In the United Arab Emirates, women hold half of all parliamentary seats, a threshold reached by only six national legislatures on Earth. In Afghanistan, a fellow member of the same fifty seven nation bloc, girls are barred by law from any education beyond primary school, the only country where that is true. On July 12 and 13, 2026, delegates from all fifty seven states gathered in Islamabad to adopt a single shared declaration on women’s empowerment. The distance between those two realities is the actual subject the declaration had to confront, whether its authors framed it that way or not.
The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation represents fifty seven states and close to 1.9 billion people, a demographic scale matched by few multilateral bodies. What it conspicuously lacks is a shared starting point on gender equality, and the scale of that lack is easy to understate until the two ends of the distribution are placed side by side. The World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report 2025 ranks the United Arab Emirates 69th of 146 economies overall, with full parliamentary parity and women occupying nearly two thirds of federal leadership roles. It ranks Bangladesh 24th of 148, the strongest performer in South Asia for a second consecutive year, having closed 73 percent of its overall gender gap after decades of expanding a legislative quota from 7 percent of seats to 30. At the opposite pole, three of the only five economies anywhere in the world governed by an entirely male cabinet, Azerbaijan, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia, are OIC members, and Oman remains the sole national parliament on the planet with no women seated in it at all. Afghanistan sits outside even that range. It is the only country on Earth barring girls from secondary and higher education by law, a policy that currently excludes close to 2.2 million girls from formal schooling altogether.
This is the span the Islamabad Declaration was written into, and it is worth pausing on what that span actually implies. A framework broad enough to be endorsed by both Abu Dhabi and Kabul’s immediate neighbors within the same bloc can, almost by construction, say very little about what any single government is actually required to do. Language capacious enough to cover a country with full parliamentary parity and a country that bars girls from secondary school is language calibrated for consensus, not for consequence. The more useful question, then, is not whether the declaration reads as ambitious, most instruments of this kind do, but whether the bloc has built, or shows any sign of building, a mechanism capable of moving its weakest performers rather than simply narrating the achievements of its strongest.
Where the record earns genuine credit
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Some of what the OIC claims for itself withstands scrutiny, and is worth crediting on its own terms rather than dissolved into a general skepticism about summit diplomacy. Female enrollment in tertiary education has expanded meaningfully across member states, and the bloc’s own reporting places women at just over 39 percent of researchers across OIC countries, ahead of the roughly 34 percent global average. Maternal and child health outcomes have improved alongside it. But the most persuasive evidence for what actually moves the needle sits not in the declaration’s language but in the legislative record beneath it. Global data from the Inter Parliamentary Union shows that countries employing electoral quotas elected women at a rate of 31.2 percent in 2024, against 16.8 percent in countries without them, a gap of nearly two to one that survives across regions and income levels. Bangladesh’s own trajectory, from a 7 percent quota to 30, tracks that pattern almost precisely, and the United Arab Emirates reached full parliamentary parity through a comparable top down legal commitment rather than the slow accretion of social change. Where OIC member states have adopted binding, specific instruments, quotas above all others, the results are visible and replicable in the data. That is a genuine and transferable finding, and it rests on firmer ground than most of the rhetoric surrounding it.
The economic weakness the whole bloc shares, to varying degrees
Set the political headlines aside and the bloc’s collective vulnerability comes into sharper focus around economic participation. The OIC’s own assessment puts female labor force participation across member states at roughly 41 percent against 76 percent for men, and estimates some 106 million young people across the bloc as neither employed, in education, nor in training, with young women disproportionately represented among them. Southern Asia, the region anchoring several of the OIC’s most populous members, registers the weakest economic participation score of any region tracked in the Global Gender Gap Report, a full thirty five points separating its best and worst performing economies from one another. Even the UAE and Bangladesh, the bloc’s clearest political success stories, have not resolved this dimension with anything like the completeness they have brought to representation, which suggests economic inclusion answers to different levers than legislative quotas do, and that the declaration’s language on finance, entrepreneurship, and employment access is, whether by design or accident, aimed at the harder of the bloc’s two structural problems.
