in Gezira state, then went home to collect their belongings. That was when he was arrested.

During his time at the military camp, he told Al Jazeera, the RSF fighters would tie him and other prisoners up and lay them facedown on the ground in the yard. Then they would beat them with a “sout al-anag” whip, a Sudanese leather whip traditionally made of hippo skin.

The flogging lasted a long time, he added, and it was not an isolated incident. It happened to him several times.

In interrogations, RSF personnel fixated on his alleged affiliation with al-Bashir, branding him with slurs like “Koz”, meaning a political Islamist remnant of al-Bashir’s regime, and subjecting him to verbal and physical abuse.

He was held for about a month, then released to return to a home that had been looted.

He would be detained at least five more times.

“Most of the detentions were based on people informing on each other, sometimes for personal benefit, sometimes under torture,” al-Sadiq said.

“RSF commanders even brag about having a list of Bashir regime or SAF [Sudan armed forces] supporters for every area.”

Forced labour

While he was held by the RSF, the musician told Al Jazeera, he and others were forced to perform manual labour that the fighters did not want to do.

“They used to take us out in the morning to dig graves,” he said. “I dug over 30 graves myself.”

The graves were around the detention camp and seemed to be for the prisoners who died from torture, illness or starvation.

While he could not estimate how many people were buried in those pits, he described the site where he was forced to dig, saying it already had many pits that had been used before.

Meanwhile, al-Sadiq was blindfolded, bound and bundled into a van and taken to an RSF detention facility in the al-Riyadh neighbourhood.

The compound had five zones: a mosque repurposed into a prison, a section for women, an area holding army soldiers captured in battle, another for those who surrendered and an underground chamber called “Guantanamo” – the site of systematic torture.

Al-Sadiq tried to help the people he was imprisoned with, treating them with whatever they could scavenge and appealing to the RSF to take the dangerously sick prisoners to a hospital.

But the RSF usually ignored the pleas, and al-Sadiq still remembers one patient, Saber, whom the fighters kept shackled even as his health faded fast.

“I kept asking that he be transferred to a hospital,” al-Sadiq said. “He died.”

Some prisoners did receive treatment, though, and the RSF kept a group of imprisoned doctors in a separate room furnished with beds and medical equipment.

There, they were told to treat injured RSF fighters or prisoners the RSF wanted to keep alive, either to keep torturing them for information or because they thought they could get big ransoms for them.

Al-Sadiq chose not to go with the other doctors and decided to cooperate less with the RSF, keeping to himself and staying with the other prisoners.

Conditions were inhumane in the cell he chose to remain in.

“The total water we received daily – for drinking, ablution, everything – was six small cups,” al-Sadiq said, adding that food was scarce and “insects, rats and lice lived with us. I lost 35kg [77lb].”

Their captors did give him some medical supplies, however, when they needed him to treat someone, and they were a lifeline for everyone around him.

The prisoners were so desperate that he sometimes shared IV glucose drips he got from the RSF so detainees could drink them for some hydration.

The only other sources of food were the small “payments” of sugar, milk or dates that the RSF would give to prisoners who they forced to do manual labour like loading or unloading trucks.

Al-Sadiq did not speak of having been forced to dig graves for fellow prisoners or of having heard of other prisoners doing that.

For the musician, however, graves became a constant reality, even during the periods when he was able to go back home to Shambat.

He helped bury about 20 neighbours who died either from crossfire or starvation and had to be buried anywhere but in the cemeteries.

The RSF blocked access to the cemeteries without explaining why to the people who wanted to lay their loved ones to rest.

In fact at first, the RSF prohibited all burials, then relented and allowed some burials as long as they were not in the cemeteries.

So the musician and others would dig graves for people in Shambat Stadium’s Rabta Field and near the Khedr Bashir Theatre.

He said many people who were afraid to leave their homes at all ended up burying their loved ones in their yards or in any nearby plots they could furtively access.

The friends’ ordeals lasted into the winter when al-Sadiq found himself released and the RSF stopped coming around to arrest the musician.

