soft

David Ball of Soft Cell, whose delectably sleazy synth-pop arrangement drove that English duo’s 1981 hit “Tainted Love” to the top of the U.K. singles chart, died Wednesday. He was 66.

The producer’s death was announced in a post on Soft Cell’s website, which didn’t state a cause but said that Ball died at his home in London. On Facebook, the duo’s singer, Marc Almond, wrote that Ball’s health “had been in slow decline over recent years” due to an unspecified illness.

“It is hard to write this, let alone process it, as Dave was in such a great place emotionally,” Almond said on Soft Cell’s site. “He was focused and so happy with the new album that we literally completed only a few days ago. It’s so sad as 2026 was all set to be such an uplifting year for him, and I take some solace from the fact that he heard the finished record and felt that it was a great piece of work.”

Ball and Almond performed as Soft Cell at last month’s Rewind Festival in England; the LP they’d just wrapped is set to be titled “Danceteria” after the New York City nightclub that became an incubator of new wave and synth-pop in the early ’80s.

Soft Cell was an “experimental electro band [writing] weird little pop tunes about consumerism,” as Almond told the Guardian in 2017, when the duo decided to record a cover of “Tainted Love,” which the soul singer Gloria Jones had introduced to little success in 1964.

Ball devised his take on the song using his “dodgy old Korg synths” as well as a state-of-the-art Synclavier that cost more than £100,000, according to the Guardian. Soft Cell’s cover felt “twisted and strange,” Ball said, which suited the “weird couple: Marc, this gay bloke in makeup, and me, a big guy who looked like a minder.”

With Almond’s panting vocal over Ball’s sexy yet sinister production, “Tainted Love” hit No. 1 in the U.K. the same year as the Human League’s “Don’t You Want Me” and “Prince Charming” by Adam & the Ants. In the U.S., “Tainted Love” peaked at No. 8 on Billboard’s Hot 100 in 1982.

Today the song has been streamed more than 1 billion times on Spotify, kept alive in part by Rihanna’s prominent sample of “Tainted Love” in her 2006 hit “SOS.”

Ball was born May 3, 1959, in Chester, England, and grew up in an adoptive family in Blackpool. He and Almond formed Soft Cell in 1979 after meeting as students at Leeds Polytechnic, where Almond was known for a performance art piece in which “he’d be naked in front of a full-length mirror, smearing himself with cat food and shagging himself,” Ball told the Guardian.

The duo released its debut album, “Non-Stop Erotic Cabaret,” in 1981, then followed it with two more LPs before splitting in 1984. “Few groups took as much pleasure in perversity,” said Rolling Stone, which called “Non-Stop Erotic Cabaret” a “conceptual salute to the sex industry.” In 2022, Pitchfork said the duo’s debut offered “a snapshot of pre-AIDS queer life at its heady peak.”

After Soft Cell’s breakup, Ball collaborated with Genesis P-Orridge of Throbbing Gristle and formed a dance group called the Grid with the producer Richard Norris; he also worked in the studio with the likes of Kylie Minogue, the Pet Shop Boys and David Bowie.

Soft Cell reunited in 2001 and again in 2018; the statement on the band’s website said “Danceteria” would come out in early 2026. According to the statement, Ball’s survivors include four children.

Pakistan’s diplomatic playbook for 2025 is shifting noticeably toward trade, sustainability, and the projection of soft power. Gone are the days when foreign policy revolved solely around security concerns or aid dependency. The country’s recent economic and diplomatic maneuvers suggest a clear intent to rebrand itself as a credible, reform-driven partner focused on growth, responsibility, and engagement. From seafood export approvals by the US to partnerships with France and major development financing commitments, Pakistan’s narrative is evolving, and for once, it’s a story of initiative rather than reaction.

The US government’s decision to extend Pakistan’s seafood export approval until 2029 is a quiet but significant achievement. The deal, worth roughly $600 million annually, underscores two critical things: the growing confidence in Pakistan’s sustainability standards and the country’s ability to meet global compliance norms. For years, Pakistani exporters have faced barriers due to outdated infrastructure and quality control issues. Now, improved regulations and environmental monitoring seem to be paying off. This approval not only secures a steady stream of revenue but also signals that Pakistani industries are capable of aligning with Western ecological and safety benchmarks, something that can serve as a model for other export sectors.

