South

Women’s T20 World Cup, Group 1, Manchester

India 158-7 (20 overs): Verma 31 (15); Kapp 2-27, Ismail 2-28

South Africa 161-4 (19.1 overs): Kapp 81 (45); Charani 3-24

South Africa won by six wickets

Scorecard, Table

Marizanne Kapp struck a powerful unbeaten 81 as South Africa beat India by six wickets to keep their World Cup hopes alive.

Having taken 2-27 with the ball, the all-rounder struck seven fours and four sixes in a 45-ball innings as the Proteas chased down a target of 159 with five balls to spare.

Kapp joined Tazmin Brits at the crease at 25-2 in the final over of the powerplay and the pair began slowly, only reaching 59 at the halfway mark, before steadily beginning to accumulate.

With their partnership three short of a century Brits departed for a 36-ball 40, caught in the deep off Shafali Verma, while Kapp survived a drop by Radha Yadav later in the over.

She took advantage, hammering two sixes in Deepti Sharma’s penultimate over, before Chloe Tyron edged a winning four off Nandni Sharma.

India captain Harmanpreet Kaur – playing a record 200th T20 international – had chosen to bat and Shafali Verma got her side off to a strong start, striking three fours and a six in a 15-ball 31.

Her innings helped India reach 59-2 at the end of the powerplay, but by that point both openers were back in the dugout, with Smriti Mandhana bowled having missed a scoop shot and Verma gloving a short ball behind.

India were unable to press on from their platform, with none of their subsequent batters managing to outscore Shafali.

Deepti threatened for a time, striking 29 from 21 deliveries, but both she and Richa Ghosh chipped tamely to short fine leg as India closed on 158-7.

South Africa now join their opponents on four points, behind group leaders Australia on six.

They have fixtures with Bangladesh and the Netherlands to play, while the result likely makes India’s match against Australia at Lord’s on 28 June crucial to the outcome of the group.

June 19 (UPI) — The Trump administration plans to stop funding HIV programs in South Africa under the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief over policy differences.

The U.S. State Department is winding down the funds South Africa receives from PEPFAR to care for the roughly 8 million people there who are living with HIV, Semafor, Politico and The BBC reported.

PEPFAR was launched in 2003 by former President George W. Bush and, over the last two decades, has partnered with health authorities in more than 50 nations to save 25 million lives and prevent millions of new HIV infections, State Department figures show.

President Donald Trump in a February 2025 executive order accused South Africa of permitting discrimination against white Afrikaners and has slowly pulled back U.S. funding for its HIV programs over the last year.

“The United States has decided to initiate a phased drawdown of PEPFAR programming in South Africa following South Africa’s failure to make demonstrable progress on policy requests by the administration,” State Department officials told Semafor.

Upon retaking office in 2025, President Donald Trump took aim at the program as part of his administrations efforts to slash federal government spending, with specific attention paid to South Africa, which has the largest number of people living with HIV in the world.

Since 2003, more than $8 billion has been sent to South Africa to both care for people living with HIV and distribute medications that can prevent spread of the virus, though funds sent there have been halved in each of the last two years.

South African President Cyril Ramaphosa earlier this month announced that the country was working Gilead to launch the company’s twice-yearly HIV prevention drug Lenacapavir, generic versions of which are set to be manufactured and sold there.

Experts have raised concerns that ending support for PEPFAR programs could lead to millions more HIV infections globally, potentially canceling out 20 years of progress against the virus.

The Trump administration and some of its Republican allies in Congress have said, however, that the program was never meant to be permanent and should be wound down.

June 18 (Asia Today) — China expressed strong opposition Thursday to recent U.S. extended deterrence talks with South Korea and Japan, warning that expanded nuclear cooperation could increase the risks of nuclear proliferation and conflict.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Lin Jian said Beijing was “deeply concerned” about efforts by the United States and Japan to strengthen extended deterrence.

Lin was responding at a regular news briefing to a question about the Japan-U.S. Extended Deterrence Dialogue and the sixth meeting of the U.S.-South Korea Nuclear Consultative Group. Japan and the United States held their talks in Tokyo from June 8 to 9, while Seoul and Washington held their meeting in South Korea.

“Extended deterrence is a product of the Cold War,” Lin said. “Certain countries have strengthened nuclear deterrence cooperation for geopolitical purposes, increasing the risks of nuclear proliferation and nuclear conflict.”

Lin said many countries had expressed serious concern and strong opposition to extended deterrence arrangements during review conferences for the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

He reserved his strongest criticism for Japan, which has recently been embroiled in heightened tensions with China.

“Japan has long advocated building a world without nuclear weapons, but in reality, it has continued to increase its dependence on the so-called nuclear umbrella,” Lin said.

He accused Japanese officials of making “dangerous remarks” about potentially acquiring nuclear weapons, saying such discussions pose a serious challenge to the post-World War II international order and the global nuclear nonproliferation system.

Lin urged Japan to reflect on its conduct, fulfill its obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, abide by its three non-nuclear principles and refrain from seeking nuclear weapons in any form.

His warnings to the United States and South Korea were less severe.

Lin urged Washington to abandon its “Cold War mentality,” stop what he described as provocative policies and abolish nuclear-sharing and extended deterrence arrangements.

He said the United States should take concrete action to protect regional peace and security and maintain global strategic stability.

Addressing South Korea, Lin said Beijing hoped Seoul would “act cautiously and do more things that contribute to regional stability.”

During the same briefing, Lin also criticized plans by Group of Seven leaders to reduce their dependence on China for rare earth elements and other critical minerals.

He urged the group to follow market economy principles and international trade rules and to stop using the rules of “small groups” to undermine the international economic and trade order.

China has said its export control system is consistent with international practices and intended to protect regional stability and meet its nonproliferation obligations.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260618010006688

June 19 (Asia Today) — South Korean researchers have developed an open simulation model that digitally reproduces the structure of the country’s power grid, allowing researchers to study the domestic electricity system without using classified infrastructure data.

The Gwangju Institute of Science and Technology said Friday that its Power Grid Research Center developed the GIST 2217-Bus Test System using only publicly available maps and electricity statistics.

A bus is a connection point within a power system where electricity is generated, transmitted or distributed.

The institute said the model could improve South Korea’s power grid research environment, which has largely depended on foreign test systems developed around electricity networks with different geographical and operational characteristics.

The project is part of an effort by the research center, which opened in September, to establish the foundation for a next-generation South Korean power grid research platform.

Computer simulations are needed to analyze how electricity moves through transmission networks and to ensure that power generated at plants can be delivered reliably to homes and industrial facilities.

Detailed information about South Korea’s actual power grid is not publicly available because it is considered sensitive national infrastructure data. Domestic researchers have therefore relied on foreign test systems, including models provided by the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers.

Researchers said those models have limitations when applied to South Korea.

Many of the country’s power plants are concentrated along coastal areas, while a large share of electricity demand is centered in the Seoul metropolitan area. That structure differs significantly from the foreign grids represented in existing research models.

The GIST team constructed its model without using confidential grid data. Researchers instead combined publicly available geographical information with national electricity statistics.

The completed system contains 2,217 buses and about 3,700 transmission circuits. It represents connections among major power plants and substations across South Korea, including links between the mainland and Jeju Island.

GIST said the model produced stable calculations under conditions simulating peak electricity demand during the summer, demonstrating sufficient reliability for power system research.

The institute released the grid dataset, map and construction and analysis tools for public use. Researchers and companies can download and use the materials without obtaining separate permission.

The model could be used to study how much additional solar and wind power can be connected to the grid, responses to blackouts, grid operations during the transition to carbon neutrality and artificial intelligence-based electricity management systems.

Kim Yoon-soo, director of the Power Grid Research Center, said he hopes the model will serve as both a starting point and a shared platform for research on South Korea’s electricity system.

“We will continue updating the model as the power grid changes and incorporate the actual operating characteristics of generators and renewable energy facilities,” Kim said.

He said the center intends to develop it into a South Korean power grid platform that can be used jointly by domestic researchers and companies.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260619010006836

For decades, historian’s discussion about colonialism has revolved around large armies, territorial conquests and vast empires. Yet, they often fail to focus on the fact that one of the most powerful empires did not begin with soldiers – it emerged because of corporations. The British East India Company, in 1600 started its commercial activities in the sub-continent, initially as a trading merchandise seeking profit in foreign markets. Within the period of two centuries, it acquired its own military, expanded its territorial influence, and started acting as a ruling government that ultimately blurred the difference between private capitalist enterprises and sovereign national authority. More than two hundred years later, Artificial Intelligence (AI) is the latest incarnation of that colonial legacy. Unlike previous forms of colonialism of territory and resources, this control is primarily centered around data, algorithmic decision-making systems, and automated computation. Their territories are not like land, it is the dominance over data ecosystems; their currency is not raw materials, it is ‘data’, and their empires are not built on castles, but are gigantic ‘data-centers’. Instead of emancipation for the marginalized, this technology creates new forms of dependency known as ‘digital dependency’.  

