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Iraq’s ruling coalition has been forced to abandon plans to create deputy prime minister posts amid disputes over bringing weapons under state control, while sources say political factions are moving to recalculate their shares of the remaining vacant ministries.

Since parliament has approved Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi’s government on May 15, 2026, giving the green light to 14 out of 23 ministers, political disputes have prevented appointments to nine portfolios, most notably the interior and defense ministries.

A more complicated dispute involved attempts by forces within the Coordination Framework to create four deputy prime minister posts. Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq was among the leading proponents, with its leader, Qais al-Khazali, putting forward his brother Laith al-Khazali for one of the positions.

Reliable sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq had sought the post after formally agreeing to the plan to bring weapons under state control, but US objections blocked the appointment.

The sources described a “test of strength” between al-Zaidi and Coordination Framework forces because of the overlap between completing the Cabinet and the weapons issue. Scrapping the deputy prime minister posts, they said, opens the door to bargaining and forces all sides to recalculate the points assigned to ministries.

Observers believe efforts to complete the Cabinet began to falter as some political forces backed away from the weapons plan.

Al-Zaidi had made bringing arms under state control a key pillar of his government program. Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq and other factions later joined the proposed settlement in hopes of easing international pressure.

Sources said the Coordination Framework’s latest meeting exposed sharp divisions between leaders opposed to creating deputy PM posts and others insisting on them, preventing the coalition from issuing a statement afterward.

Al-Zaidi has held a series of meetings with Coordination Framework leaders in recent days in an effort to reach agreement on completing his Cabinet, particularly after his government marked its first 100 days.

Figures close to the prime minister’s office said he urged ruling coalition leaders to continue supporting the government in resolving outstanding issues, including bringing weapons under state control, combating corruption and filling Cabinet vacancies, regardless of disputes over deputy prime minister posts.

Under Iraq’s informal power-sharing system, ministries are distributed among election-winning political forces according to points based on each party’s number of parliamentary seats.

Legal and legislative affairs researcher Saif al-Saadi told Asharq Al-Awsat that scrapping the deputy PM posts would increase the value of the remaining portfolios, with sovereign ministries potentially worth 15 to 20 points and service ministries 10 to 12.

Al-Saadi expected two or three ministries to be filled, while the rest could remain under acting ministers because of domestic and external factors. He said the United States opposes militia-linked figures taking senior government posts, while competition among Shiite political forces is delaying agreement on candidates for the vacant portfolios.

BERLIN  — Leaders of an extremist, far-right party in Germany have quietly borrowed pages from President Trump’s playbook to cast doubt on the integrity of absentee voting — alleging without evidence that residents of nursing homes have had their ballots manipulated and calling for an end to postal voting.

The attack on mail ballots comes as Germany approaches a potentially historic state election that could shatter one of the taboos of its postwar political order by opening the door to a far-right government.

Politicians across the ideological spectrum, mindful that polls show Trump to be widely unpopular, don’t invoke his name.

But the specter of the American president nevertheless hangs over the election that could have reverberations across Europe if the Alternative for Germany, or AfD, party — tacitly echoing Trump’s attacks on migrants, the media and the integrity of elections — pulls off an unprecedented political shock in postwar Germany.

In a country where the guilt of its Nazi past is never far from the surface, the AfD has unapologetically campaigned against what it portrays as the shackles of Germany’s history and won over many new supporters, in part by adopting Trump’s hard-line stance on migrants and his drumbeat of attacks on mainstream news outlets.

The AfD leader, Tino Chrupalla, surprised Germans recently with warnings of voter fraud in the Sunday election in Saxony-Anhalt state, telling a national television audience that some senior citizens in nursing homes had had their absentee ballots cast and signed for them without their knowledge.

This week, in neighboring Mecklenburg-Vorpommern state, the AfD candidate for governor, Leif-Erik Holm, declared, “Postal voting is more vulnerable to potential attempts of manipulation.”

Election officials and organizations representing nursing home caregivers have rejected the allegations and say there is no evidence of voter fraud.

The AfD, considered one of the most extreme far-right parties in Europe, has surged so far ahead in opinion polls that it could emerge as the dominant political force in Saxony-Anhalt and potentially lead a German state government for the first time, either with an absolute majority or with a junior coalition partner.

Trump has spent years attacking mail-in voting as vulnerable to fraud, despite scant evidence of widespread abuse. Trump himself has voted by mail in recent elections. His administration continues to fight court battles to limit voting by mail.