Neither man knows why.

Both al-Sadiq and the musician told Al Jazeera they remain haunted by what they endured.

The torment, they said, didn’t end with their release; it followed them, embedding itself in their thoughts, a shadow they fear will darken the rest of their lives.

On March 26, the SAF announced it had recaptured Khartoum. Now, the two men have returned to their neighbourhood, where they feel a greater sense of safety.

Having been detained and tortured by the RSF, they believe they’re unlikely to be viewed by the SAF as collaborators – offering them, at least, a fragile sense of safety.

PILTON, England — Irish-language rap group Kneecap gave an impassioned performance for tens of thousands of fans on Saturday at the Glastonbury Festival despite criticism by British politicians and a terrorism charge against one of the trio.

Liam Og O hAnnaidh, who performs under the stage name Mo Chara, has been charged under the Terrorism Act with supporting a proscribed organization for allegedly waving a Hezbollah flag at a concert in London in November. The rapper, who was charged under the anglicized version of his name, Liam O’Hanna, is on unconditional bail before a further court hearing in August.

“Glastonbury, I’m a free man!” O hAnnaidh shouted as Kneecap took the stage at Glastonbury’s West Holts field, which holds about 30,000 people. Dozens of Palestinian flags flew in the capacity crowd as the show opened with an audio montage of news clips referring to the band’s critics and legal woes.

Between high-energy numbers that had fans forming a large mosh pit, the band members led the audience in chants of “Free Palestine” and “Free Mo Chara.” They also aimed an expletive-laden chant at U.K. Prime Minister Keir Starmer, who has said he didn’t think it was “appropriate” for Kneecap to play Glastonbury.

The trio thanked festival organizers Michael and Emily Eavis for resisting pressure to cancel Kneecap’s gig and gave a shout-out to Palestine Action, a protest group that the British government plans to ban under terrorism laws after its members vandalized planes on a Royal Air Force base.

The Belfast trio is known for anarchic energy, satirical lyrics and use of symbolism associated with the Irish republican movement, which seeks to unite Northern Ireland, which is part of the U.K., with the Republic of Ireland.

More than 3,600 people were killed during three decades of violence in Northern Ireland involving Irish republican militants, pro-British Loyalist militias and the U.K. security forces. Kneecap takes its name from a brutal punishment — shooting in the leg — that was dealt out by paramilitary groups to informers and drug dealers.

The group has faced criticism for lyrics laden with expletives and drug references, and for political statements, especially since videos emerged allegedly showing the band shouting, “up Hamas, up Hezbollah,” and calling on people to kill lawmakers.

Members of the group say they don’t support Hezbollah or Hamas, nor condone violence, and O hAnnaidh says he picked up a flag that was thrown onto the stage without knowing what it represented. Kneecap has accused critics of trying to silence the band because of its support for the Palestinian cause throughout the war in the Gaza Strip.

A performance at the Coachella Valley Music and Arts Festival in April — where the band accused Israel, with U.S. support, of committing genocide against the Palestinians — sparked calls for the group members’ U.S. visas to be revoked.

Several Kneecap gigs have since been canceled as a result of the controversy.

The BBC, which airs many hours of Glastonbury performances, didn’t show Kneecap’s set live, but said it would “look to make an on-demand version of Kneecap’s performance available on our digital platforms” afterward.

About 200,000 ticket holders have gathered at Worthy Farm in southwest England for Britain’s most prestigious summer music festival, which features almost 4,000 performers on 120 stages. Headline acts performing over three days ending Sunday include Neil Young, Charli XCX, Rod Stewart, Busta Rhymes, Olivia Rodrigo and Doechii.

Glastonbury highlights Friday included a performance from U.K. rockers the 1975, an unannounced set by New Zealand singer Lorde, a raucous reception for Alanis Morissette and an emotional return for Scottish singer Lewis Capaldi, two years after he took a break from touring to adjust to the effect of the neurological condition Tourette syndrome.