The 21^st century is witnessing a growth of an imperial empire that is built on establishing control over datasets, computational power, and algorithmic sovereignty. Where a few Chinese and American tech giants such as NVIDIA, Amazon Web Services, Google Cloud, and Microsoft Azure are controlling the digital markets through complete ownership of cloud platforms, chip production, and algorithmic intelligence. These hegemonic corporations act as imperial powers that perpetuate similar inequalities to traditional colonists, in which the global south risks becoming a resource for the tech giants. The comparison might seem like an exaggeration, but in reality AI colonialism follows similar patterns. Historically great economies were built on extraction; they extracted raw materials from peripheries, and then the industrial base at the center transformed into a worthy product, geopolitical influence, innovation, and wealth. Cotton flowed from subcontinent to Britain; rubber moved from southeast Asia to European countries, while minerals obtained from Africa were sent to imperial empires.

Today, the AI economy adopts an akin model where “data” is the vital material for digital functioning.  Millions of people from the south utilize these platforms; every search, GPS location, digital personal profile, and digital transaction becomes part of the data ecosystem that is required for its training, but their economic value is located elsewhere. It is particularly evident in African countries, where millions of people rely on these foreign platforms for information. Their data from search engines, digital databases, and social media, is then used to train the AI models, whilst the African community receives little economic benefit or no influence over how these technologies are deployed in their region. By controlling these giant data ecosystems, these tech conglomerates also gain leverage over their political, social, cultural, and economic affairs. Even though having a digital footprint is a sign of progress, when it is foreign owned or funded by external actors, it can be manipulated as imperialistic power that not only controls the data system, but also significantly affects the local traders and businesses.

Similar to east India companies, these tech corporations operate across national jurisdictions, shape economic trajectories and influence domestic governments to sustain their digital dominance. They shape information systems, and their regimes of truth. They decide which technology should be introduced in the market, at what cost, what conditions, and for whom. The east India company governed India not through military conquests but because the local leaders became dependent on the commercial and political networks controlled by the corporation. Their economic dependency paved the way for the east India company’s takeover. Today, the danger is not that the tech corporations will rule the state directly, rather it is the fear that the national governments will become so dependent that the exercises of their sovereign autonomy will be meaningless. AI colonialism is at the front, recreating the colonial dependency traps.

Another manifestation of ‘digital colonialism’ in the global south is the extraction of data through coercive bundles of consent forms. Most people from third-world countries click ‘accept all’ to install an app or to log into a website without reading its full contents. It is an illusion of ‘choice’ created by these companies, but in actuality, these people have no choice. If they ‘refuse’ to click they might lose their access to digital accounts, bank apps, or mobile services. Colonial powers used a similar tactic of ‘terra nullius’ ­to lay claim on foreign land and resources. The new digital ecosystems are now integrating modern forms of terra nullius to govern the global data and algorithmic infrastructures. In addition to controlling the databases, the new AI colonial world order exploits the cheap labor services of the global south to maximize their profits. During Venezuela’s economic crisis, the prime educated force was readily exploited as ‘cheap labor’ by the Silicon Valley. In exchange for survival income, they were exposed to precarious working conditions, pay-cuts, unstable contracts. This reflects that the AI colonialism is following the legacy of historical empires step-by-step; controlling foreign ecosystems, exploiting cheap labor, and profiting over their raw materials.

The digital hegemony in the global south extends beyond economical matrix; it is the struggle over political influence, power, and raw materials that will ultimately determine who will produce the knowledge, who controls the technology, and who profits off the wealth generated by AI ecosystems. Colonial history should not be merely viewed as the ancient past, but as a lesson to reject the ‘modern empires’. In order to do so, the global south must invest in indigenous technology companies, data systems and regulatory digital frameworks to protect the local’s data. Unless the global south acts collectively against AI colonialism, it may again serve as a colony supplying critical resources that enrich others whilst itself remains excluded from the global power centers. 

June 19 (Asia Today) — South Korea is seeking to transform its defense industry into a national growth engine by integrating military procurement, weapons exports, advanced technology and industrial policy, government and industry officials said Friday.

Officials at a public-private seminar in Seoul rejected the long-standing argument that growing foreign orders could divert production capacity from the South Korean military and delay domestic weapons deliveries.

Instead, they said an analysis of about 2,000 South Korean defense companies found that exports increased factory utilization, encouraged investment in research and production facilities and eventually reduced manufacturing costs.

The findings were presented at a seminar titled “A New Leap Forward in Acquisition and the Defense Industry,” held at the Fairmont Ambassador Seoul in the city’s Yeouido financial district.

The Defense Acquisition Program Administration organized the event as it marked the 20th anniversary of its establishment.

Participants included lawmakers, officials from the defense, industry, science and small-business ministries, defense company executives and academic researchers.

They called for an end to treating military procurement and defense exports as separate policy areas.

Lee Yong-cheol, minister of the Defense Acquisition Program Administration, said South Korea’s annual defense exports had grown from about $250 million when the agency was established to $15.4 billion last year.

“Defense exports are no longer merely a supplement to domestic military procurement,” Lee said. “They have become a central growth engine driving the Republic of Korea as a whole.”

Lee said South Korea also needed to move beyond selling individual weapons.

He proposed combining weapons with energy systems, infrastructure, maintenance, repair and overhaul services and other forms of industrial cooperation.

“The era of selling weapons as stand-alone products is over,” Lee said. “We will transform the K-defense paradigm through cross-industry package cooperation.”

Lawmakers from South Korea’s governing and opposition parties pledged bipartisan legislative support for faster procurement and stronger financing for small and midsized defense companies.

They said a system that can take about 15 years to plan, develop and deploy a weapon is not suitable for an era in which artificial intelligence, drones and robotic systems evolve rapidly.

Participants also cited research indicating that financial instability among smaller suppliers, rather than export production, was a more important cause of delivery delays.

They called for expanded government-backed financing to prevent small manufacturers in the defense supply chain from being overwhelmed by debt and working-capital shortages.

Study links exports to stronger domestic production

South Korea’s defense industry has long debated whether large export contracts weaken or strengthen the country’s own military procurement.

Critics have warned that foreign orders could occupy production lines and delay the delivery of weapons to South Korean forces.

Supporters have argued that exports create economies of scale, preserve production capacity and lower the price paid by the South Korean military.

Research presented at Friday’s seminar supported the second view.

A team led by researchers from Myongji University analyzed data from about 2,000 South Korean defense-related companies.

The analysis found that increasing exports produced an immediate rise in factory utilization. Higher utilization was then associated with greater investment in research, development and production facilities.

Researchers said the benefits became more evident about three years after an export increase.

The analysis identified improvements in operating profit, lower production costs and greater independence in critical technologies after that period.

Repeated production also allowed factory workers and engineers to improve their skills and reduce defects, a process commonly described as a learning effect.

At the same time, producing weapons in larger quantities spread fixed development and manufacturing expenses across more units.

Researchers said those effects increased the competitiveness of South Korean products in foreign markets while potentially lowering the cost of weapons purchased by the South Korean military.

Industry experts cited South Korea’s large exports of K2 tanks and K9 self-propelled howitzers to Poland as an example.

They said the contracts increased domestic production, helped reduce unit costs and accelerated work on upgraded models.

Kim Myung-keun, an executive at Hyundai Rotem, said the company achieved economies of scale after receiving Poland’s large K2 tank order.

“Mass production lowered costs, reduced the acquisition cost for our own military and accelerated the development of upgraded models,” Kim said.

Yoon Byung-jo, an executive at SNT Motiv, said repeated production generated through large export orders also strengthened technical capabilities on factory floors.

“The learning effect accumulated by technicians during repeated production is the most powerful tool for reducing defects in critical components and increasing technological independence and localization,” Yoon said.

Lee Jung-hyun, a Myongji University professor involved in the study, said the analysis did not identify export volume as the principal cause of delayed deliveries.

“The real causes of delivery delays were companies’ debt ratios and financial soundness,” Lee said. “Exports instead improved operating profits and technological capabilities after a time lag of about three years.”

Lee said the government should strengthen the financial stability of smaller defense companies rather than restrict exports.

Officials seek to shorten 15-year procurement cycle

Government officials said South Korea’s traditional weapons acquisition process is too slow to keep pace with civilian advances in AI, drones, robots and human-machine teaming systems.

Weapons programs can take about 15 years from initial planning through development and operational deployment.

Officials said that schedule risks delivering technology that has already become outdated by the time it reaches military units.

Won Jong-dae, an assistant defense minister, said the existing system had become a national security obstacle.

“In the age of AI and drones, an acquisition process that takes 15 years is an impediment to security,” Won said.

He said the government would seek legislation tentatively called the Advanced Defense Capabilities Projects Act to shorten the process from initial requirements planning through deployment.

Kim Seong-su, a senior research and development official at the Science and Technology Ministry, said innovation in the civilian sector was advancing more quickly than military technology.

Kim called for an adaptive research and development system that would allow mature commercial technologies to be introduced into the military without passing through the full conventional development process.