The test the declaration cannot argue its way around
Afghanistan is where the claim that voluntary declarations carry real weight meets its sharpest and least forgiving test. At the same Islamabad conference, delegates stated plainly that the Taliban’s restrictions on women harm the image of Islam and are inconsistent with Islamic teaching, echoing an OIC position from previous years that described the restrictions as contrary to the faith the bloc exists to represent. The Muslim World League, the largest Islamic non governmental organization in the world, has separately and repeatedly urged the Taliban to reverse the bans. The response from Kabul has been unambiguous. Spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid has told international audiences that women’s rights are fully protected under the group’s interpretation of Sharia, and Taliban officials have characterized the education ban as an internal matter closed to outside comment, a position firm enough to have stalled unrelated talks over frozen central bank assets as recently as May 2026.
The stakes of this reach well beyond Afghanistan’s borders. If the bloc’s most unified and most theologically grounded criticism, the accusation that a member state’s policy is contrary to Islam itself, produces no observable change in that state’s conduct, it becomes a reasonable proxy for how much practical force softer, less unified language on labor force participation or quota adoption is likely to carry anywhere else in the bloc. The Islamabad Declaration has no enforcement mechanism for Afghanistan, and, tellingly, does not appear to need one in order to be adopted, since adoption requires only consensus on wording, not compliance with it.
Taking the structural counterargument seriously
There is a coherent case that expecting more than this from the OIC misreads what kind of institution it actually is. A consensus body spanning constitutional monarchies, parliamentary republics, and a Taliban administered emirate cannot plausibly issue binding standards on domestic labor law or family structure without member states either declining to sign or signing without any intention of compliance, an outcome arguably worse than the present voluntary model. Under this reading, the declaration’s proper function is to establish a shared reference point and let reputational pressure and peer example, the UAE and Bangladesh held up as internal proof of concept, do the work that binding law structurally cannot. The newly launched Islamabad Initiative on Women’s Digital Inclusion, a voluntary platform for digital literacy, entrepreneurship, and technology access, is built entirely on that theory of change: participation by choice rather than compliance by mandate. Judged against that more modest theory rather than against an enforcement standard it was never designed to meet, the declaration may be performing precisely as intended, and the fair critique is not that it fails at its stated purpose, but that its stated purpose may simply be too modest for the scale of the problem it describes.
Three paths from here
The most probable trajectory, roughly half of plausible outcomes by our estimate, is that the demonstration effect model continues largely undisturbed: the UAE and Bangladesh keep improving and are cited internally as proof the model works, the bloc’s lowest tier, Afghanistan most starkly, remains unmoved by rhetorical pressure however strongly it is worded, and the aggregate figures stay roughly flat because gains concentrated at the top fail to transmit downward through the distribution.
A second and less likely path, perhaps three in ten, sees middle tier member states, those possessing neither the UAE’s resources nor Afghanistan’s total exclusion, adopting elements of the proposed Gender Equality Dashboard or the digital inclusion platform in a genuine if partial way, narrowing the bloc’s middle even while its extremes remain fixed in place.
A third and least likely path, perhaps one in five, involves the range widening further still, driven by continuing instability among the bloc’s weakest performers, Afghanistan foremost among them but potentially compounded by conflict or governance stress elsewhere, at a pace that outstrips whatever gains the top and middle of the distribution manage to produce.
The indicator worth watching
The clearest available test is not whether the OIC issues further statements on Afghanistan, since it plainly will, but whether the Gender Equality Dashboard or the Digital Inclusion Initiative produces any actual, published, comparative country level data within the current reporting cycle. A voluntary framework that generates public comparison functions differently, in practice, from one that generates only communiques, since comparison is the mechanism from which reputational pressure, the model’s only real lever, actually derives. A second and narrower indicator is whether Afghanistan’s formal relationship with OIC gender programming registers any change whatsoever, even nominal engagement, as distinct from continued flat rejection, since that alone would be the first sign that unified religious framing carries weight the bloc’s other instruments do not.