“Sowing distrust in political institutions is part of the strategy of right-wing populist parties,” said Marcel Lewandowsky, a political scientist at Martin Luther University in Halle, Germany.

“The ‘rigged election’ lie is a powerful narrative within the MAGA movement,” he added, “and serves as a crucial element that fosters a shared identity” with far-right parties in Europe. (Such messaging has also been employed by many rightist politicians in Latin America.)

An AfD victory in one of Germany’s 16 federal states would in one fell swoop obliterate a central tenet of the postwar order: that the far right must never return to power in the country responsible for the Holocaust and the devastation of Europe in World War II.

Many fear that taking power there could serve as a springboard for the ostracized party at the national level, where it is leading opinion polls with about 29% support, putting it far ahead of the other four parties with seats in the federal Parliament.

“Trumpism and the MAGA movement have undoubtedly been an inspiration and model for many European radical right parties,” said Lars Rensmann, a political scientist at the University of Passau who has studied the far right. “In many ways, Trump has been the successful model many European radical right parties try to follow while adopting it to European conditions.”

The AfD’s ascent has parallels across Europe, from Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and her Brothers of Italy party to Britain’s Nigel Farage, Geert Wilders in the Netherlands and Herbert Kickl in Austria. In France, the far-right Rassemblement National is looking to the 2027 presidential race with its candidate, Marine Le Pen, having perhaps her strongest chance yet of winning after reaching the runoff in 2017 and 2022.

Meloni`s relationship with Trump has cooled during her nearly four years in power, due in part to the war in Iran, tariffs and security policies that have strained U.S. relations with Italy and all of Europe.

President Trump greets Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni at a summit Egypt in 2025. Their once warm relationship has since cooled.

(Evan Vucci / Pool via Associated Press)

Yet there is no pan-European alliance of the far right, in part because these parties champion their own national interests.

“Some components of Trumpism can be shared and exported, such as hostility towards migration and ‘wokeism,’ but it is very clear that national interests that the far-right champion cannot be defended the same way as the American national interests,” said Giovanni Orsina, head of the political science department at LUISS University in Rome.

“If you put your nation first and do so aggressively, you have diverging national interests and so it’s not possible to have an international network of nationalists,” Orsina added.

But many far-right leaders are united in one sense. They admire not just Trump’s tactics, but the “boldness of his transgressions, dismantling liberal and civil norms by repeating things that were once deemed unacceptable for someone seeking public office,” said Rensmann.

“Trump is unpopular in Germany, even across the political right,” Lewandowsky said. “It would be risky for the AfD to embrace him openly, especially because he failed to keep his promise not to start any further wars and large segments of the public feel threatened by the United States under Trump.”

The AfD was created in 2013 as a small anti-euro party before morphing into an anti-migrant force that tapped into voter frustration over immigration and the strains many Germans perceive on housing, jobs and public services.

Despite being ostracized by mainstream parties and kept out of coalition cooperation, it has survived and thrived as a disruptive force.

In the last decade Germany has sheltered millions of refugees, mainly from Syria and other troubled countries in the Middle East. It provides housing, medical care and generous financial support to refugees that AfD politicians say serve as a magnet. Trump once accused former German Chancellor Angela Merkel of “ruining” her country by allowing in so many refugees.

“I think this could be a watershed moment for Europe,” Orsina said of the upcoming election.

An election poster touts the far-right Alternative for Germany party, AfD, right, in Berlin in 2025. It reads “Now AfD.”

(Michael Sohn / Associated Press)

He said the election in 2022 of Meloni and her Brothers of Italy party, which traces its origins to Italy’s postwar neo-fascist movement, sparked fears across Europe that, in hindsight, may have been exaggerated. But Germany is a different story when it comes to the far right.

“Some said she is a neo-fascist and a danger to democracy, but most people in Italy didn’t believe that,” he said. “Italy isn’t a better democracy after four years of Meloni but it isn’t any worse either. But Germany isn’t Italy. And Germany’s relationship with its past is a lot different.”

David Bebnowski, an author who has written books on far-right populism and who is a history instructor at the Free University in Berlin, said there is another important connection among far-right voters across Europe that the AfD is tapping into — a yearning for change in countries where establishment parties have struggled to respond to voter frustration.

Trump’s success as a force for disruption, he said, has provided a powerful example.

“You can’t really trace a grand MAGA strategy adopted by the far right, but you can see that they are, in part, very much in line with the ‘spirit of Trumpism,’” Bebnowski said. “What aligns them is a sense of disruption and optimism that they will be able to change the way politics are done in a way the other parties can’t.”