Dixon writes for the Associated Press.

EMERGING from a carpet shop in Iran’s beautiful and ancient city of Esfahan, I was engulfed by a group of jostling young men.

Like a desert mirage, as quickly as they had arrived they were gone.

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Patting myself down, a zip on my trouser pocket was undone.

My passport was gone.

And this so-called Axis of Evil nation had no British Embassy to get a replacement.

Hands trembling uncontrollably, my adrenalin-induced sweat of fear smelt like cat’s urine.

There can be few more hazardous places on Earth for a journalist without papers — and an entry stamp — than the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Years later Barry Rosen — a US embassy worker held hostage there in 1979 — told me how his interrogation played out.

With a rifle pressed to his temple, Barry was told he had ten seconds to admit he was a spy.

As the grim countdown began, the New Yorker wrestled with the dilemma of either being perceived as a traitor to his country or leaving his kids fatherless.

“On the count of five I relented,” Barry told me.

“I signed the false confession, distraught and ­completely ashamed.”

Barry would eventually return to his loved ones in the US after 444 days in captivity.

Britons are high-value hostages for the regime.

Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe was detained in Iran for six years on trumped-up charges of plotting to topple the Iranian government.

She was finally released when Britain paid a £400million outstanding debt to Iran.

I would eventually get out — more on how later — after staying with an extraordinarily kind Iranian man who put me up in his apartment and tempered my nerves with some rocket-fuel home brew.

Today — with Iran’s tyrannical regime in Israeli and US crosshairs — I cast my mind back to the welcoming people I met while travelling this ancient land.

These folk loathe rule by the hardline ayatollahs and long for a time less than 50 years ago when women wore miniskirts in capital Tehran, the hair bouncing on their shoulders.

I had arrived in Iran — successor state of the Persian Empire — in 2012 with the idea of travelling from Tehran to Persepolis, a millennia-old desert ruin once the centrepiece of its civilisation.

On the way I’d talk to ordinary people to try and understand what made this land tick.

Did they really think Britain was the cursed Little Satan?

‘GREAT SATAN’

On landing in Tehran — a high-rise city of 9.8million shrouded by mountains — fleets of white taxis honked their way through the city’s awful traffic.

In the pollution-choked centre, I was struck by the number of women walking around with white plasters on their noses.

Tehran has been called the nose job capital of the world.

Women here also face a daily battle over what they can wear in public, with checks made by the dreaded Basij militia network.

Yet many were wearing their head scarves pulled back to reveal dyed blonde hair, while their overcoats were colourful and figure-hugging.

Since the 1979 Iranian revolution, when the Shah — or king — Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was toppled and replaced by hardline cleric Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, Islamic dress has been strictly enforced.

Alcohol was banned, protests stifled and unmarried couples prevented from meeting in public.

Today, the internet is censored and the regime attempts to scramble satellite TV signals.

Near the Taleghani Metro station is the old American embassy — known here as “the nest of spies” — its walls daubed with murals and slogans decrying the so-called Great Satan.

Months after the revolution, students stormed the embassy compound and took 66 Americans hostage.

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A disastrous and aborted US rescue mission the following year — when eight servicemen were killed in a helicopter crash — badly damaged US president Jimmy Carter’s reputation.

The lingering stigma of that failure was perhaps a factor in why Donald Trump took his time before deciding to unleash American firepower on Iran.

In Palestine Square — in the heart of Tehran — beats a Doomsday Clock predicting Israel’s end by the year 2040. The regime put it there in 2017.

It helps explain why Israel launched a pre-emptive strike against Iran’s nuclear sites, senior nuclear scientists and top brass last week.

Nearby, I visited the British embassy compound, its gateway overlooked by lion and unicorn statues.

Around six months before my visit, diplomats had fled as a frenzied mob of Iran- ian “students” storm- ed the building and ransacked offices.

It would remain shuttered for nearly four years.

The rioters — who were chanting “Death To England” — were in fact state-sponsored Basij thugs.