The acquisition agency said it plans to expand rapid-introduction programs, particularly for drones and AI-related technologies.

The programs would allow the military to test and deploy promising civilian products more quickly while making adjustments based on operational experience.

Jeong Hwan, chief executive of infrared sensor manufacturer i3system, said smaller companies with advanced commercial technologies often cannot withstand the military’s complicated testing requirements and lengthy acquisition schedule.

He urged the government to make rapid acquisition programs more flexible and accessible to technology companies.

Financial support sought for smaller suppliers

Officials said South Korea must also strengthen small and midsized companies that produce components and materials for major weapons manufacturers.

Park Yong-soon, a senior official at the Ministry of SMEs and Startups, said the research presented Friday showed that financial weakness was a major source of supply-chain disruption.

Park said the government would shift policy toward stronger financial support for vulnerable suppliers and seek to increase the share of domestic defense revenue generated by small companies.

Smaller companies currently account for about 18% of South Korean defense industry sales. The government aims to raise the proportion to 25%.

Officials said those businesses can face severe cash-flow pressures because defense contracts require lengthy development, testing and certification before companies receive full payment.

The problem can become more serious when a small supplier must expand production rapidly to meet a major overseas order.

Park said the government must ensure that otherwise competitive companies do not collapse because they cannot obtain sufficient operating capital.

Park Dong-il, a senior official at the Industry Ministry, also warned that South Korea’s export portfolio remained concentrated in ground weapons.

More than 60% of the country’s defense exports come from land-based systems, he said.

Park said the government would work to diversify the industry into aerospace, next-generation satellites and advanced naval vessels while strengthening the domestic manufacturing and component ecosystem.

South Korea plans national security export packages

The acquisition agency said future export efforts would go beyond individual tanks, aircraft or artillery systems.

The government plans to package defense products with energy projects, transportation and industrial infrastructure, information and communications technology, maintenance services and technology transfers.

Officials described the approach as exporting an integrated security platform rather than a single weapon.

They cited Poland as a model.

South Korean arms agreements with Warsaw have included not only K2 tanks, K9 howitzers and other weapon systems but also plans for local production, technology cooperation, training and long-term maintenance.

An industry official said future transactions could involve building a partner country’s broader security and industrial system.

“The business will no longer be about exporting one tank,” the official said. “It will become a platform business that exports an entire national security system.”

Such packages can help importing countries create domestic jobs, develop supply chains and maintain weapons locally.

They can also give South Korean companies access to long-term revenue from training, spare parts, upgrades and depot-level maintenance after the initial sale.

The approach, however, requires coordination among several ministries because infrastructure, export financing and industrial cooperation extend beyond the authority of the acquisition agency.

Kim Il-dong, deputy minister of the Defense Acquisition Program Administration, said procurement and exports should be viewed as two sides of the same coin.

Kim said the acquisition agency could not achieve South Korea’s defense industry goals on its own.

He called for coordinated action by the defense, science, industry and small-business ministries to develop the sector as a strategic national industry.

Seoul targets 5% share of global defense market

The Defense Acquisition Program Administration said it aims to increase South Korea’s share of the global defense market to at least 5% and establish the country as one of the world’s four largest defense exporters.

Officials said South Korea’s defense industry had already approached the global top five based on its 2025 export performance.

Future growth will depend on moving beyond the country’s current strength in tanks, armored vehicles and artillery, they said.

The government plans to support companies working in AI, space systems, drones, advanced ships and autonomous and human-machine teaming technologies.

It also wants to foster globally competitive defense startups and companies capable of reaching valuations of more than $1 billion.

Officials and industry representatives said South Korea’s defense sector had completed an initial period of quantitative growth and now needed to focus on technology, productivity and supply-chain resilience.

“The past 20 years were a period of quantitative growth in which K-defense built weapons capabilities from the ground up,” seminar participants said. “The next 20 years should be remembered as an era of qualitative growth centered on AI, space, drones and unmanned systems.”

They said military procurement and the defense industry should no longer be treated as separate areas.

Instead, both should be viewed as parts of a single strategic industry supporting South Korea’s security, technological development and economic growth.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260619010006831

“Officer, abeg! I go tell you everything. Na my friend na him deceive me. E de Sapele, I go carry you go the place. I no know anything concern. Officer!”

These were the last words of 28-year-old Oghenemine Ogidi before he was shot at close range by Usman Nuhu, an Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP), on April 26, 2026, in Effurun, Delta State, South South Nigeria. Oghenemine died instantly from the gunshot. 

A disturbing video had captured him speaking Nigerian Pidgin while begging for mercy from the police officer with his hands and legs tied. He was said to have visited the Effurun Main Park along the Warri-Sapele Expressway to collect a waybill for a friend. However, transport union workers intercepted the parcel, which allegedly contained a Beretta pistol and ammunition. The transport workers informed the Uvwie Area Police Command.

At the park, the police, led by ASP Usman, a former member of the disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), arrived in a 2010 Toyota Sienna with other officers, supposedly to intervene and arrest the suspect, who had already been restrained by the transport unionists. The police whisked him away from the scene and took him to the front of the Ekpan Police Station in the state, where Usman allegedly shot him three times, while the other officers watched. 

The horrific incident triggered a cascade of criticism against the police on the internet, with many condemning the extrajudicial operations of ASP Usman and other officers in the country. Before his death, Oghenemine was an up-and-coming musical artist and the second child in the family to have been killed by the police. The mother of the slain artist said his elder brother was also killed in 2022 by a high-handed police officer.

Human rights defenders and lawyers have condemned the incident, stressing that it betrayed Nigeria’s judicial system. Abba Hikima, a human rights lawyer, told HumAngle that it is unjust for a police officer to execute the most severe form of criminal justice without a fair trial or proper judicial process in any case. He emphasised the need for swift justice for the victim.

“If someone is found culpable or liable for the allegations against him and a judgment of a death sentence is passed, even the court has to hand that out to the executors of the judgment, which is a department of its own; even the judge cannot do that. It is the sheriffs of the court and the executors that execute the judgment of the court,” Abba said, noting that Usman’s job was to arrest, investigate, and charge the suspect in court so that justice could be administered accordingly.

Oghenemine’s murder forms a part of the troubling pattern of extrajudicial killings that have plagued Nigeria for decades, eroding public trust in law enforcement and fuelling cycles of protest and repression.  

A disturbing pattern

Many civilian lives have been lost to police extrajudicial killings, ill-treatment, and abuse of power. Oghenemine only fell victim to a policing system enmeshed in impunity and brutality. Far worse cases have occurred in the past, and disturbing incidents of police officers unleashing cruelty against civilians continue to disrupt Nigeria’s civic spaces. 

In 2005, for instance, six young traders were killed by some police officers during a supposed anti-robbery patrol. The traders were said to be returning from a nightclub in Abuja, North Central Nigeria. One of them, Augustina, had allegedly rejected the advances of a senior police officer, Danjuma Ibrahim, leading to a bitter confrontation. The angry Danjuma then told officers at a nearby police checkpoint that armed robbers were approaching. When the group arrived in their car, the police blocked them and opened fire. Four died instantly, while two survivors were taken away and left to die. The police had reportedly planted weapons on their bodies to frame them as criminals.

The killings sparked outrage across Nigeria, with widespread condemnation of police brutality and impunity. Then-President Olusegun Obasanjo ordered a panel of inquiry, which confirmed that the victims were innocent traders and not armed robbers. Findings from the panel revealed the deliberate framing of the victims and exposed the systemic abuse of power within the police force. The case became emblematic of the dangers of unchecked authority and the lack of accountability in Nigeria’s law enforcement system.

It took more than 11 years for justice to be partially served. In 2017, two of the six policemen involved, Ezekiel Acheneje and Baba Emmanuel, were sentenced to death for their roles in the killings, while others were discharged. 

The Apo Six case remains a relevant example of extrajudicial killings in Nigeria, projecting a system that harbours police misconduct and the long struggle for justice faced by victims’ families. Between 2020 and 2023 alone, 848 Nigerians were victims of extrajudicial killings, according to Global Rights’ Mass Atrocities Tracker.

During the #EndBadGovernance protests in 2024, several protesters were killed in Kano, Jigawa, Katsina, and Kaduna, with experts raising concerns over growing police brutality. In Oghenemine’s case, however, the Nigerian Police Force seems to have moved swiftly to dismiss the officers involved and hand them over for prosecution. 

“The Force does not shield officers who violate the law. No rank, no position, and no circumstance will be permitted to place any officer above accountability,” DCP Anthony Placid, the Police spokesperson, said in a statement at the time. 

On June 1, a High Court in Delta State ordered the detention of five police officers over the alleged killing. The officers – ASP Usman Nuhu, ASP Onoloko Dauroupamo, ASP Okoh Kelechi, Inspector Goodluck Kingsley, and Inspector Omonigho Ahweyevu – were arraigned before Justice Marshal Onome Umukoro under Suit No. THC/ASB/CR/M/66C/2026. The court directed that they be remanded at the Ogwashi‑Uku Correctional Centre pending legal advice from the Directorate of Public Prosecutions (DPP) and adjourned the matter until June 15, 2026, for further proceedings. 