Kirschbaum is a special correspondent.

Andrew Griffith has replaced Sir Mel Stride as shadow chancellor as part of Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch’s reshuffle of her top team.

Claire Coutinho, previously the shadow energy secretary, after her maternity leave will replace Griffith as shadow business secretary and act as his deputy in the ongoing shake-up.

Badenoch is forming a new shadow cabinet before the party’s conference in October.

Dame Priti Patel has also been replaced as shadow foreign secretary by Tom Tugendhat.

Badenoch paid tribute to Sir Mel’s work as shadow chancellor saying he helped the party rebuild economic credibility and become an effective opposition.

A senior Conservative source said: “Kemi is changing the way the Conservative Party approaches economic policy and creating a new economic leadership team for the next phase, focused on growth, higher living standards and fiscal credibility.”

Sir Mel, who was appointed to the role following Badenoch’s leadership election in 2024, described his time in the senior Tory role as a “great honour”.

“I am now looking forward to continuing to make a real contribution to the Conservative team in Parliament and beyond, to build and amplify our vision for Britain, from the back benches.”

New shadow chancellor Griffith said the Tories will deliver “an economic revolution” with lower taxes, Britain drilling again to bring energy costs down, slashing red tape and Labour’s Employment Rights Act.

“The Conservatives will always back the risk-takers and wealth creators who deliver growth, investment and jobs,” he said.

A senior Conservative source described Griffith as a “no-nonsense, pro-growth shadow chancellor with real business experience”.

Before he became MP for Arundel and South Downs in 2019, he served as a top executive at Sky and as chairman of Just Eat.

As Treasury minister Griffiths defended Liz Truss’ 2022 mini-budget. He also served as City minister responsible for financial services policy.

Liberal Democrat Treasury spokesperson Daisy Cooper said: “Griffith helped deliver the Truss mini-budget that sent mortgages soaring and the economy into turmoil.

“It’s clear Conservatives haven’t learned a thing. His appointment to shadow chancellor shows they’re happy to forfeit any claim to economic credibility in their race to the bottom with Reform UK.”

Badenoch will also need to select a new shadow health secretary after Stuart Andrew confirmed he will be returning to the backbenches.

Dame Priti, who had been shadow foreign secretary since 2024, said she will take on a new international role strenghtening the Tories relationship with sister parties and centre-right movements abroad.

On Saturday Sir James Cleverly quit the front bench announcing he wants to run for London mayor.

Conservative MP Sir James Cleverly has said he is resigning from the shadow cabinet to run for London mayor.

“I am putting myself forward to be the Conservative candidate for mayor of London, because our capital needs more than an administrator,” he wrote in the Times.

Sir James said he has told Tory leader Kemi Badenoch he is stepping down as shadow housing secretary, saying: “I must be free to speak about every aspect of London’s future and concentrate fully on winning this race.”

The capital is not set to vote on a new mayor until May 2028. Labour incumbent Sir Sadiq Khan is yet to confirm whether he will seek an unprecedented fourth term.

The Conservatives are yet to pick their candidate for the London mayoral race.

A source close to Badenoch said Cleverly “is a formidable politician and will out-campaign Khan”.

Sir James, who was foreign secretary under former Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, wrote that he intended to make London a city to be proud of again.

“We must rebuild its reputation and make it, once again, the best place in the world to live, work, invest and build a business,” he added.

A senior Conservative politician, Sir James has held a number of ministerial positions under three prime ministers – including roles as home secretary and education secretary.

The army reservist represented the Tories on the London Assembly before his election as MP for Braintree in 2015.

After rising through the backbenches, he unsuccessfully ran for Conservative party leader in 2024, losing out to Badenoch.

Reacting to Sir James’s announcement, a source said Badenoch “really didn’t want James to leave shadow cabinet”, but believed “he will be a big asset in London”.

Current London Mayor Sir Sadiq began his first term in 2016. Cleverly wrote that the capital has been “let down by Labour”.

He accused Prime Minister Andy Burnham of treating London as a “cash cow: somewhere to tax, regulate, raid and blame”.

Sir James said: “Londoners need homes they can afford to buy or rent. Entrepreneurs need to be able to start and grow businesses without being strangled by cost and regulation.”

The last time Londoners voted for their mayor in May 2024, Sir Sadiq beat Conservative rival Susan Hall by more than 275,000 votes – representing a swing of 3.2% to Labour.

The mayor won nine of the 14 constituencies including two gains from the Tories, and gained 43.8% of the vote share.