In a similar spirit, the Punjab government’s recent memorandums of understanding (MoUs) with France mark another leap toward deepening provincial and international trade ties. France’s interest in Pakistan’s Special Economic Zones (SEZs) reveals confidence in the country’s industrial potential. For Punjab, the partnership could attract sustainable technologies, investment in renewable energy, and expertise in urban development. It also decentralizes diplomacy, shifting some of the engagement from federal corridors to proactive provincial actors, an approach that could make economic cooperation nimbler and more region-specific.

At the macro level, multilateral institutions are showing renewed faith in Pakistan’s economic reforms. The World Bank and International Finance Corporation (IFC) have jointly pledged a staggering $40 billion for development and private sector growth. This isn’t charity; it’s a bet on Pakistan’s capacity to absorb and utilize global capital effectively. The World Bank’s concessional loans, particularly targeting education and climate resilience, fit neatly into Pakistan’s national development goals. Meanwhile, the IFC’s $20 billion allocation to the private sector and small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) speaks to an evolving understanding that long-term economic health depends on entrepreneurial vitality rather than government-led expansion alone.

Domestically, the banking sector is mirroring this new wave of confidence. The Bank of Punjab, for instance, has reported record profits, reflecting a resilient financial system despite broader global headwinds. A profitable and stable banking environment is a prerequisite for sustained trade diplomacy; it assures foreign investors that local institutions are capable of managing large inflows and transactions transparently. When financial institutions thrive alongside industrial and export sectors, it sends a reassuring message to international partners that Pakistan’s growth is not a temporary surge but a maturing cycle.

But economic diplomacy alone doesn’t build soft power. What sets Pakistan’s recent approach apart is the coupling of trade initiatives with cultural and environmental diplomacy. The government’s efforts to promote interfaith harmony, expand cultural exchanges, and invest in green infrastructure reflect a broader understanding of influence in the modern era. Soft power, after all, isn’t about dominance; it’s about attraction. Pakistan’s reforestation programs, ecotourism initiatives, and partnerships in climate resilience not only improve its environmental record but also enhance its moral credibility on the global stage. These projects project a vision of Pakistan as a responsible global citizen, one that contributes to shared planetary goals rather than merely negotiating for its own interests.

Tourism, too, plays a key role in this narrative. The revival of heritage sites, promotion of religious tourism for Sikh and Buddhist pilgrims, and international film collaborations are creating a gentler, more relatable image of Pakistan abroad. These cultural bridges complement trade diplomacy by humanizing the country in the eyes of investors and tourists alike. They help replace outdated stereotypes with more nuanced perceptions of a nation that’s young, creative, and striving for balance between tradition and modernity.

This pivot toward soft power and trade diplomacy is not accidental; it’s strategic. Pakistan seems to recognize that credibility in global markets depends not just on economic incentives but on the consistency of reform and image. The focus on sustainability and governance reforms aims to reduce dependency on loans and shift toward mutually beneficial trade partnerships. In doing so, Pakistan positions itself not as a passive recipient of aid but as a contributor to global growth.

Critically, these moves also reflect a certain self-awareness. The emphasis on sustainability, whether in fisheries, industry, or climate policy, acknowledges that the old model of extractive growth is no longer viable. Similarly, engaging institutions like the World Bank and IFC shows that Pakistan understands the importance of credibility and transparency in attracting international capital. Trade diplomacy, when backed by responsible domestic governance and inclusive growth, becomes more than an economic tactic; it turns into a long-term strategy for stability and respect.

That said, this strategy will need to be carefully managed. The challenge isn’t just to secure deals but to ensure they deliver equitable benefits. For instance, trade approvals and foreign investments must be accompanied by support for small exporters, labor reforms, and environmental safeguards. Otherwise, the benefits will stay concentrated among elites, undermining the very soft power Pakistan seeks to build. Likewise, diplomatic capital must not be squandered on short-term optics or domestic political point-scoring. Consistency, patience, and institutional continuity will determine whether this new vision can endure.

In many ways, Pakistan’s 2025 diplomacy embodies a pragmatic realism. It doesn’t reject global partnerships or rely excessively on one bloc. Instead, it seeks balance between East and West, between economic pragmatism and moral purpose. By intertwining trade with culture, sustainability, and finance, the country is sketching the contours of a diplomacy that’s as much about persuasion as negotiation. And in a fragmented world increasingly defined by narratives rather than alliances, that’s a powerful pivot.

Recommendations

·       Establish specialized trade diplomacy desks in embassies to promote sectoral exports, green investment, and SME partnerships.

·       Strengthen provincial economic offices abroad to attract investors in key sectors like textiles, agri-tech, and renewable energy.