On the scheduled hearing date, Harrison Gwamnishu, a human rights activist who has closely followed the case and was present at the High Court in Asaba, revealed that the DPP had filed the necessary information before the court. He noted that the matter is now awaiting legal advice before proceedings can continue.

“The burial date has not yet been fixed, pending the conclusion of the trial,” he noted. 

The activist emphasised that the murder of Oghenemine symbolises Nigeria’s ongoing challenges with police reform, noting that this incident shows the critical need for reform, accountability, and the protection of human rights. He added that moving forward, the Nigerian police should begin to use body cameras, as they will help reduce the incidents of extrajudicial killings of suspects who are supposed to be charged in court in the country.

“Even though Nigeria stands at a crossroads, I believe that justice will be served, and the judge has ordered that some of the hearings be delivered online to avoid technicalities, even right from the correctional centre. When there is accountability, justice is possible,” the activist said.

‘Police your friend’

Nigeria’s policing system has long been associated with excessive use of force. SARS, for example, was established in 1992 as a branch of the police under the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and was designed to find a lasting solution to violent crimes, specifically armed robbery, kidnapping, and carjacking across the country. However, it became notorious for torture, extortion, and unlawful killings. 

Despite repeated promises of reform, the culture of impunity persisted. Amnesty International, a global human rights organisation, described the promises of Nigerian leaders to reform the police as “ineffective”. In its 2016 investigation, the organisation painted a damning portrait of SARS, exposing how the unit had strayed far from its original mission of tackling violent crime. SARS officers were accused of turning torture and extortion into a profitable enterprise, routinely brutalising detainees to extract confessions or money. 

The report documented harrowing abuses, including beatings, shootings, starvation, and mock executions. Detainees were held in notorious centres such as the “Abattoir” in Abuja, where overcrowding and inhumane conditions compounded the suffering. Despite clear evidence, officers implicated in torture were rarely suspended or prosecuted; instead, they were transferred to other stations, perpetuating a cycle of impunity.

Beyond violent crimes, SARS extended its reach into civil disputes and business disagreements, exploiting its power to intimidate and extort. Victims reported theft of property, raiding of homes, and confiscation of valuables, with families describing how officers stole cars, emptied bank accounts, and looted homes during arrests. 

The #EndSARS protests of October 2020 were a watershed moment in Nigeria’s struggle against police brutality. Sparked by years of abuses by SARS officers, the protests drew thousands of young Nigerians into the streets, demanding an end to extrajudicial killings, torture, and extortion.  The movement culminated in the Lekki Toll Gate massacre, where security forces opened fire on peaceful demonstrators, killing and injuring dozens. According to Amnesty International, the government’s denial and lack of accountability deepened public mistrust. 

“These shootings clearly amount to extrajudicial executions. There must be an immediate investigation, and suspected perpetrators must be held accountable through fair trials. Authorities must ensure access to justice and effective remedies for the victims and their families,” Osai Ojigho, former country director for Amnesty International in Nigeria, said. 

The death of Oghenemine highlights the same issues that triggered the EndSARS protests: unchecked police violence, lack of accountability, and the erosion of public trust. However, extrajudicial killings are not confined to SARS alone. Regular police units, military detachments, and other security agencies have been implicated in unlawful killings during routine patrols, protests, and even minor disputes. 

For instance, in April 2026, Abdulsamad Jamiu, a youth corps member, was shot in Abuja by Guards Brigade personnel. A similar incident occurred elsewhere on January 1, when Timothy Daniel, a 13-year-old boy, was killed by a soldier in Akwa Ibom. In May 2025, Japhet Njoku, a security guard, died in police detention at Tiger Base, Imo State, after severe beatings. Experts say this systemic problem reflects weak accountability structures, inadequate training, and a justice system that rarely prosecutes officers for abuses.  

“If the lives of human beings can be taken by security personnel, whether or not they have been found guilty of any crime or not and no matter how harsh that crime is, someday somewhere, somebody may be framed for a similar offence, and his life will also be taken unjustifiably,” human rights lawyer Abba warned.

The national park’s a hotspot for tourism, but this particular walk felt like, at points, I could have been hiking in a tropical destination, with its bright green rugged cliffs

The more I travel around the UK, the more I am in awe of its natural beauty which seems to be overlooked by a lot of keen travellers, and this particular spot feels like a real slice of paradise.

You don’t need to hop on a plane to experience a sense of the tropics; it turns out you can immerse yourself in the brightest hues of green and walk along waterfalls in the north of Wales. While, of course, Snowdonia National Park is no secret, especially to avid hikers, cyclists and explorers, it was my first time visiting, and this specific route is one that blew me away.

It’s often cited as one of the best hikes in Snowdonia (Eryri). Cadair Idris is an 893-metre mountain in the southern part of the park and is renowned for its wild and rugged scenery. To me, it looked like its surroundings could belong in the likes of Peru or Southeast Asia, with its tropical plants, waterfalls and vibrancy of its green grass.

But of course, like any beautiful place in Wales, it reminded me exactly where I was when I spotted sheep dotted around its cliffs, even on the steepest parts. It looked as though the sheep could fall off the edge of the world, taking me with them, as I fought for hours against the growing pain in my shins, with each step up and up to the peak.

The route

I was taken up the Minffordd Path route, which is described as the shortest yet steepest route to the mountain’s summit, tackling a demanding 10 km walk. Overall it’s set to take up to four to five hours to complete, and in turn you are rewarded with dramatic and captivating views of the national park’s landscape.

The route begins at Dôl Idris car park and takes you past the Cadair Idris visitor centre, which quickly fills up. We were recommended to get there early in the morning to beat the pile-up and were thankful that we did; setting off on our walk at around 8am meant we got to experience the quietness of the route in all of its natural wonder. Albeit, the lie-in would have also been appreciated.

Running parallel along the stream which runs parallel to the stream which leads to Llyn Cau, the lake at the heart of the base of the mountain. It was immediately, when taking on these steep steps along the river, that I felt like I could be abroad.

Not only was the sun shining down on us, but the water was trickling down, with tropical plants growing around us, and it felt as wild and wonderful as the experiences I had in Thailand or the pictures I’ve seen of hikes in Vietnam or Peru.

This continued as we made our way out of the forest area and into the open air, with nothing but pure greenery around us, and the mountain stood proudly ahead. The second phase levels lightly as you enter a rocky amphitheatre, with up-close and personal views of the lake.

Pushing past slate and rocks, many of which are loose and therefore can be difficult to navigate, this section and throughout the walk, requires concentration and care with each step. A quick trip or fall could have you stumbling, and that’s why lots of hikers opt to go armed with sticks to help gain their balance and push them through.

By the time I made it to the top of the mountain, the weather dramatically changed, from sunny to high winds which were extremely cold. It’s this that can catch a lot of amateur hikers out, and I think it’s always best to go armed with windproof and waterproof layers, as they say ‘don’t dress for the car park’.

The real treat after that consistently steep hike upwards is this – the flat walk along the edge of the entire mountain before reaching its penultimate peak. Seeing it all from a circular angle gave you a real treat at each point whenever I decided to stop and take a breath.

Wales is the gift that keeps on giving when it comes to my explorations, and Cadair Idris was no exception to that. If you’re willing to take on the circular route and the real challenge of its steep and unsteady ground, then you will be rewarded with a touch of paradise and views you’ll continue to daydream about.

GUADALAJARA, Mexico — Three and a half years after its biggest failure on the World Cup stage in half a century, the Mexican national team needed only two games to advance to the knockout round of this year’s tournament as winner of Group A.

Mexico’s defense held off a spirited final push by South Korea, earning a 1-0 win on Thursday night at Guadalajara Stadium in front of a fiery announced sellout crowd of 45,522.

Goalkeeper Kim Seung-gyu made a mistake in the 50th minute, failing to stop what appeared to be a simple cross and bobbling the ball. That allowed Mexico’s Luis Romo to easily tap the ball into the net and claim a 1-0 lead.

South Korea put pressure on the Mexican team throughout the game. Late in the scoreless first half, Jae-sung Lee came close to giving South Korea the lead. Mexico coach Javier Aguirre hoped his team would shake off nerves following the emotional opener at Azteca Stadium and show more bite in its second game against South Korea, but his team didn’t have much power behind its attack during the game’s first 45 minutes.

Mexico goalkeeper Raúl Rangel blocks a shot from South Korea’s Son Heung-min during their World Cup match at Guadalajara Stadium on Thursday.

(Natacha Pisarenko / Ap Photo/natacha Pisarenko)

The crowd in Guadalajara grew frustrated and began booing the Mexican national team’s performance at the end of the first half.

Mexico, however, won back their cheers when it capitalized on South Korea’s costly mistake and converted it into a goal.

El Tri earned a win without any other goals thanks, in part, to a great night by goalkeeper Raúl Rangel, who stopped a header by Cho Gue-sung in the 87th minute. Captain Edson Álvarez helped turn away South Korea’s attack late, holding up relatively well despite having left ankle surgery during the past year.