Reform UK revealed its candidate for the May 2028 election in January when it announced Westminster City councillor Laila Cunningham would be running.

Cleverly’s announcement follows speculation in recent weeks that he would step down and launch a bid to become London’s next mayor.

During his time at the London Assembly, Cleverly chaired the London Fire and Emergency Planning Authority, and also worked for Boris Johnson while he was mayor of London.

Canada’s economy has rebounded sharply in the second quarter after six months of virtually no growth, aided by a strong jump in exports and solid domestic demand, though a new round of tariffs from the United States brings renewed uncertainty.

The economy grew at an annualised rate of 3.3 percent in the second quarter, the fastest rate since 2023, after a revised 0.3 percent increase in the first quarter, Statistics Canada said on Friday.

The upward revision to first-quarter growth means Canada was not in a technical recession, usually defined as two straight quarters of contraction.

Healthy domestic demand, led by consumer spending and business investment, signals the economy is slowly brushing off the impacts of more than 18 months of US import tariffs that upended North American supply chains and increased costs.

Renewed tariff dispute

A strong domestic consumption and expenditure pattern puts Canada on a firm footing to withstand a new 50 percent US import tariff that President Donald Trump imposed this week on $20bn of Canadian exports. Canada retaliated with its own countermeasures on US imports.

“It seems like households and businesses were beginning to find ways of navigating the trade-related uncertainty before the latest round of tariffs,” Royce Mendes, managing director and head of macro strategy at Desjardins, wrote in a note.

“While it helps that the economy was on stronger footing heading into August, the fresh wave of protectionism injects a significant amount of uncertainty into the outlook,” Mendes said.

Michael Davenport, senior Canada economist at Oxford Economics, said in a note to Al Jazeera that while the gross domestic product (GDP) growth was along expected lines, “the economy is set to slow in the coming quarters amid escalating US-Canada trade policy uncertainty, new bilateral tariffs, and a shrinking population”.

The Canadian dollar weakened slightly after the GDP data, with the loonie trading down 0.01 percent at 72.17 US cents.

On a quarterly basis, GDP grew 0.8 percent for the period ended June, from an upwardly revised 0.1 percent in the previous quarter.

Second-quarter annualised growth was higher than the Bank of Canada’s July forecast of 2.5 percent growth.

Higher exports were one of the main contributing factors for the second-quarter growth, with outbound shipments growing 3.6 percent, the biggest increase in over three years, Statistics Canada (StatsCan) said.

Stronger household spending

Final domestic demand, the sum of all consumption and capital spending and a crucial metric to assess domestic health, rebounded to 1 percent in the second quarter, from a minor contraction in the first quarter.

Domestic demand has been muted for several quarters as consumers and businesses remain cautious while Canada navigates its trade war with the US.

But household final consumption expenditure, the main indicator of consumer spending, rose 0.8 percent, its highest level in three quarters, highlighting stronger household spending. This was mainly driven by higher wages and government benefits, economists said.

Business investment, or business gross fixed capital formation, sprang to a solid 2.3 percent growth in the second quarter from a contraction of 1.3 percent, the first time in the last year and a half that business investment has expanded.

That growth was led by investment in both residential and non-residential structures, machinery and equipment, StatsCan said.

However, the general gross fixed capital formation, essentially government expenditure for creating assets, continued to decline with a second-quarter contraction of 2.9 percent, after shrinking 2.6 percent in the previous quarter.

On a month-to-month basis, GDP for June grew 0.3 percent against a forecast of 0.2 percent, and an advance indicator showed that the economy was largely flat in July, the statistics agency said.

The United Kingdom is clearing the way for Ukraine to locally assemble the Storm Shadow/SCALP cruise missile, adding another layer to Kyiv’s rapidly expanding long-range strike arsenal. Storm Shadow/SCALP was first used by Ukrainian forces years ago and became the weapon of choice for standoff strikes against high value targets. Since then, stockpiles of these missiles have dwindled, but Ukraine’s own defense industry has made large leaps in producing increasingly advanced standoff weapons, which will apparently include a version of Storm Shadow/SCALP in the future.

British Prime Minister Andy Burnham arrived in Kyiv today for his first overseas trip since taking office, bringing with him a significant new commitment to Ukraine’s long-range strike capabilities. The U.K. government has authorized defense contractor MBDA to release classified information relating to British-made components incorporated into the SCALP long-range cruise missile. The move is intended to allow France and Ukraine to establish local assembly lines for the weapon inside Ukraine.