It is the same sinister paramilitary force that is responsible for the policing of morals in this hardline Shi’ite Muslim state, including the wearing of the hijab or headscarf.

Yet these repressive goons are far from representative of the beating heart of this oil-rich nation.

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A short stroll away in the teeming Grand Bazaar, women shoppers, in the all- covering black cloak-like chador, were out looking for bargains.

But surprisingly, Union Jack-patterned knickers and bra combos were on sale on at least three stalls.

American stars and stripes underwear was also available in several shops.

One black-clad shopper in her thirties told me: “The underwear is very popular.

“We have nothing against your country.”

The message that the lingerie worn under the chadors sent out was clear: Knickers to the hardliners.

Indeed, as a metaphor for things being very different under the surface in Iran, it couldn’t be bettered.

Another stall sold Manchester United bath towels in a nation where the Premier League is avidly followed.

“We don’t hate Britain,” a 26-year-old Red Devils-mad taxi driver told me.

“Far from it.

“We admire your freedom.”

After a few days in Tehran I took a shared taxi on the five-hour, 280-mile journey to Iran’s third largest city Esfahan.

It’s home to an exquisite square overlooked by the imposing aquamarine dome of Shah Mosque, regarded as one of the masterpieces of Persian architecture.

The city’s outskirts are also home to one of the largest uranium enrichment facilities in the country.

‘EVERYBODY BREWS THEIR OWN NOW’

Terrified that Iran was close to producing a nuclear weapon to make good on its doomsday prophecy, the site was pummeled by more than two dozen US Tomahawk cruise missiles on Sunday morning.

I had checked into a largely empty hotel in the city centre which had no safe for valuables.

That evening I went out shopping for a Persian rug.

Warily passing some soldiers in the street, I was dismayed to see them beckon me over.

Yet they simply wanted a selfie alongside a rare Western traveller.

Emerging with my new carpet, I was heading for an electronics store bearing a fake Apple logo when I was surrounded by pickpockets.

Now passportless, I was petrified about being stopped by police and asked to produce my documents.

I then remembered meeting some Iranian migrants in Calais who had told me they used to work as smugglers, trekking over the mountains from Iran to Turkey with some contraband alcohol in backpacks.

Finding an internet cafe to research the journey, a man started using the computer next to me to watch porn.

The idea of attempting to walk alone over rugged mountains seemed more hazardous than another internet suggestion — go to another country’s embassy and throw myself at their mercy.

Travelling back to Tehran I attempted to check into a hotel but the receptionist insisted I needed to show my passport.

When I explained my predicament, he told me: “I’ll phone the police and they’ll sort this out.”

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I told him I needed to collect my luggage then scarpered.

Knowing no one in the country, a contact then put me in touch with someone who could put me up.

The grey-haired father lived alone in a ramshackle flat and said I was welcome to the sofa.

“I was jailed for protesting against the Shah when he ruled,” he told me.

“Now I wish I hadn’t bothered.

“This regime is far worse.

“We have far less freedom now.”

Deciding the Dutch would be most amenable to a stricken Brit, I tried their embassy but it was closed for holidays.

So I went to the Danes instead.

They took my details and I was told to return the following day.

Presented with a paper Danish temporary passport 24 hours later, I profusely thanked the embassy staff for making me an honorary viking.

Taking a cab to the airport, I checked my bag on the flight then queued up at immigration dreaming of a glass of red on the plane.

A bearded border guard disdainfully looked at my Danish passport, sniffing as he tossed it away: “No good, no ministry stamp.”

It was back to my new friend’s sofa to watch subtitled TV, including shows with Jamie Oliver and James May.

The former prisoner — raising a glass of home-distilled spirits — revealed: “Twice every year the police go upon the roof and smash up all our satellite dishes.

“But we simply go out and buy some more.

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“There’s a saying here that the regime closed down thousands of brewers during the revolution but created a million more.

“Everybody brews their own now.”

After two days queuing at the relevant Iranian ministry — and praying that they wouldn’t google my identity — I finally got my stamp.