·       Implement domestic policies for export diversification and improve digital trade facilitation to empower smaller producers.

·       Expand cultural diplomacy programs, including art, film, sports, and education exchanges, to enhance people-to-people connections and global goodwill.

·       Ensure policy consistency and transparency across all levels of government to solidify Pakistan’s reputation as a credible, reform-driven partner in global trade and diplomacy.

ICONIC musician Dave Ball has died aged 66.

The synth player and producer was one half of popular band Soft Cell.

Representatives for the musician said he “passed away peacefully in his sleep at his London home on Wednesday”.

Dave’s cause of death has not yet been given.

His partner in Soft Cell, Marc Almond, paid tribute, writing: “He was a wonderfully brilliant musical genius.

“Thank you Dave for being an immense part of my life and for the music you gave me.

“I wouldn’t be where I am without you”.

Forming in the late 1970s, Ball and Almond were pioneers of the synth pop sound which would become popular in the 1980s.

The duo were best known for songs such as their cover of Gloria Jones’s Tainted Love, Say Hello, Wave Goodbye and Torch.

JOAO PEDRO continued the brilliant start to his Chelsea career as he sent them on their way against Fulham.

Enzo Maresca‘s men went top of the Premier League table as they made it back-to-back wins.

7

7

Summer signing Pedro gave the hosts the lead with a header in the dying seconds of the first half.

The Blues‘ afternoon was made more comfortable as Enzo Fernandez converted from the spot in the 56th minute.

Fulham did have chances as defender Trevoh Chalobah seemed like a weak spot in the backline.

Here’s how SunSport reporter Jack Rosser rated the Chelsea players…

Robert Sanchez – 6

Sanchez will have been relieved that Josh King’s opening goal was ruled out, given he was made to look rather silly with the near post finish.

Other than that, however, the Spaniard had a very, very quiet afternoon with little to do after the first half scare.

Malo Gusto – 6

A couple of fine, flying challenges to stop Fulham on the counter while also supporting the winger in flying forwards whenever he can.

Given how good he can be, it feels like Reece James may take the right-back spot from Gusto soon but the Frenchman is putting forwards a good case at the moment.

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Trevoh Chalobah – 5

A very difficult first half for the Blues defender.

Chalobah was lucky that VAR intervened in the build-up to Fulham’s disallowed goal after he was easily rolled by Rodrigo Muniz.

He was also easily beaten by Josh King not too long after that. Picked up in the second half.

Tosin Adarabioyo – 6

A tough battle with former Fulham teammates Muniz and Raul Jimenez a times but led the Blues back four well.

Came close to opening the scoring but could not react to get an effort on target after a corner deflected his way off of Kenny Tete.

Marc Cucurella – 6

The Spaniard was fairly untroubled throughout, keeping the danger down his side to a minimum – especially impressive after Adama Traore was thrown on to try and get Fulham back in.

As always, a ball of energy looking to cause trouble going forwards, but little joy on that front this weekend. 

Moises Caicedo – 8

7

Despite having trained just once this week since the West Ham game, Caicedo put in another stellar display.

Dominant against a hefty Fulham midfield, the Ecuador international held everything together for the Blues.

And even when the control slipped, Caicedo was there to save the day – making a superb last-ditch challenge to deny Timothy Castange what looked a certain goal minutes before the Blues opened the scoring.

Enzo Fernandez – 6

7

A bizarre afternoon for the Chelsea captain, who shushed his own fans and raged at the fitness coach at halftime.

Some sloppy play first half but stepped up and helped Chelsea gain a little more control after the break, before pulling rank and keeping his cool to convert the penalty and double the lead.

Estevao – 6

7

Another encouraging afternoon for the teenage winger.

Estevao showed his strength and power with a barge on Ryan Sessengnon in the first half, winning the ball before skipping away and past Calvin Bassey.

End product could do with some work still but plenty to be excited about.

Joao Pedro – 7

7

Another week and another goal for Pedro.

The Brazilian found space well and confidently nodded home his second Premier League goal of the season to get things rolling.

Pedro even kept his mouth shut when Enzo Fernandez wanted to claim the penalty and open his account for the campaign, giving his captain a hug for support before the spot kick.

Pedro Neto – 5

A lot of hard work for little reward.

With Alejandro Garnacho watching on and Jamie Gittens already providing competition from the bench – Neto will have to show more if he is to keep his place in the side.

Liam Delap – n/a

7

The striker suffered a huge blow as he went off injured early in the first half.