LAFC star and South Korea captain Son Heung-min fired one shot over Mexico’s goalkeeper in the first half, but Álvarez cleared it off the line before the referee ruled Son was offsides.

South Korea finished controlling possession 58% of the time, but it only earned two shots on target.

Mexico was coming off a comfortable 2-0 victory over South Africa, while the South Koreans had defeated the Czech Republic 2-1, marking their first World Cup opening-match win since 2010.

During the 2022 World Cup in Qatar, Mexico was eliminated in the group stage for the first time since 1978, breaking a streak of seven consecutive appearances in the knockout rounds. However, playing on home soil, the team’s goal is to emulate El Tri’s achievements in 1970 and 1986, when they reached the quarterfinals — the country’s best World Cup finish.

Due to the new 48-team format, Mexico would need to win two knockout-round matches and reach a sixth game to realize its goals.

Mexico’s Luis Romo celebrates with his teammates after scoring during a match against South Korea at Guadalajara Stadium on Thursday.

(Natacha Pisarenko / Associated Press)

After the win over South Korea, Mexico will close out group play against Czechia at Azteca Stadium in Mexico City on Wednesday. El Tri will get to play the first two games of the knockout round — should it win the first one — at Azteca Stadium, a venue where it has never lost a World Cup game.

South Korea has four points and will be favored when it plays South Africa Wednesday in Monterrey. If South Korea wins the match, it would be the Group A runner-up and advance to play the Group B runner-up on June 28 at SoFi Stadium.

June 18 (Asia Today) — South Korea is again considering changes to a local education funding system that automatically receives a fixed share of national tax revenue, as a semiconductor-driven rise in government receipts is expected to increase grants despite a shrinking student population.

The debate centers on local education finance grants, the main source of funding for elementary, middle and high schools administered by regional education offices.

The grants have risen to about 76 trillion won ($50 billion) under this year’s supplementary budget, according to the National Assembly Budget Office and education officials.

Some projections suggest the total could exceed 80 trillion won ($52.6 billion) if stronger tax revenue from the semiconductor industry is fully reflected.

The grant system receives 20.79% of internal tax revenue along with part of the national education tax. That means the amount increases when tax receipts rise, regardless of changes in student enrollment.

The number of elementary, middle and high school students fell from 5.96 million in 2016 to 4.92 million this year, a decline of 1.04 million, or 17.4%.

Over the same period, local education grants increased from 43 trillion won ($28.3 billion) to 76 trillion won, an increase of 33 trillion won ($21.7 billion), or 76.7%.

Budget officials and public finance experts say the automatic link to tax revenue makes government spending less flexible.

They argue that funding for primary and secondary education continues to expand despite falling enrollment while early childhood, higher education and lifelong learning programs face comparatively greater financial constraints.

Proposals include adjusting the percentage of internal tax revenue allocated to the grants or incorporating changes in the school-age population and nominal economic growth into the funding formula.

Education officials have strongly opposed reducing the grants based mainly on student numbers.

Superintendents-elect from South Korea’s ninth nationwide local elections issued a joint statement Monday warning that students would ultimately bear the cost of a funding overhaul driven primarily by fiscal considerations.

“Personnel expenses for teachers and other employees, school operating costs and facility safety and maintenance expenses arise at the school and classroom level, not simply on a per-student basis,” they said.

Schools also face growing fixed costs for meal services, after-school care and administrative support.

Personnel costs for permanent contract employees at public schools, including cafeteria workers, care staff and administrative assistants, reached 5.74 trillion won ($3.77 billion) last year.

That was a 61% increase from 2021. The figure is expected to exceed 6 trillion won ($3.94 billion) this year.

Three major teachers’ organizations also rejected claims that regional education offices have excess money.

They said the combined initial budgets of special education accounts fell by about 1 trillion won ($657 million) this year.

Funding for teaching and learning support declined 14.9%, while spending on school facility improvements fell 22.4%, they said.

The groups described education office reserve funds as a financial safeguard rather than unused money.

The Education Ministry is reportedly considering alternatives to immediately lowering the legally mandated allocation rate.

Possible measures include retaining the link to internal tax revenue while placing a ceiling on annual increases or allowing regional education offices to use more of the money for early childhood, higher education and lifelong learning.

The approach is intended to avoid a sudden reduction in primary and secondary school funding while directing more resources toward other parts of the education system.

Park Nam-gi, an emeritus professor at Gwangju National University of Education, said many necessary programs remain underfunded despite claims that schools have surplus resources.

“There are many things schools cannot do because they lack funding,” Park said.

He cited the expansion of special education, separate spaces and personnel needed to protect teachers and investment in education suited to the artificial intelligence era.

“It is wrong to conclude that education funding is excessive without properly supporting these needs,” Park said.

He said cash assistance programs introduced by some superintendents should be corrected where necessary, but that such concerns should not be used to justify reducing the overall education budget.

“Unlike welfare spending for the present, education funding is an investment in the country’s future,” Park said.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260618010006611

China’s foreign minister says that emerging economies remain underrepresented in global governance institutions.

Presenting China’s new white paper on making global governance more equitable, minister Wang Yi argued that the role of the United Nations should be strengthened and developing countries should have a stronger voice in the world body.

In Beijing’s stated view, all countries should have an equal voice in global affairs, which means the Global South should have more representation.

China’s call comes as the world is engulfed in many armed conflicts and facing serious economic challenges.

But is Beijing now presenting itself as a leader of the Global South? And will it be able to garner enough support to play that role?

Presenter: Sami Zeidan

Guests:

Steve Tsang – Director of the SOAS China Institute

Cobus van Staden – Head of research at the China-Global South Project

Allen Carlson – Associate professor in the Government Department at Cornell University

Goalkeeper Raúl Rangel was 18 years old and playing for Chivas de Guadalajara’s youth academy the last time Mexico faced South Korea in a World Cup match in 2018.

Three years ago, when asked who might be the next great goalkeeper for the Mexican national team, Rangel named himself ahead of veteran Guillermo “Memo” Ochoa. A bold statement for a player who was just making his professional debut.

On Thursday, the 26-year-old goalkeeper will defend El Tri’s goal during his second World Cup match at Guadalajara Stadium — where he usually plays home games with Chivas — when Mexico takes on South Korea at 6 p.m. PDT on Fox/Telemundo in the second match of Group A.

“I told everyone, ‘I see myself at the World Cup.’ Some people laughed,” Rangel recalled. “I’d been picturing myself on the national team for three years.”

Mexico’s Julian Quinones celebrates with teammates after scoring during a World Cup match against South Africa at Azteca Stadium on June 11.

(Luke Hales / Getty Images)

Mexico and South Korea won their opening matches — El Tri against South Africa and the South Koreans against the Czech Republic — so the winner of this match will take first place in the group and secure its spot in the next round. The incentive is clear for Mexico, as the group winner will play the next two knockout rounds at Azteca Stadium, where El Tri has never lost a World Cup match.

The second-place team, on the other hand, would have to travel to Los Angeles for its next match. While the opponent could be tougher, Los Angeles would be a comfortable destination for South Korea — it has a strong fan base in L.A. and wouldn’t have to contend with Mexico City’s high altitude.

After an opening match in which Mexico coach Javier Aguirre acknowledged that the pressure of the first day affected the team’s performance and that the emotional atmosphere at Azteca Stadium had “weighed heavily” on several of his players, the coach and the players hope to deliver a sharper performance against South Korea.

“Yes, there was a bit of nervousness, a bit of fear,” Mexico midfielder Erik Lira admitted after the opener.

“We need to be more decisive; the win has calmed the nerves we’ve had over the last few days,” Mexico defender Israel Reyes said.

But if Mexico wants to excel, it needs not only to put its nerves behind it but also to improve tactically. Mexico, a co-host of the tournament alongside the United States and Canada, is aiming to reach the knockout stage of the World Cup and advance beyond the round of 16. El Tri has won only one match in the knockout stage — in 1986, when it defeated Bulgaria 2-0 at Azteca Stadium.

“I think that mental aspect has been missing for us. We have to believe that we can achieve great things,” Rangel said. “I truly believe I’m going to be a champion with Mexico. We have a responsibility as hosts.”

The match will be played at Guadalajara Stadium, 5,138 feet above sea level, and will mark the first time Mexico has played a World Cup match in the city.

Chivas, Mexico’s most popular club team, has the most players on the national team with five and all of them will get to play their second World Cup match on their club’s home turf. Brian Gutiérrez, the Mexican American who played a key role in the opener as South Africa was hit a with a red card while trying to stop him, and veteran Roberto Alvarado, who recorded an assist against South Africa, joined Rangel as Chivas starters in the opener. Bench players Luis Romo and Armando González, who also saw action in the opener, also play for Chivas.

Mexico captain Edson Álvarez challenges South Africa’s Themba Zwane during a World Cup match at Azteca Stadium on June 11.