My plane banked over the vast mausoleum built to house Khomeini’s remains as it headed west.

One after another, most of the women on the flight removed their head scarves, then their restrictive chadors.

Settling with a glass of wine, I hoped one day to return to this fascinating land under better circumstances.

Now, with the ayatollahs’ regime perhaps at threat of being toppled, I may one day make it to Persepolis.

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US diplomat Dorothy Shea corrected herself after saying Israel’s government had “spread chaos, terror and suffering” across the Middle East during her statement at the UN Security Council. Shea went on to blame Iran for the conflict with Israel, saying they should have agreed to a deal.

Coronation Street fans can expect dramatic scenes on the ITV soap next week, with a character sparking concern, a possible arrest, romance, DNA news and a drugs storyline

Viewers tuning into Coronation Street next week will see plenty of drama on the ITV soap, according to spoilers.

The latest teasers reveal huge moments ahead, from some DNA news to a possible mystery arrest and a new romance rumbled by residents. There’s also Gary Windass going AWOL only to leave wife Maria Connor a weird message after leaving her panicked.

The big story of the week though is a drug plot that has horrifying and disastrous consequences. Aadi Alahan decides to throw a house party, only for troublemaker Brody Michaelis to bring a bottle of LSD.

As Aadi faces romantic tension with pal Amy Barlow, a misunderstanding leaves him hurt. Soon after he spots the drugs and kicks Brody out of the party, leading to chaos as he refuses to go before finally fleeing.

But Aadi makes a decision he could live to regret when he, Nina and Summer decide to drink the LSD. Aadi leaves his unattended only for someone else to accidentally drink it.

What follows is a dramatic turn of events with Nina and Summer high only to be left terrified when they hear sirens, with it hinted something bad has happened. As the week goes on, Nina and Summer retrace their steps looking for answers.

READ MORE: Soap stars reveal huge storylines ahead: Epic returns, unexpected twists and sad goodbyes

As for another resident, the person who took the third cup of LSD is left in a bad way and their condition deteriorates. When the police come knocking to ask Aadi about reports of drugs at the party, will he reveal all?

At the end of the week Nina is left making a confession to Roy, who urges her to speak to the police. But what has happened and wil she face trouble?

Another mystery next week sees Gary going AWOL amid him being blackmailed by Lou Michaelis. On Monday night fans saw Lou set up Gary to make it seem something was going on between them in exchange for Gary doing as she said.

Spoilers for next week reveal Gary goes AWOL, leaving stepson Liam Connor and Gary’s wife Maria worried. He won’t answer his calls after a visit to see his mother Anna, with them unsure where he is.

Gary does eventually make contact though, messaging Maria to say he’s staying with a mate and he’ll be home soon. But what’s going on with Gary, and is he hiding from Lou?

There’s the truth about a big DNA bombshell next week too with a secret son twist revisited. Kit Green finds out that teen Brody is in fact his biological son after a DNA test, but will he tell Brody the truth?

Romance is in the air next week for secret couple Steve McDonald and Cassie Plummer, amid his divorce from Tracy Barlow. Tracy continues to refuse to sign the papers though or at least talk it through, but soon Tracy is in for a shock when she rumbles his romance with Cassie.

There could be an arrest for Debbie Webster next week, as she continues to deteriorate following her dementia diagnosis. Debbie calls sister-in-law Abi, and soon we realise she’s at a police station and needing to be picked up – but has she been arrested and why?

Ronnie Bailey continues to try and win back Debbie, but she’s reluctant knowing what’s ahead. Finally next week, Theo Silverton’s teen daughter continues to cause him and partner Todd Grimshaw trouble amid her pregnancy news – with her trying to set the latter up once more to tear the couple apart.

Coronation Street airs Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays at 8pm on ITV1 and ITV X. * Follow Mirror Celebs and TV on TikTok , Snapchat , Instagram , Twitter , Facebook , YouTube and Threads .