Substitutes

Tyrique George (Delap, 13′) – 5

Thrown in much earlier than expected after Delap’s early injury and asked to lead the line – not his usual position.

It was a surprise George was even turned to given talks progressing over a move to Roma.

his was not a performance that will add any more to the transfer fee as George struggled to make an impact.

Jamie Gittens (Estevao, 67′) – 6

Offered precious little from the bench, although Chelsea were more seeing out the game rather than pushing desperately for a third goal once Gittens was sent on.

Andrey Santos (George, 81′) – n/a

Reece James (Neto, 81′) – n/a

Chelsea’s transfer deals

IN

• Joao Pedro – from Brighton – £60m
• Jamie Gittens – from Dortmund – £52m
• Jorell Hato – from Ajax – £37m
• Liam Delap – from Ipswich – £30m
• Estevao – from Palmeiras – £54m
• Dario Essugo – from Sporting Lisbon – £18.5m
• Kendry Paez – from Independiente – £17.25m
• Mamadou Sarr – from Strasbourg – £12m

TOTAL – £280.75m

OUT

• Noni Madueke – to Arsenal – £52m
• Joao Felix – to Al-Nassr – £43.7m
• Kiernan Dewsbury-Hall – to Everton – £30m
• Renato Veiga – to Villarreal – £26m
• Djordje Petrovic – to Bournemouth – £25m
• Lesley Ugochukwu – to Burnley – £23m
• Carney Chukwuemeka – to Dortmund £24m
• Armando Broja – to Burnley – £15m
• Bashir Humphreys – to Burnley – £10m
• Mathis Amougou – to Strasbourg – £12.5m
• Kepa Arrizabalaga – to Arsenal – £5m
• Marcus Bettinelli – to Man City – £2m

TOTAL – £268.2m

TRANSFER NEWS LIVE

There are few countries in the world where Coca-Cola isn’t the most popular soft drink. But in Peru, that position is held by Inca Kola – an almost 100-year-old beverage deeply embedded in the national identity.

The yellow soda – meant to evoke the grandeur of the ancient Inca Empire and its reverence for gold – was the creation of Joseph Robinson Lindley. The British immigrant had set out from the coal mining town of Doncaster, England, for Peru in 1910 and soon after set up a drinks factory in a working-class district of the capital, Lima.

He started producing small-batch carbonated fruit drinks and gradually expanded. When Inca Kola was created in 1935, with its secret recipe of 13 herbs and aromatics, it was just a year ahead of Coca-Cola’s arrival in the country. Recognising the threat posed by the soft drink giant, which had launched in the US in 1886 and made inroads across Latin America, Lindley invested in the budding television advertising industry to promote Inca Kola.

Advertisement campaigns featuring Inca Kola bottles with their vaguely Indigenous motifs and slogans like “the flavour that unites us” appealed to Peru’s multiethnic society – and to its Inca roots.

It fostered a sense of national pride, explains Andres Macara-Chvili, a marketing professor at the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru. “Inca Kola was one of the first brands in Peru that connected with a sense of Peruanidad, or what it means to be Peruvian. It spoke to Peruvians about what we are – diverse,” he says.

But it wasn’t only the drink’s appeal to Peruvian identity or its unique flavour (described by some as tasting like bubblegum, by others as being similar to chamomile tea) that enhanced brand awareness. Amid the turmoil of a world war, Inca Kola would also come to prominence for another reason.

Finding opportunity in a wartime boycott

At the tail end of the 1890s, Japan had sent roughly 18,000 contract labourers to Peru. Most went to the country’s budding coastal sugar and cotton plantations. Upon arriving, they found themselves subjected to low wages, exploitative work schedules, and unsanitary and overcrowded living conditions, which led to deadly outbreaks of dysentery and typhus. Unable to afford passage back to Japan after they’d completed their four-year contracts, many of the Japanese labourers remained in Peru – moving to urban centres where they opened businesses, notably bodegas, or small grocery stores.

Denied access to loans from Peruvian banks, as their community grew in number and economic standing, they established their own savings and credit cooperatives.

“Among their community, money began to circulate, and with it they raised the capital to open small businesses,” explains Alejandro Valdez Tamashiro, a researcher of Japanese migration to Peru.

In the 1920s and 1930s, the Japanese community emerged as a formidable merchant class. But with that came animosity.

By the mid-1930s, anti-Japanese sentiment had begun to fester. Nationalist politicians and xenophobic media accused the community of running a monopoly on the Peruvian economy, and, in the build-up to World War II, of espionage.