(Carl Recine / Getty Images)

Aguirre will have to make at least one lineup change against South Korea, with Edson Álvarez replacing César Montes, who is serving a red-card suspension. Álvarez is coming off an injury and it’s unclear how he will navigate the stress. Aguirre is also expected to give playing time to 17-year-old prospect Gilberto Mora in midfield — possibly in place of Gutiérrez — and to bring in Jorge Sánchez for Reyes at fullback.

South Korea arrives with a mix of European experience and a hunger for glory. LAFC star Son Heung-min is playing in his fourth World Cup and scored against Mexico in 2018. Kim Min-jae of Bayern Munich has been a rock in defensive midfield, while Paris Saint-Germain’s Lee Kang-in — who, interestingly, played under Aguirre at Mallorca — is a constant threat in creating plays. Joining them is Hwang In-beom of Feyenoord in the Netherlands.

The South Koreans have also been training for weeks at Verde Valle, Chivas’ training facility, which has allowed them to acclimate to the altitude. With the support of the Mexican crowd, they won their World Cup opening match against the Czech Republic at Guadalajara Stadium.

“It was like playing a game in Seoul,” Hwang said after the match, thanking Guadalajara for its support.

“[Mexico] is a good team, but, as you’ve just seen, we can take on anyone,” Hwang said after his team rallied from a 1-0 deficit to beat the Czech Republic.

The week, however, was not without controversy for the South Korean team, as the squad barred press from their home country after audio of media criticizing the mandatory military service exemption granted to Son was leaked. The audio also included criticism of coach Hong Myung-bo.

South Korea and Mexico faced off in September ahead of the World Cup, tying 2-2 in Nashville.

The World Cup stage, however, will be different and brings immense pressure.

For half a century, a handful of wealthy Western democracies wrote the rules of the global economy.

But the world order is becoming crowded, and even as the Group of Seven (G7) remains one of the world’s most influential clubs, a challenger has emerged.

BRICS has expanded, and says it wants a bigger voice for the Global South. This bloc of nations speaks for nearly half the world’s population – and accounts for a growing share of global output, energy and raw materials.

In the space between the two, a third force is gathering pace: the so-called middle powers, nations too big to ignore and unwilling to pick a side.

ICC Women’s T20 World Cup, Group Two, Edgbaston

Pakistan 126-9 (20 overs): Fatima 55* (38); Kapp 3-23

South Africa 127-8 (16.4 overs): Dercksen 52 (35); Fatima 3-16

South Africa won by two wickets

Scorecard, Table

South Africa earned their first victory at the Women’s T20 World Cup as they beat Pakistan by two wickets at Edgbaston.

The Proteas were hammered by favourites Australia in their opener, setting them back in a difficult group which also includes 50-over world champions India.

Their win came from a combination of brilliant bowling from veteran all-rounder Marizanne Kapp and shambolic batting from Pakistan’s top order, who collapsed to 29-5 and then 50-8.

Kapp, 36, made an immediate impact with two wickets in the opening over, before some diabolical running between the wickets gifted South Africa three more.

But an inspired half-century from captain Fatima Sana dragged Pakistan up to 126-9 after a stand of 71 for the ninth wicket with Tuba Hassan.

Fatima finished unbeaten on 55 from 38 balls including two sixes in the final over bowled by Nadine de Klerk which conceded 19.

The skipper then kept her side in the game with the ball – finishing with figures of 3-23 – as South Africa made hard work of the chase by throwing away regular wickets.

Their batting needs to improve considerably if they are to challenge India and Australia in the group’s top two, but all-rounder Annerie Dercksen’s 52 and De Klerk’s 37 were enough to get them over the line with just over three overs to spare.

The Proteas have reached the past two T20 World Cup finals but lost both, to Australia in 2023 and New Zealand in 2024. Pakistan have suffered two defeats, having lost to India on Sunday.

JOHANNESBURG — Globally celebrated South African jazz icon Abdullah Ibrahim has died at age 91, his family announced in a statement Monday.

Ibrahim, formerly known as Dollar Brand, passed away peacefully in Germany following a short illness, surrounded by loved ones, the statement issued on behalf of his family said.

As one of South Africa’s most respected jazz figures, he famously played at Nelson Mandela’s 1994 presidential inauguration. Mandela referred to Ibrahim as “our Mozart.”

His final public concert in South Africa took place at the Cape Town International Jazz Festival in March, when he once again captivated audiences with the musical skill that defined his career.

Paying tribute to her partner, Dr. Marina Umari said he “passed away peacefully with South Africa and its people in his heart.”

“His love for his country never wavered, no matter where in the world he found himself,” she said.

His family said that even though his life is over, his influence and voice would continue to resonate around the world.

South African President Cyril Ramaphosa paid tribute to the musician, praising his contribution to the anti-apartheid struggle and acknowledging his lasting impact through music.

“Today our nation mourns the passing of an international icon and global citizen whose profound creations honored the South Africa that shaped his political commitment and musical brilliance,” said Ramaphosa.

Born Adolph Johannes Brand in Cape Town on Oct. 9, 1934, Ibrahim rose to international prominence as a pianist, composer and bandleader. With a career spanning more than seven decades, he forged a unique blend of jazz and South African musical traditions, making him a cultural ambassador whose music struck a chord with listeners worldwide.

Ibrahim’s mother Rachel Brand was mixed-race and under the apartheid system he was classified as “colored,” which afforded him certain social privileges that were denied Black South Africans. He was raised by grandparents and was told Rachel was his sister, only learning the truth in adulthood. Influenced by his grandmother and mother playing piano at the AME Church in Kensington, a Cape Town suburb, Irbrahim began piano lessons at age 7 and made his professional debut at 15.

In 1959 and 1960, he played with saxophonists Kippie Moeketsi and Mackay Davashe, trumpeter Hugh Masekela, trombonist Jonas Gwangwa, bassist Johnny Gertze and drummer Makaya Ntshoko in the Jazz Epistles. The group recorded the first full-length jazz LP by Black South African musicians, “Jazz Epistle — Verse 1.” The South African government began targeting jazz groups as part of increasing state repression, and following the Sharpeville massacre in March 1960, the Jazz Epistles broke up.

During this time, Ibrahim met jazz singer Sathima Bea Benjamin and the pair moved to Europe. The following year, in Zurich, Switzerland, Benjamin convinced Duke Ellington to come see Ibrahim perform with the Dollar Brand Trio. Impressed, Ellington helped arrange a recording session with Reprise Records, later released as “Duke Ellington presents The Dollar Brand Trio.”

In 1965, Ibrahim and Benjamin married and moved to New York. He played at the Newport Jazz Festival and toured throughout the U.S. In addition to playing with, and, on occasion, leading the Duke Ellington Orchestra, Ibrahim interacted with such musicians as Don Cherry, Ornette Coleman, John Coltrane and Pharoah Sanders, and was influenced by the Black Power movement, incorporating African elements into his jazz. His compositions also reflected the influence of Ellington and Thelonious Monk.

The musician returned briefly to Cape Town in 1968 and converted to Islam, changing his name from Dollar Brand to Abdullah Ibrahim. As an expatriate, he toured the world for decades, appearing at major venues and working with classical orchestras in Europe. His composition “Mannenberg” became noteworthy as an anthem of South Africa’s anti-apartheid movement.

In 2009, Ibrahim received an honorary doctorate in music from Wits University and the Order of Ikhamanga, a prestigious civilian award, from former President Jacob Zuma in the same year.

Ibrahim was named a Jazz Master by the National Endowment for the Arts in 2019.

Alan Winde, the mayor of the Western Cape, where Ibrahim’s hometown is located, honored the performer and commended him for capturing South Africa’s cultural richness and history in his music.

“South Africa has lost a legend,” Winde said. “Abdullah Ibrahim represented everything that makes South Africa and the Western Cape so remarkable. His music told the story of our unique cultural diversity and past.”

Ibrahim is survived by Umari; his son, Tsakwe, a musician; and his daughter, Tsidi, a rapper who goes by Jean Grae.

According to his family, Ibrahim will be laid to rest in the German state of Bavaria, where he lived.

Gumede writes for the Associated Press.

South Korean players reportedly refrain from speaking to national media outside official World Cup commitments.

South Korea’s preparations for their World Cup match against Mexico have been overshadowed by a rift between the players and the country’s media following disparaging comments about captain Son Heung-min.

The spat reportedly led to the resignation of one of the team’s media officers on Tuesday. The national team has yet to confirm the resignation, which has been reported by some of the media covering the South Korean squad in Guadalajara.

Access for the media had apparently been cut off after the comments against Son were caught on camera. Players reportedly refrained from speaking to South Korean media outside official World Cup commitments, and scheduled interviews with players were cancelled.

Mexican media said there was a meeting between the team’s media officers and the South Korean media to discuss the incident.

There was no media access scheduled on Tuesday. The pre-match news conference is scheduled for Wednesday.

The South Korean football association said it regretted “the inappropriate remarks made by some media personnel during the national football team’s training at the Guadalajara base camp”. The organisation added the comments caused “great shock and disappointment” within the squad.