What this means for institutional readers
For Western multilateral institutions and United Nations agencies, the OIC’s internal variance means that a single engagement strategy toward the bloc on gender issues is analytically weak on its face. The UAE and Bangladesh are credible technical partners on quota design and implementation, while engagement on Afghanistan specifically should continue to run primarily through humanitarian and human rights channels, given that the OIC’s own most unified criticism has already been tested there and found to carry no observable weight.
For investors and development finance institutions assessing exposure across OIC economies, a female labor force participation range running from roughly 22 percent to over 70 percent within a single fifty seven member bloc constitutes one of the more differentiated and independently checkable indicators available for human capital and productivity due diligence on any individual member state, and merits assessment country by country rather than reliance on the bloc’s aggregate language.
For rights focused organizations and donors, the quota evidence, 31.2 percent representation where legal quotas exist against 16.8 percent where they do not, is the single most defensible, causally grounded policy argument available to press within OIC forums, considerably more persuasive than the broader declaratory commitments on empowerment that lack a comparably rigorous evidentiary foundation.
A poll of 2,000 adults who travel abroad found that one in six have committed a cultural faux pas while on holiday – and the top 10 travel mistakes tourists make have been listed
Holidaymakers could unknowingly offend locals if they’re not aware of local etiquette(Image: Getty Images)
One in six holidaymakers have committed cultural blunders while abroad – including eating with their left hand in South Asia and blowing their nose at the table in China.
A survey of 2,000 adults who travel overseas found 28% of those who have put their foot in it culturally have neglected to cover their shoulders and knees when visiting a place of worship. Meanwhile, 26% have forgotten to tip in North America and 21% have jaywalked there too.
Despite a tendency to make such mistakes, 39% of all those surveyed said experiencing different cultural etiquette is one of the main reasons they choose to travel – particularly to long-haul destinations.
A spokesperson for Riviera Travel, which commissioned the research and offers escorted tours across Europe, Asia and North America, said: “Travel is about embracing the unfamiliar. “These findings show how easily well-meaning holidaymakers can fall foul of local customs, often without realising it.
“Whether it’s understanding dining etiquette, dress codes or local laws, having expert guidance or a well-planned itinerary can give travellers the confidence to explore unfamiliar cultures without the worry of getting it wrong.”
The study revealed 62% have worried about accidentally breaking the law while travelling, while 54% feared coming across as rude without intending to.
A further 42% were concerned about taking photographs somewhere they shouldn’t, while 41% worried about getting religious customs wrong.
To get themselves prepared, 57% research destinations more thoroughly before jetting off. Upon doing so, 31% were taken aback by just how many everyday UK habits are perceived differently abroad.
In particular, 30% found that hand gestures can carry entirely different meanings depending on your location around the globe – such as using the ‘OK’ gesture in Brazil, which is often the equivalent to swearing.
Other no-gos British holidaymakers were oblivious to included the fact that bringing mineral water into Nigeria is forbidden, while commonly available nasal sprays can be restricted in Japan. Camouflage clothing is banned in Barbados and taking bubble gum into Singapore is against local rules.
Eager to avoid becoming the stereotypical “Brit abroad”, 49% modified their behaviour while travelling so they would not be perceived that way. A third had seen another holidaymaker making a cultural mistake, including being rude towards restaurant or hotel staff (52%), speaking too loudly in public (51%) and dressing inappropriately at religious or cultural sites (49%).
If they made a faux pas themselves, 56% would feel embarrassed, 51% apologetic and 30% eager to learn from the experience.
It also emerged 29% of those who worry about social faux pas preferred guided tours or expert advice to ensure they didn’t make a cultural mistake.
Whereas 24% stated being part of a guided group would give them the confidence to explore unfamiliar destinations, and 22% valued the reassurance of travelling with an experienced tour manager.
A spokesperson for Riviera Travel added: “The findings show most travellers are keen to be respectful when they visit somewhere new, even if they occasionally get things wrong. “Being open to different customs and ways of life is one of the most rewarding parts of travel.