By the start of that war in 1939, Peru was home to the second-largest Japanese community in Latin America. The following year, one incident of racially motivated attacks and lootings against the community resulted in at least 10 deaths, six million dollars in damage and loss of property for more than 600 Japanese families.

Since its release, Inca Kola had been widely sold in the mainly Japanese-owned bodegas.

With the outbreak of war, its competitor, Coca-Cola, received a huge boost internationally. The US firm, which for years had used political connections to expand overseas, became a de facto envoy of US foreign policy, burnishing its image as a symbol of democracy and freedom.

The soda giant obtained lucrative military contracts guaranteeing that 95 percent of soft drinks stocked on US military bases were Coca-Cola products, essentially placing Coke at the centre of the US war effort. Coke featured in wartime posters while war photographers captured soldiers drinking from the glass bottles.

Back in Peru, in the wake of the 1941 Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Coca-Cola halted distribution of its soda to Peru’s Japanese merchants, whose bodegas were by now one of the main suppliers of the US carbonated drink.

Recognising a brass tacks opportunity to boost sales, the Lindley family – already outselling a fledgling Coca-Cola domestically – doubled down as the main soft drink supplier to the spurned community. With Japanese-owned bodegas forming a sizeable distribution network across Lima, Inca Kola quickly stepped in to fill the shelf space left empty by Coca-Cola’s exit.

The wartime shift gave Inca Kola an even stronger foothold in the market and laid the groundwork for a lasting sense of loyalty between the Japanese-Peruvian community and the Inca Kola brand.

Hostility towards the community intensified during the war. Throughout the early 1940s, a deeply US-allied Peruvian government hosted a US military base along its coast, broke off diplomatic relations with Japan, shuttered Japanese institutions and initiated a government deportation programme against Japanese Peruvians.

Despite this, today more than 300,000 Peruvians claim Japanese ancestry, and the community’s imprint can be seen in many sectors, including in the country’s Asian-Peruvian fusion eateries, where Inca Kola is a mainstay on menus.

Taking on a giant – and then joining forces

Inca Kola would go on to narrowly outcompete Coca-Cola for decades. But by the late 1990s, the company was mired in debt after a decades-long effort to contain its main rival.

Following heavy losses, in 1999, the Lindleys sold a 50 percent stake of their company to Coca-Cola for an estimated $200m.

“You were the soft drink that went toe-to-toe with this giant international corporation, and then you sold out. At the time, it was unforgivable,” reflects Macara-Chvili. “Today, those feelings are not so intense. It’s in the past.”

Still, Coca-Cola, in recognising the soft drink’s regional value, allowed the Lindley Corporation to maintain domestic ownership of the brand and to retain bottling and distribution rights within Peru, where Inca Kola continues to connect with local identity. Unable to beat the brand outright, Coca-Cola sought a deal that allowed it to corner a market without displacing a local favourite.

Sitting outside a grocery store with two friends in Lima’s historic centre, Josel Luis Huamani, a 35-year-old tattoo artist, pours a large glass bottle of the golden soda into three cups.

“We’re just so accustomed to the flavour. We’ve been drinking it our whole lives,” he says.

“It’s tradition, just like the Inca,” declares 45-year-old food vendor Maria Sanchez over a late lunch of beef tripe stew at a lunch counter not far from Lima’s main square.

Dining with family and friends in the highland jungle region of Chanchamayo, Tsinaki Samaniego, 24, a member of the Ashaninka Indigenous group, sips the soft drink with her meal and says, “It’s like an old friend.”

This article is part of ‘Ordinary items, extraordinary stories’, a series about the surprising stories behind well-known items.

Read more from the series:

How the inventor of the bouncy castle saved lives

The ‘beautiful’ cove has been described as a ‘hidden gem’ and the ‘perfect escape’ from tourist traps

A “hidden gem” beach has been hailed as the “perfect escape”. The “magical little cove” in West Cornwall is loved for its “beautiful turquoise water and white sand.” Reviewers have described Nanjizal Beach as “very scenic,” praising the “breathtaking” views and the “unusually clear” water.

For locals, the beauty of this spot is no secret, but for those living further inland, the beach could offer a welcome respite from the usual tourist hotspots. The remote location means it’s only accessible on foot, with rocks and boulders to navigate along the way.