The image of Donald Trump shaking hands with Ahmad al-Sharaa, Syria’s current leader, in Riyadh is one that, until recently, would have seemed unimaginable. Al-Sharaa, once on the U.S. most-wanted list with a $10 million bounty for information leading to his capture, now stood alongside Trump to discuss Syria’s future. This meeting, along with Trump’s decision to lift sanctions on Syria, raises a fundamental question: Is America’s war on terror a principled, genuine fight—or a tool serving Washington’s shifting political interests?

A Puzzling Encounter
Trump’s meeting with Ahmad al-Sharaa during his highly publicized Middle East tour sparked regional and global astonishment. Al-Sharaa, formerly known as Abu Mohammad al-Julani, was the leader of Jabhat al-Nusra, a group the U.S. designated as a terrorist organization in 2013, offering $10 million for information on him. Following the meeting, Trump announced plans to normalize relations with Syria’s new government and lift sanctions, calling it an opportunity for a “fresh start” for the war-torn nation. This shift stands in stark contrast to the 2013 U.S. stance, when Jabhat al-Nusra was a prime target in the global war on terror.

The White House defended this move as pragmatic, citing al-Sharaa’s role in toppling Bashar al-Assad and his apparent moderation as the leader of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), a rebranding intended to distance the group from its al-Qaeda past. Yet the image of Trump shaking hands with a former most-wanted figure—especially in light of past U.S. actions—was deeply unsettling.

The Soleimani Paradox: A Tale of Selective Justice
To understand the implications of Trump’s meeting with al-Sharaa, we must revisit the 2020 assassination of Qassem Soleimani, commander of Iran’s Quds Force. Soleimani played a central role in fighting ISIS, particularly in Iraq and Syria, where his forces aided local militias in retaking territory. Despite this alignment with U.S. priorities, the Trump administration ordered his assassination via drone strike in Baghdad, justifying it by citing his support for groups like Hezbollah and alleged threats to U.S. interests.

The contrast is stark: Soleimani, who battled ISIS and extremist groups, was killed; al-Sharaa, once the head of an al-Qaeda affiliate, is now a diplomatic partner. This contradiction suggests that U.S. counterterrorism policy is less about eliminating extremism and more about advancing strategic interests. Soleimani’s death disrupted Iran’s regional influence—a long-standing U.S. objective—while al-Sharaa’s new role aligns with Washington’s aim to stabilize post-Assad Syria without direct military involvement.

A History of Convenient Alliances
Trump’s meeting with al-Sharaa is not an anomaly but part of a broader pattern in U.S. foreign policy. During the Cold War, the U.S. supported Afghan mujahideen against the Soviets—some of whom, like Osama bin Laden, later formed al-Qaeda. In the 1980s, Washington backed Saddam Hussein in his war against Iran, despite his clear record of atrocities, because Iraq served as a counterweight to Tehran.

In 2025, Trump’s Middle East strategy mirrors this tradition. His visit to Saudi Arabia—where he signed a $142 billion arms deal and emphasized confronting Iran—underscored a focus on strengthening allies like Saudi Arabia and Israel while selectively engaging former foes like al-Sharaa. The lifting of sanctions and talk of normalization signal a pragmatic shift, prioritizing stability and economic opportunity over old terrorist designations. This realpolitik approach aligns with Trump’s deal-making rhetoric, such as his readiness to negotiate with Iran—if it abandoned its nuclear ambitions and support for “terrorism”—even while threatening “maximum pressure.”

The Mask Slips from the War on Terror
America’s war on terror, launched after 9/11, has long been portrayed as a moral struggle against extremism. But the meeting with al-Sharaa exposes its instrumental nature. By engaging with a former terrorist leader, the U.S. reveals that its “terrorist” labels are often temporary, shifting when political or economic interests arise. Trump’s handshake with al-Sharaa sends a message to regional players: the U.S. is willing to overlook past crimes for strategic gain—a signal that may encourage other groups to pursue legitimacy through cosmetic political changes.