“Having the support of local experts, an experienced tour manager, and the reassurance of a guided group provides essential peace of mind.”
TOP 10 CULTURAL BLUNDERS:
Not covering up shoulders and knees when visiting places of worship.
Not tipping at a restaurant in North America.
Jaywalking in America.
Eating with your left hand in countries where the right hand is traditionally used for eating.
Not removing shoes when entering homes in Canada.
Showing up late to an appointment or meeting in Germany.
Using the “OK” hand gesture in Brazil.
Leaving chopsticks sticking vertically out of the rice in Japan.
Pouring your own drink before others in South Korea.
The warning comes as many Brits to prepare to go on their summer holidays
It is worth buying repellent before you travel
Holidaymakers have been warned to protect themselves against mosquitoes as health officials published new data on infections imported into the UK. The UK Health Security Agency (UKHSA) said diseases spread by mosquitoes, such as dengue fever and Zika virus, can be harmful for some people.
It urged travellers to use insect repellent, wear long sleeves and trousers and sleep under a treated bed net if necessary. People should also get any jabs they need for travel and check whether they need malaria tablets.
Dengue fever can feel similar to flu and symptoms include high temperature, severe headache, pain behind the eyes, muscle and joint pain and feeling sick. Chikungunya symptoms include fever, joint pain, headache, muscle pain, joint swelling and rash.
Most people with Zika suffer a mild illness, but it is serious in pregnant women and can cause stillbirth, miscarriage, problems with development and unusually small heads. Meanwhile, malaria can prove fatal, with symptoms including fever, vomiting and pain.
The UKHSA said eight Zika virus cases were reported from January to June 2026 – already above the seven cases recorded in 2025. Four of these were from Indonesia. Some 137 cases of imported dengue were reported in England from January to June this year, with South-East Asia and South Asia remaining the most common regions where people caught it. Some 27 cases were linked to travel to Thailand and 19 to the Maldives.
For comparison, the overall number of cases by the end of June last year was 161, though cases also tend to rise later in the year. A total of 59 chikungunya cases were reported from January to June this year, with Sri Lanka being the most commonly reported country of travel, accounting for 18 cases. There were 73 in the same period last year.
Meanwhile, 557 malaria cases were reported in England, Wales and Northern Ireland from January to May. Last year at the same point, there were 548. As well as mosquito-borne illnesses, there were 287 cases of typhoid and paratyphoid fever between January and June this year.
Typhoid and paratyphoid are caused by Salmonella bacteria, which is usually spread through contaminated food or water. Mosquitoes rely on standing water to lay their eggs. It then needs to be warm enough for the eggs to hatch, which can take just a few days if temperatures are high enough.
Dr Hilary Kirkbride, consultant epidemiologist and head of travel health at UKHSA, said: “Summer is a popular time to travel – don’t let illness spoil your holidays. Good preparation and planning is important for a safe and enjoyable trip.
“Check the TravelHealthPro website for the latest health advice for your destination, including which vaccines you may need and any important medications, such as anti-malarial tablets.
“To protect against mosquito-borne infections, use insect repellent, cover exposed skin and sleep under a treated bed net where needed. For enteric fever and other stomach bugs, make sure you take good food and water hygiene precautions.
“Even if you have visited a country before, you do not have the same level of natural protection against infections as permanent residents, so it is important to take precautions every time you travel.
“And if you are pregnant or trying to conceive, there are special precautions you should take, so please speak to a doctor, nurse or local travel clinic before planning your trip.”
Natalie Hitchins, Which? head of home products and services, said: “If you’re travelling somewhere that has mosquitoes, it’s worth checking that your repellent will actually do the job before you go.
“Which? tests found that while some repellents provided effective protection for almost 10 hours, some trendy alternatives failed to prevent bites for longer than a few minutes.
“Look for products containing active ingredients such as Deet, Icaridin (picaridin) or PMD, rather than relying on marketing claims alone.