It’s also crucial to check the tide times before setting off, reports Cornwall Live. However, at the end of your journey, you’re greeted with “postcard” scenery, while at low tide, it’s often possible to take a dip in the tidal pool – if you’re brave enough to face the chilly water.

Blogger Lizzy Parkin, who posts on TikTok under the handle @flossys_wonderland, shared a video showcasing the “beautiful” beach. She told her followers: “I’m on a mission to find places across the UK that make people say, ‘I can’t believe this is the UK.’

“This is episode 2, and I’m sharing a stunning swimming spot, cove and natural rock pool.” Lizzy added: “The water here is a crystal turquoise colour, and these clips are completely unedited.

“The colour really is that bright. This spot is inaccessible by car, making it even more special and uncrowded. We parked at Lands End car park and walked the coastal path for around 30 minutes, which was absolutely beautiful.

“It has cliff and ocean views all the way along. If you do decide to swim in the rock pool, please be careful when making your way over to it. You’ll need to climb over rocks which are extremely slippery, and it may be wise to bring wet shoes to make the walk over easier.

“This place is called Nanjizal Bay.” Replying to the video, one commenter said: “My favourite beach.” Another wrote: “I’ll never forget that tight little walk which nearly made me turn back but it was sooooo worth it.”

Nanjizal Beach also receives rave reviews on TrustPilot. For instance, one visitor wrote: “Hidden Gem. This beach has the most beautiful turquoise water and white sand, and is the perfect escape from the tourist traps like Land’s End. The walk around the Coast Path is incredible when the sun is shining, and you can see Nanjizal Beach glistening in the distance as you come around the headland.

“This recent visit was the first time I’d been with our dog, and my only piece of advice would be just to be wary of the steps down to the beach with your 4 legged friend. My Cocker Spaniel is not the most delicate or agile so struggled a bit with the steps and the scramble to the sand, but once we were on the beach he had a lovely time!”

Someone else wrote: “Lovely beach. Very scenic.” They explained: “A lovely beach with beautiful blue water, clear pools to splash around in and a fresh water stream dropping down off the cliff. Very scenic. Large boulders scattered across the beach make it a little hard to access parts of the beach.”

Another review said: “A 2-3 hour walk from Sennen Cove along a breathtaking coastal stretch, which passes a shipwreck, OR you can take a diagonal path from Land’s End across the cliffs (faster but not as breathtaking). You will pass a patch of stinging nettles, and a narrow stretch with a steep drop so keep dogs on leashes, and keep hold of kids.

“Once you get to the cove, it is literally paradise. Crystal clear water, caves, turquoise ocean, soft white sand and not many people. We were lucky enough to see Seals bathing, too! There are no kiosks, toilets or anything there so go prepared.”

According to the Cornwall Beach Guide, there is only a small strip of sand at the beach this summer. A notice on the website reads: “Usually there is plenty of sand but at times, especially after stormy weather the sand can be stripped from the beach to leave a beach consisting mainly of boulders.

READ MORE: ‘Beautiful’ wild swimming spot with ‘scenic’ waterfalls feels ‘like hidden world’READ MORE: Tiny European island less than 4 hours from the UK boasts 300 days of sunshine

“There are no facilities or parking at Nanjizal and the beach is only accessible by walking. Update summer 2025 – this summer the beach is mainly boulders with only a small strip of sand.”

The guide adds: “Access is via the coast path from either Porthgwarra, Lands End or Sennen Cove. It takes about 30 minutes to walk from Porthgwarra to Nanjizal Beach, about 45 minutes from Lands End to Nanjizal. Final access to Nanjizal Beach is via steep steps.”

Moreover, the guide cautions that the boulders can be slippery when wet, there are reports of rip currents, and the path from Land’s End to Nanjizal has unprotected cliff edges. Visitors should always exercise caution, check the forecast, and adhere to safety guidelines when walking and swimming.

Nanjizal Beach is located near Porthgwarra, Cornwall. The beach is not accessible by car. The postcode for Porthgwarra Car Park is TR19 6JP.

July 17 (UPI) — President Donald Trump has announced that Coca-Cola has agreed to use cane sugar in its iconic drink instead of high-fructose corn syrup, though the Atlanta-based conglomerate has yet to confirm the move.

Trump, a known heavy consumer of Diet Coke, made the announcement on his Truth Social media platform on Wednesday.

“I have been speaking to Coca-Cola about using REAL Cane Sugar in Coke in the United States, and they have agreed to do so,” he said. “I’d like to thank all of those in authority at Coca-Cola. This will be a very good move by them — You’ll see. It’s just better!”