The incident occurred during an open training session on June 7, days before South Korea beat the Czech Republic 2-1 in its first World Cup match.

The 33-year-old Son, running with teammates, was mocked by unidentified media personnel over his military record in footage recorded by broadcaster JTBC, South Korea’s official rights holder for the tournament. The video was later leaked, prompting a strong reaction on social media.

By helping South Korea win gold at the 2018 Asian Games, Son earned an exemption from the mandatory 21-month military service required of able-bodied men.

Son later completed alternative duties, including a three-week military training course in 2020 and community service.

The federation said in Monday’s statement that it “will continue to prioritise the protection of the squad and strive to create a healthy media environment”.

Son, who left Tottenham for Los Angeles FC a year ago, missed chances in the victory over the Czech Republic, with Hwang In-beom and Oh Hyeon-gyu scoring in Guadalajara.

South Korea plays again in Guadalajara on Thursday when it faces Mexico in Group A.

June 15 (Asia Today) — Salt-damaged farmland once unsuitable for either agriculture or aquaculture has become a source of pension income for residents of islands in southwestern South Korea.

Shinan County in South Jeolla Province operates what it calls a “Sunlight Pension,” sharing part of the profits from solar power projects with local residents. The program is regarded as a social economy model that connects large-scale renewable energy infrastructure with household income and local spending.

The county began distributing the pension on Anjwa and Jara islands in 2021 under a renewable energy profit-sharing program. It has since expanded the program to Jido, Saokdo, Imjado and Bigeumdo.

Under the program, part of the profits generated by solar power projects is distributed to residents through local cooperatives.

South Korea’s Ministry of the Interior and Safety regards the Shinan program as a social economy model that converts local resources into resident income while keeping spending within the community. The program brings residents, local government and private businesses together to ensure that some profits from power generation remain in the region.

The model is also consistent with the national government’s initiative to create “Sunlight Income Villages,” where communities receive income from renewable energy projects.

Shinan County enacted an ordinance in 2018 establishing a system to share profits from renewable energy development with residents. Residents do not directly pay the cost of building the power plants. Instead, resident cooperatives participate in the projects and receive dividends from the resulting revenue.

The dividends are paid through local gift certificates, encouraging recipients to spend the money within Shinan County.

“Existing residents are guaranteed dividend benefits, while benefits for new residents vary according to age to encourage younger people to move here,” a county official said. “New residents age 40 or younger are eligible immediately, without a waiting period.”

The program has produced measurable results.

Renewable energy development dividends generated cumulative revenue of 24.71 billion won, or about $16.1 million, between April 2021 and April 2025. Of that amount, 22.32 billion won, or about $14.6 million, was distributed through the Sunlight Pension.

An additional 2.39 billion won, or about $1.6 million, was distributed as a Sunlight Child Allowance for residents younger than 18.

Of Shinan County’s 16,483 residents, 13,284 are members of participating cooperatives, representing a participation rate of 81%.

The Anjwa Solar City power plant serves as the foundation of Shinan’s Sunlight Pension model.

The facility has a combined generating capacity of 288 megawatts, consisting of a 96-megawatt first phase and a 192-megawatt second phase. The first phase began commercial operations in November 2020, followed by the second phase in January 2023.

Plant officials said the project cost about 560 billion won, or approximately $366 million. It generates annual revenue of between 80 billion won and 85 billion won, or roughly $52.3 million to $55.6 million.

The history of the site is also significant.

The land was originally used for farming but became unsuitable for both agriculture and aquaculture because of salt damage and years of use as fish farms. A 2019 revision to South Korea’s Farmland Act allowed salt-damaged farmland to be used temporarily for other purposes, clearing the way for the solar project.

The land is scheduled to be restored to farmland after the solar facilities cease operations.

Anjwa Solar City is considered a leading example of South Korea’s resident-participation renewable energy profit-sharing system. Large solar projects can generate local opposition when residents receive few tangible benefits, making the profit-sharing structure a central element in securing community acceptance.

The Shinan model, however, may be difficult to reproduce in every region. Large renewable energy projects require several conditions, including government approval, resident consent and access to transmission infrastructure.

Project profitability and local acceptance must also be considered to maintain a stable dividend system.

“The Sunlight Pension was designed to ensure that development profits remain with residents and circulate within the community,” the county official said. “We plan to expand the profit-sharing program beyond solar power to offshore wind and other renewable energy projects.”

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260615010005065

June 15 (Asia Today) — South Korean researchers have developed a catalyst that could substantially reduce the cost of producing green hydrogen while delivering performance and durability comparable to catalysts made with expensive precious metals.

A research team led by Professor Don-Hyung Ha of Chung-Ang University developed multimetallic phosphide nanoparticles that do not require platinum, iridium or other costly precious metals, the university said Monday.

The research was conducted jointly with a team led by Professor Inho Nam of Chung-Ang University’s Department of Chemical Engineering and researchers led by Sung Jong Yoo of the Korea Institute of Science and Technology’s Center for Hydrogen and Fuel Cells.

The catalyst was used to build a high-performance anion-exchange membrane water electrolysis system, a technology considered a potential lower-cost option for producing clean hydrogen.

Water electrolysis uses electricity to split water into hydrogen and oxygen. When the electricity comes from renewable sources, the resulting fuel is commonly called green hydrogen because the production process does not directly emit carbon dioxide.

Many high-performance electrolyzers, however, rely on scarce and expensive catalysts containing platinum or iridium. Their cost and limited availability have been major obstacles to the large-scale commercialization of green hydrogen.

Anion-exchange membrane water electrolysis could reduce dependence on those metals because it can operate with less expensive materials. Existing non-precious-metal catalysts, however, often undergo changes to their surface structures during operation, resulting in lower efficiency and shorter operating lives.

The researchers sought to address the problem by designing nanoparticles made from cobalt, nickel, iron and phosphorus.

They used real-time spectroscopic analysis to examine changes in the catalyst’s oxidation state and surface structure while it was operating.

The team found that optimizing the amount of cobalt caused a stable, highly active structure to form on the catalyst’s surface during electrolysis. The researchers identified this surface reconstruction as a key factor in maintaining high catalytic activity and long-term durability.

In single-cell tests, a system using the catalyst at both the hydrogen-producing and oxygen-producing electrodes reached a current density of 5.73 amperes per square centimeter at 2 volts.

When the catalyst was used only at the oxygen-producing electrode, the system reached 11.43 amperes per square centimeter at the same voltage.

Higher current density generally indicates that an electrolyzer can produce more hydrogen from a given electrode area, although overall commercial performance also depends on factors including energy efficiency, system size, operating conditions and manufacturing cost.

The system also operated continuously for 500 hours at a commercially relevant current density of 1 ampere per square centimeter without a significant decline in performance, the researchers said.

The results indicate that non-precious-metal catalysts can deliver performance approaching that of systems using platinum-group metals.

The study combined control of the catalyst’s chemical composition, real-time analysis of its operating surface and performance testing in a complete electrolysis cell. The researchers said the integrated approach strengthens the catalyst’s potential for practical application.

“This study is academically significant because we precisely controlled the composition of a non-precious multimetallic phosphide catalyst and used real-time analysis to clarify how its surface changes during operation,” Ha said.

“It could serve as a milestone in developing low-cost water electrolysis electrodes that replace expensive precious-metal catalysts while providing both high performance and durability,” he said.

The research was supported by South Korea’s Ministry of Science and ICT through the H2GATHER program, the H2 NEXT ROUND program and a Korea Institute of Science and Technology clean hydrogen technology development program.

The study, titled “Cobalt-Engineered Multimetallic Phosphides with Switchable HER-OER Activity for Durable Anion Exchange Membrane Water Electrolysis,” was published online May 26 in Advanced Functional Materials.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260612001005481

Juba, South Sudan – In the days before Lankien was attacked, doctors at the local hospital rushed to evacuate patients. Some were women in labour. Others were being treated for gunshot wounds. By the evening of February 3, just hours after the last patients were carried out, a bomb struck the empty facility, ripping a crater through its warehouse.

Fighting was underway in surrounding areas as South Sudan’s military pressed forward with a counteroffensive aimed at retaking territory seized by opposition armed groups. As the army advanced eastward through Jonglei State, it captured town after town, pushing opposition fighters towards the Ethiopian border.

In the aftermath of the bombing, residents said they were forced to flee into surrounding marshland on the morning of February 7 as mortar fire struck the town. Some eventually returned and described extensive destruction.

The hospital had been looted and burned. Its cold-chain storage unit, used to preserve vaccines, was set on fire. Vehicles were sprayed with bullets and stripped for parts. Solar-powered water systems had been dismantled. The local market was reduced to twisted metal sheets, while homes on the outskirts appeared to have been burned.

“Anything that can support the life of human beings was deliberately destroyed,” said Emmerson Gono, deputy head of mission for Doctors Without Borders, known by its French initials MSF, who visited Lankien in April, adding that this was his assessment based on what he observed.