“Insect repellent can help protect against mosquito bites, but it should be used alongside – never as a replacement for – any vaccinations or medications recommended by a healthcare professional.”
For decades, satellites have provided critical data for military activities in active and non-active combat zones. One of the most significant integration of space-based technologies emerged in missile defense systems during the Cold War. Satellite constellations provided critical data on the launch sites and trajectories of ballistic missiles. The US Defense Support Program (DSP) was the first program to launch satellite constellations to detect heat signatures of Soviet ICBMs with infrared sensors. The Soviet Union launched the first generation of early warning systems under OKO satellite constellations against US missile threats. These systems of satellite constellations allowed both the US and the USSR to maintain a close watch over each other’s strategic capabilities and allowed for much needed early warning that upheld mutual deterrence between the two powers.
Fast forward to the current era, today’s missile defense systems have shown a very limited success rate against hypersonic missiles. The tracking and interception capabilities of current missile defense systems have remained effectively limited due to speed, maneuverability, and depressed flight of hypersonic missiles. Traditional missile defense systems have been outmaneuvered by hypersonic missiles, which increases the threat level due to their capability to reach and hit targets with a high success rate. Modern hypersonic missiles can still be detected with infrared sensing during their boost phase, but Hypersonic Glide Vehicles (HGVs) are extremely difficult to track and intercept primarily due to their maneuverability. The radar-evading capabilities of HGVs affect the strategic calculus by shrinking detection and reaction time duration during crises and conflicts.
As a remedy, the US has introduced the Hypersonic and Ballistic Tracking Space Sensors (HBTSS) to counter the threat of HGVs and Hypersonic Cruise Missiles (HCMs). The HBTSS will be a major component of the US Golden Dome missile defense project. It is a layered network of command-and-control systems, interceptors, and space-based sensors to build an advanced layer of missile defense system. What makes HBTSS different from traditional missile defense systems is the satellite constellation, which provides real-time tracking data of missiles. Traditional defense systems like Space Based Infrared System (SBIR) could detect the launch of missiles, but HBTSS can detect, track, and possibly predict the target of the missile.
Because HGVs present a unique challenge due to low flight path and maneuverability and often operate under the coverage of conventional radars, which make it difficult for traditional defense systems to detect. HBTSS relies on space-based sensors, which can detect and track continuously from space. Theoretically, it can be called a space-based missile defense system reflecting the growing strategic importance of space in the military domain. It relies on an interconnected satellite network that can work as a kill web across the globe against the threat of hypersonic missiles.
HBTSS is an emerging strategic shift as it starts a new era of space weaponization with a layer of satellites for enhanced detection and tracking. A reliable space-based tracking system bolsters a state’s capabilities to deal with the threat of hypersonic missiles with improved early warning and missile tracking systems, and reduces the threat of surprise attacks from an adversary. Although missile forces hold great impact on deterrence stability, the induction of HTBSS will question the effectiveness of missiles during crises and conflicts if a more advance missile defense system is introduced. This will provide a wider view from space with more accuracy and precision, and increase the vulnerability of missile forces of states.
Because ground-based nuclear forces are considered vulnerable, many countries have developed second-strike capabilities, particularly at sea, to preserve deterrence even after absorbing an initial attack. But the development of HBTSS undermines the survivability of a state’s missile forces with an enhanced detection and tracking system. Even though the United States and Russia continue to maintain certain crisis management and risk reduction mechanisms, including hotlines and military deconfliction channels, the suspension of New START has weakened the broader framework of strategic stability. While in conflict-prone regions like South Asia, India and Pakistan possess a more limited and less institutionalized set of confidence-building measures (CBMs), making crisis management in South Asia particularly challenging due to emerging technologies.
The peaceful use of outer space depends on the intent and actions of major powers. Sometimes measures taken for self-defense can also prompt a proportionate reaction in the form of countermeasures. The strategic impact of HBTSS on the missile forces may lead to more advance, fast, and lethal missiles for survivability. The development of HBTSS will not end the arms race, it will intensify the arms race with countermeasures.