SCALP is the French designation for the air-launched missile known in British service as Storm Shadow. The two variants share substantial French and British technology and are produced by MBDA. According to the U.K. Ministry of Defense, Storm Shadow has a range in excess of 300 nautical miles, although in its export configuration it has an officially stated range of around half that.

The weapon is an air-launched, conventionally armed cruise missile designed for precision attacks against fixed targets well beyond the immediate battlefield. Its primary targets include command facilities, hardened infrastructure, and other high-value installations.

Storm Shadow/SCALP

The announcement removes a major technology-transfer barrier surrounding British-origin components in the Franco-British weapon, allowing the French-Ukrainian production project to move forward.

Ukraine is already heavily dependent on Western deliveries for some of its most capable long-range weapons, while European stocks of Storm Shadow and SCALP missiles have been depleted by years of procurement limitations and transfers to Kyiv.

Local production could eventually give Ukraine a new source of these weapons closer to the battlefield and reduce its dependence on foreign stockpiles.

At the same time, the Storm Shadow/SCALP project is only one part of a much broader Ukrainian effort to build a sustainable deep-strike capability.

Ukraine has spent the past several years rapidly expanding its domestic long-range strike industry, with long-range one-way attack drones currently forming the largest and most mature component of that arsenal. Ukrainian forces are now capable of launching large numbers of domestically produced strike drones against targets hundreds and, in some cases, more than a thousand kilometers from Ukraine. Relatively inexpensive one-way attack drones can be launched in mass and used to overwhelm air defenses, attack energy and industrial infrastructure, and impose a sustained cost on targets deep inside Russia.

Alongside those relatively inexpensive systems, Kyiv is pushing ahead with domestically developed cruise missiles intended to provide a substantially heavier payload and more sophisticated guidance and penetration capability. The most prominent example is the FP-5 Flamingo, developed by Ukrainian defense company Fire Point, while other indigenous cruise-missile programs are also progressing.

Video showing the launch of an FP-5 Flamingo cruise missile:

Випробувальний пуск ракети “Фламінго”

Ukraine is also moving into the ballistic-missile arena. Domestic ballistic-missile programs have progressed toward testing and deployment, with Ukrainian officials and industry working toward serial production of systems intended to extend the country’s ability to strike targets deep inside Russia. With their high speed and steep terminal trajectories, ballistic missiles provide a substantially different challenge to Russian air defenses.

Western-supplied systems such as Storm Shadow/SCALP and the Army Tactical Missile System (ATACMS) short-range ballistic missile have meanwhile provided Ukraine with critical combat experience and an immediate deep-strike capability while its domestic missile industry matures.

Rather than simply replacing missiles consumed in previous campaigns, the planned Ukrainian production of Storm Shadow/SCALP is particularly significant because it could eventually give Kyiv another sophisticated cruise-missile type within an arsenal that is becoming increasingly indigenous.

A domestic assembly capability could provide Kyiv with greater control over production rates, sustainment, and replenishment while reducing the logistical burden associated with obtaining complete weapons from foreign stockpiles. Potentially, Ukraine might also have the option to adapt the missile according to its own requirements. This could include changes to the guidance system or warhead, and perhaps even adaptation for launch from the ground.

The limited availability of the Su-24M/MR Fencer swing-wing combat jets that currently launch Ukraine’s Storm Shadow/SCALP missiles are currently a limiting factor and there is no realistic means of replacing them. It was expected that Mirage 2000 fighters transferred to Ukraine by France would be modified to launch SCALP, but this has so far not been confirmed. Should Ukraine receive the French-made Rafales that it plans to, then SCALP compatibility would be provided from the outset.

Maybe even more importantly, it would allow these weapons to be used however Ukraine wants, without geographical and target type restrictions that are currently dictated by whoever donates them. It could also result in critical technology transfer, including about low observable cruise missile design, that Ukraine can gestate and deploy into other programs. Finally, it’s possible this could even be a future export for the country, especially if it can produce a variant that is adaptable and economical.

It is unclear when locally built Storm Shadow/SCALP missiles will join Ukraine’s strike arsenal. However, establishing an industrial production line for a sophisticated cruise missile is a major undertaking, particularly inside a country that remains under sustained Russian missile and drone attacks.

As noted in the opening of this article, the United Kingdom supplied Storm Shadow missiles to Ukraine beginning in 2023, giving Kyiv a long-range precision-strike capability that was previously unavailable from most of its Western partners. Soon after, France committed to sending SCALP missiles, and Italy, another Storm Shadow operator, has similarly supplied the missiles to Ukraine.