High-fructose corn syrup is used as a sweetener in Coca-Cola in the United States. The move to cane sugar would align the U.S. product with Coca-Cola sold in other countries, including Mexico.

Coca-Cola has not confirmed that it is adopting cane sugar for its U.S. drinks.

In a statement, the company said: “We appreciate President Trump’s enthusiasm for our iconic Coca-Cola brand. More details on new innovative offerings within our Coca-Cola product range will be shared soon.”

Saint Catherine’s Monastery of Sinai, perched amid the stark landscape of the Sinai Peninsula, is more than a monument of Christian antiquity. It stands today as a living testament to the enduring spiritual and diplomatic role of Greece within the Orthodox world, a quiet but formidable projection of Greek soft power that resonates across the Eastern Mediterranean and beyond.

A silent beacon of Greek diplomacy

Far removed from the centers of modern diplomacy, the monastery’s Greek-speaking monastic community and steadfast commitment to Byzantine liturgical tradition transform it into a unique spiritual and cultural outpost. It exemplifies the principle that soft power does not always emerge through overt political maneuvering but often through the quiet constancy of spiritual guardianship and cultural authenticity.

This presence enables Greece to project a moral authority and cultural leadership that transcend national boundaries. As a spiritual bridge linking the ancient Patriarchates of Alexandria, Jerusalem, and Constantinople, the monastery fosters relationships of trust and mutual respect, relationships built not on political expediency but on the bonds of faith and tradition. This role is particularly significant in an era marked by shifting alliances and the increasing entanglement of religious and geopolitical interests.

Through the Monastery, Greece affirms its position as a custodian of Orthodox heritage and as a stabilizing force in the region. Its spiritual authority and cultural resonance serve as subtle yet powerful tools of statecraft, enabling Greece to foster dialogue, unity, and a sense of continuity within the Orthodox landscape.

The challenge of the Russian Exarchate

The relevance of the monastery’s soft power role has grown even more pronounced in recent years, as new challenges emerge within the Orthodox world. Foremost among these is the creation of the Russian Patriarchal Exarchate of Africa, an assertive move by the Russian Orthodox Church to expand its jurisdiction into territories historically aligned with the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Alexandria.

Although this development does not directly involve Saint Catherine’s Monastery, it reshapes the broader Orthodox environment, highlighting the use of ecclesiastical structures as instruments of geopolitical influence. The Russian initiative underscores how religious identity and geopolitical strategy have become deeply intertwined—posing challenges for Greece as it seeks to maintain a stabilizing and mediating role within Orthodoxy.

For Greece, this underscores the urgency of preserving the monastery’s autonomy and Greek character. It is a reminder that spiritual heritage can be both a shield and a platform for diplomatic engagement. a means of counterbalancing external interventions that risk deepening divisions within Orthodoxy.

A strategic spiritual outpost for a fractured world

Saint Catherine’s Monastery thus emerges as a linchpin in Greece’s ecclesiastical diplomacy, a discreet yet resilient bastion of Hellenic presence and Orthodox unity. Its continued independence is not merely a matter of cultural preservation; it is a strategic necessity. In a region where spiritual and geopolitical rivalries increasingly overlap, the monastery’s enduring witness to faith and Greek identity becomes a vital asset for Athens.

The recent diplomatic initiatives, including the visit of Foreign Minister George Gerapetritis to Egypt, underscore this recognition. By reaffirming its commitment to the monastery’s unique status, Greece sends a broader message that it remains a quiet but influential actor, leveraging spiritual heritage to foster stability and to protect the fragile balance of the Orthodox world.

Saint Catherine’s Monastery is far more than a relic of the past. It is a living expression of Greece’s diplomatic and spiritual mission in the Orthodox East, a mission that transcends temporal concerns and speaks to the heart of Hellenic identity. Amid emerging challenges such as the Russian Exarchate and broader regional volatility, the monastery’s quiet testimony to spiritual continuity and Greek cultural presence affirms Greece’s enduring mission: to serve as a custodian of Orthodoxy and as a bridge of stability in a fractured world.

In the lexicon of modern diplomacy, Saint Catherine’s Monastery stands as both a symbol and an instrument—projecting an image of a nation that values spiritual heritage, cultural authenticity, and the deep bonds of Orthodoxy that connect peoples across borders.