A counteroffensive across Jonglei

Since the start of what authorities refer to as “Operation Enduring Peace,” satellite imagery analysed by the Centre for Information Resilience (CIR), combined with verified videos, images and witness accounts, indicates widespread destruction across a swathe of Jonglei that has long been a stronghold of opposition groups.

Both the military and opposition forces have been accused of razing villages and attacking civilians in recent months. In this area of Jonglei, which is home to a section of the Nuer ethnic group that officials often cast as hostile to the state, more than a dozen residents who spoke to Al Jazeera said they believed the military was responsible for targeted destruction that experts say has pushed tens of thousands of people towards the brink of famine.

In most of the 23 incidents CIR documented between late January and February, civilian structures, including homes, health facilities and markets, appear to have been burned and looted. CIR said the destruction was “likely to be more widespread and potentially part of what it described as a deliberate military strategy”.

“Using satellite imagery, we were able to map how troop movements from west to east followed a path of burning and looting,” said CIR researcher Kiria Borak, stressing that satellite imagery alone cannot determine intent or responsibility.

Some officials and humanitarian actors have attributed the destruction in Jonglei to clashes between government troops and opposition forces. However, residents told Al Jazeera that opposition fighters were not present when their villages were attacked. Those accounts could not be independently verified due to restricted access to the area.

Government officials did not respond to requests for comment on the specific allegations described in this report. In earlier statements, authorities have said military operations are conducted in self-defence and that civilians are not deliberately targeted.

Political backdrop

Violence has escalated since 2025, when opposition leader and first vice president Riek Machar was arrested on charges of subversion, allegations he denies. Machar and President Salva Kiir were once on opposing sides of the country’s 2013–2018 civil war, which killed hundreds of thousands of people before a peace agreement brought them into a fragile unity government.

The implementation of that agreement stalled amid delays in unifying armed forces into a national military and repeated postponements of national elections.

Following Machar’s arrest, the government undertook a campaign of aerial bombardments to beat back a simmering rebellion in rural areas. Machar’s political group declared the peace deal dead and began launching hit-and-run attacks on military positions.

Between December and January, opposition fighters, buoyed by support from local armed youth, seized several military garrisons in Jonglei, prompting the government to announce a counteroffensive on January 28.

Then-army chief Paul Nang ordered forces, drawn from the national army, intelligence units, police and allied militias, according to UN investigators, to retake territory held by opposition groups.

Analysts say the involvement of allied militias operating alongside formal units has complicated the determination of command responsibility.

‘Burning homes’

Five individuals who fled Lankien told Al Jazeera they witnessed events unfold on February 7.

They said government-aligned forces reached the outskirts of the town after fighting in a nearby village. Around late morning, mortar fire struck the town, followed by the arrival of ground forces in armoured vehicles.

Gai Ket, 32, said he had been cutting firewood when explosions began. He rushed back to town to look for his wife and children.

“The first thing I saw was smoke. SSPDF was burning homes,” he said, referring to the national army.

When he reached his house, he found his wife dead, with a severe wound to her chest. Bodies lay scattered across the neighbourhood. “Everything was gone,” he said.

Another resident, Puoch Duol, said he returned at night to search for his grandmother, who had been too weak to flee. He said he found her body among several others near the ruins of burned homes.

Satellite imagery reviewed by CIR indicates significant destruction in Lankien between February 7 and 9. On February 7, the army announced it was in control of the town.

MSF has said government forces were in control of Lankien in the days after the attack but has not assigned responsibility for the destruction. It said the government is the only party to the conflict with the capability to carry out aerial bombardments.

Government-appointed officials told Al Jazeera that opposition fighters looted the town during their withdrawal. Opposition representatives deny this, saying their forces were not present at the time. Neither account could be independently verified.

A pattern of destruction

Residents described a similar pattern of destruction across towns and villages stretching from the Nile River to the Ethiopian border. Armed men in military-style uniforms arrived in armoured vehicles, often after opposition forces were reported to have withdrawn, according to residents.

Homes and markets were burned, while health facilities and humanitarian compounds were looted. Civilians took refuge in swamps and forests, while those too weak to flee were killed or went missing.

CIR geolocated social media footage from Pathai showing fighters moving among burning structures towards a road leading into the town’s western entrance. The identities of those in the footage could not be independently verified.

Jany, an aid worker based in the town of Walgak, described an attack on February 5.

“We saw smoke everywhere. They were firing guns and burning houses,” he said.

Satellite imagery shows significant structural damage in Walgak between February 3 and 7, shortly after the town changed hands.

Humanitarian sources tracking developments in the area reported that multiple villages in the vicinity of Walgak were burned or destroyed during the same period. These accounts could not be independently verified due to restricted access and ongoing insecurity.

Remote sensing data shows clusters of fire activity across the region during the same period. However, satellite imagery alone cannot determine the cause or responsibility for the fires.

Command rhetoric and discipline

From the start of military operations, remarks by commanders raised concerns over civilian safety.

A video circulated on social media shows Johnson Olony, a deputy army chief who is also head of the Agwelek armed group, telling troops not to spare lives or property during operations. The government later said the remarks did not reflect official policy, and Olony apologised.

In another video, a commander identified as Wal Nyak appears to threaten violence against perceived opposition supporters. “Whether you are a woman or a girl, we will kill you all … We don’t want supporters of Riek Machar here,” he says.

The authenticity and full context of the footage could not be independently verified.

Humanitarian impact

Aid agencies say the consequences of the destruction reported in the area are severe and likely to last for months or longer.

At least 28 health facilities in Jonglei were damaged or looted this year, according to the UN. Seventy percent are no longer functioning.

The Integrated Phase Classification (IPC), a United Nations-backed analysis body, says there is a risk of famine in multiple counties, while more than 70,000 people are already facing the highest possible severity of hunger.

Nicholas Kerandi of the UN Food and Agriculture Organization said the impacts on food security and public health “are likely to persist through the remainder of the year and potentially beyond”.

Others say the alleged abuses in Jonglei have pushed South Sudan’s already fractured state to breaking point.

“The tribes don’t trust one another, the citizens don’t trust the government, and the government doesn’t trust its citizens,” Ter Manyang Gatwech, a human rights advocate from Jonglei, told Al Jazeera.

“Unless there is a miracle, South Sudan will disintegrate,” he said.

June 14 (Asia Today) — South Korean Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back said Sunday that Seoul and Washington plan to recommend a target year for transferring wartime operational control of South Korean forces by the end of this year.

Ahn said during an appearance on KBS television that the allies would discuss verification of their full operational capability assessment at their annual Security Consultative Meeting in November.

“If we complete the full operational capability verification and make a recommendation to the presidents of both countries at the end of this year, we will be able to determine the target year for restoring wartime operational control,” Ahn said.

The United States has retained wartime operational control of South Korean forces since the 1950-53 Korean War. South Korea exercises control over its military during peacetime.

The allies have agreed that the transfer should be based on three conditions: South Korea’s military capabilities to lead the combined defense, the alliance’s ability to respond comprehensively to North Korean nuclear and missile threats and a regional security environment conducive to a stable transfer.

The first condition includes three stages of evaluating a future South Korea-led Combined Forces Command: initial operational capability, full operational capability and full mission capability.

Ahn said the full operational capability assessment has been completed. Verification expected by the end of the year would allow the allies to begin specifying a timetable for the transfer.

Responding to concerns that the transfer may be premature, Ahn said waiting for every condition to be perfectly satisfied could postpone the process indefinitely.

“New weapons emerge from one day to the next and the nature of the battlefield continues to change,” Ahn said. “If we keep treating the conditions this way, we could wait forever.”

Although warfare is shifting toward drones and other advanced systems, South Korea has sufficient capabilities to lead combined operations, he said.

Asked whether a future combined command led by a South Korean four-star general could impede coordinated operations or the deployment of U.S. strategic assets, Ahn said the issue had not been discussed.

Ahn acknowledged that Seoul and Washington may have different views on the timing of the transfer.

“Even children raised by the same parents can think differently,” he said. “How could two countries have identical views?”

Ahn also discussed the Jangbogo-N project, South Korea’s plan to acquire nuclear-powered submarines, describing it as part of the country’s transition from a tactical state to a strategic state.

“A tactical state operates within a framework designed by major powers,” he said. “A strategic state creates the framework and takes the lead in planning and designing its response during a war or another crisis.”

South Korea is preparing to build the first nuclear-powered submarine in the mid-2030s, Ahn said.

He said the country possesses the necessary conventional submarine construction capabilities, advanced nuclear technology and world-class shipyards but lacks access to nuclear fuel suitable for naval propulsion.

South Korea plans to seek U.S. cooperation in obtaining uranium enriched to less than 20%, he said.

Ahn said Seoul and Washington had not yet agreed on where the submarines would be built.

“Building nuclear-powered submarines in another country would be less efficient in terms of costs and technology,” he said. “The United States is also coming to understand that position.”

Ahn dismissed concerns in some U.S. circles that the project could contribute to nuclear proliferation.

“Low-enriched uranium below 20% cannot be converted easily for use in a nuclear weapon,” he said. “South Korea has been a model member of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.”

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260614010004655