By contrast, the assassination of Soleimani shows the other side of that coin. His killing wasn’t just about counterterrorism—it was a strategic blow to Iran, a regional rival. Soleimani’s forces played a key role in defeating ISIS in Iraq, yet the terrorist label overshadowed his contributions to a shared objective.

A Policy of Expedience
The photo of Donald Trump shaking hands with Ahmad al-Sharaa is more than just a diplomatic snapshot—it’s a window into the dual nature of America’s counterterrorism policy. When a former al-Qaeda commander is embraced as a partner, but a general who fought ISIS is eliminated by U.S. drones, the message is clear: terrorism is a label used for convenience, not conviction. It reveals a truth the West rarely admits—principles become negotiable when interests are at stake.

As the Middle East enters a new chapter, the world watches and wonders: Is America’s war on extremism truly about security—or just another move in a geopolitical chess game for regional and global dominance?

British pensioners tell how they feel ‘lucky to be alive’ after escaping horrific blaze at their hotel during a holiday in Turkey. They didn’t think they would make it back to the UK in one piece

Daniel and Christine Steel, who are both nearly 70, had been enjoying a break at a five-star resort in Turkey when a terrifying fire broke out.

The pensioners were among six people taken to hospital for smoke inhalation and Daniel said at one point during the nightmare, he phoned his daughter because he didn’t think they’d be coming home alive.

Daniel from Bradford told his local paper the Telegraph & Argus: “We feel lucky to be alive. We were woken up after hearing screams of ‘fire, fire’ and ‘help, help!’ Our room became dense with smoke – we couldn’t breathe.

READ MORE: ‘I was urged to go to hospital by workmates – it was the start of a nightmare’

“We were on the top floor and had to make a decision about what to do. Put it this way, if it wasn’t for the balcony, we wouldn’t be here now telling you this story. Below us was a 250ft drop and it was pitch black – all the electricity went off because of the fire.”

The couple climbed over the balcony rails onto a roof and held onto the rails for ‘dear life’. But pensioner Daniel pulled a nerve in his leg and is still in a lot of pain.

“Most of the hotel was evacuated but we came across some other guests who found themselves in the same position as us,” he continued. “At that point, there were 11 of us screaming for help. We were eventually rescued by firefighters after what felt like a lifetime.”

After leaving hospital, they were moved to alternative accommodation before later returning to the hotel to collect their belongings.

But Daniel said all their holiday things were ruined. And although the couple are glad to be back home, Christine is still struggling to forget about their hellish experience.

She added: “We keep reliving what happened – and thinking what might have happened if we hadn’t had a balcony. It was certainly a holiday from hell – but we’re grateful to be alive.”

READ MORE: £13 pop-up stool that folds into small bag is a must-have for Glastonbury goers

June 1 (UPI) — Several people were injured in a mall shooting that police are calling a “target terror attack” in Boulder, Colo. Sunday, FBI Director Kash Patel said. A suspect is in custody.

“Our agents and local law enforcement are on the scene already, and we will share updates as more information becomes available, Patel said, according his post on X.

The incident occurred just before 1:30p.m. MDT at Pearl St. Mall where a group was gathered in a peaceful pro-Israel demonstration, known as the Boulder Run for their Lives event.

The Anti Defamation League said it was aware of the attack.

“ADL is monitoring the situation in Colorado as we approach the holiday of Shavuot,” it said in a statement on Facebook.

Police responded to reports of a man wielding a weapon and that people were being set on fire, a statement on social media from the Boulder Police Department said. It said there were multiple burn victims on the scene.

Witnesses told local media that the suspect attacked victims with Molotov cocktails.

Police established an evacuation zone and directed people to avoid the area. Emergency medical crews transported several victims to local hospitals, some of whom sustained life-threatening injuries, police said.

Colo. Gov. Jared Polis called the incident a “heinous act of terror.”

“Hate-filled acts of any kind are unacceptable,” he wrote on X. “While details emerge, the state works with local and federal law enforcement to support this investigation.”

Please check back for updates as this is a developing story.