Power is the ability to get others to do what you want. That can be accomplished by coercion (“sticks”), payment (“carrots”) or attraction (“honey”). The first two methods are forms of hard power; attraction is soft power. Soft power grows out of a country’s culture, its political values and its foreign policies. In the short term, hard power usually trumps soft power. But over the long term, soft power often prevails. Joseph Stalin once mockingly asked, “How many divisions does the pope have?” But the papacy continues today, while Stalin’s Soviet Union is long gone.

When a nation is attractive, it can economize on carrots and sticks. If allies see the United States as benign and trustworthy, they are more likely to be open to persuasion and to following our lead. If they see us as an unreliable bully, they are more likely to drag their feet and reduce their interdependence when they can. Cold War Europe is a good example. A Norwegian historian described Europe as divided into a Soviet and an American empire. But there was a crucial difference: The American side was “an empire by invitation” rather than coercion. The Soviets had to deploy troops to Budapest in 1956, and to Prague in 1968. In contrast, NATO has voluntarily increased its membership.

Nations need both hard and soft power. Machiavelli said it was better for a prince to be feared than to be loved. But it is best to be both.

Because soft power is rarely sufficient by itself, and because its effects take longer to realize, political leaders are often tempted to resort to the hard power of coercion or payment. When wielded alone, however, hard power is an unnecessarily high-cost proposition. The Berlin Wall did not succumb to an artillery barrage; it was felled by hammers and bulldozers wielded by people who had lost faith in communism and were drawn to Western values.

After World War II, the United States was by far the most powerful country because of its hard and soft power. It attempted to enshrine its values in what became known as the liberal international order — a soft power framework made up of the United Nations, economic and trade institutions, and other multilateral bodies. Of course, the U.S. did not always live up to its liberal values, and Cold War bipolarity limited the order it led to only half the world’s people.

Donald Trump is the first American president to reject the idea that soft power has any value in foreign policy. Among his first actions upon returning to office were withdrawing from the Paris climate agreement and the World Health Organization, despite the obvious threats that global warming and pandemics pose.

The effects of the Trump administration’s surrendering soft power are all too predictable. Trying to coerce democratic allies such as Denmark or Canada weakens trust in the U.S. among all our alliances. Threatening Panama reawakens fears of imperialism throughout Latin America. Crippling the U.S. Agency for International Development — created by President Kennedy in 1961 — undercuts our reputation for benevolence. Silencing Voice of America is a gift to authoritarian rivals. Slapping tariffs on friends makes us appear unreliable. Trying to chill free speech at home undermines our credibility. This list could go on.

China, which Trump defines as America’s great challenge, itself has been investing in soft power since 2007, when then-Chinese President Hu Jintao told the Chinese Communist Party that the country needed to make itself more attractive to others. But China has long faced two major obstacles in this respect. First, it maintains territorial disputes with multiple neighbors. Second, the communists insist on maintaining tight control over civil society. When public opinion polls ask people around the world which countries they find attractive, China doesn’t shine. But one can only wonder what these surveys will show in future years if Trump keeps undercutting American soft power.

Of course American soft power has had its ups and downs. The U.S. was unpopular in many countries during the Vietnam and Iraq wars. But soft power derives from a country’s society and culture as well as from government actions. When crowds marched through streets around the world in freedom protests, they sang the American civil rights anthem “We Shall Overcome.” An open society that allows protest can be a soft-power asset.

But will America’s cultural soft power survive a downturn in the government’s soft power over the next four years?

American democracy is likely to survive the next four years of Trump. The country has a resilient political culture and the Constitution encourages checks and balances, whatever their weaknesses. In 2026, there is a reasonable chance that Democrats will regain control of the House of Representatives. Moreover, American civil society remains strong, and the courts independent. Many organizations have launched lawsuits to challenge Trump’s actions, and markets have signaled dissatisfaction with his economic policies.

American soft power recovered after low points during the Vietnam and Iraq wars, as well as during Trump’s first term. But once trust is lost, it is not easily restored. After the invasion of Ukraine, Russia lost most of what soft power it had. Right now, China is striving to fill any soft power gaps that Trump creates. The way Chinese President Xi Jinping tells it, the East is rising over the West.

If Trump thinks he can compete with China while weakening trust among American allies, asserting imperial aspirations, destroying USAID, silencing Voice of America, challenging laws at home and withdrawing from U.N. agencies, he is likely to fail. Restoring what he has destroyed will not be impossible, but it will be costly.

Joseph S. Nye Jr. was dean of the Harvard Kennedy School and a U.S. assistant secretary of Defense. His memoir “A Life in the American Century” was published last year. Nye died earlier this month.