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Trump seeks to close $1.6-trillion revenue gap with new tariffs

The Trump administration is stepping up its ambitious effort to replace about $1.6 trillion in lost tariff revenue that was eliminated by the Supreme Court’s decision to strike down a range of the president’s import taxes.

Recovering that lost revenue, which the White House was counting on to help offset the steep, multitrillion-dollar cost of its tax cuts, is possible but will be challenging, experts say. The administration has to use different legal provisions to impose new import taxes, and those provisions require longer, complex processes that U.S. companies can use to seek exemptions. It could be months or more before it is clear how much revenue the replacement tariffs will yield.

“I wouldn’t bet against this administration being able to get back on paper the same effective tariff rate they had before,” said Elena Patel, co-director of the Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center. But the new approach will “make it easier for people to contest the tariffs, which is going to put a big asterisk on the revenue until all that is settled.”

On Wednesday, U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer said the administration will investigate 16 economies — including the European Union — over whether their governments are subsidizing excessive factory capacity in a way that disadvantages U.S. manufacturing. The investigation will also cover China, South Korea and Japan, Greer said.

In addition, he said, there would be a second investigation of dozens of countries to see whether their failure to ban goods made by forced labor amounts to an unfair trade practice that harms the United States. That investigation will also cover the EU and China, as well as Mexico, Canada, Australia and Brazil.

Both investigations are being conducted under Section 301 of the 1974 Trade Act, which requires the administration to consult with the targeted countries, as well as hold public hearings and allow affected U.S. industries to comment. A hearing as part of the factory capacity investigation will be held May 5, while a hearing on the forced labor investigation will occur April 28.

It’s a far cry from the emergency law that President Trump relied on in his first year in office, which allowed him to immediately impose tariffs on any country, at nearly any level, simply by issuing an executive order.

Moments after the Supreme Court’s ruling, Trump imposed a 10% tariff on all imports under a separate legal authority, but that duty can only last for 150 days. The president has said he would raise it to 15%, the maximum allowed, but has yet to do so. Some two dozen states have already challenged the new taxes. The administration is aiming to complete its Section 301 investigations before the 10% duties expire.

The effort underscores the importance that the Trump White House has placed on tariffs as a revenue-raiser at a time when the federal government is facing huge annual budget deficits for decades into the future. Previous administrations, by contrast, used tariffs more sparingly to narrowly protect specific industries.

Erica York, vice president of federal tax policy at the Tax Foundation, noted that the first investigation covers roughly 70% of imports, while the second would cover nearly all of them.

“That breadth suggests the goal isn’t to address the issues at hand, but instead to re-create a sweeping tariff tool,” she said.

Trump portrays tariffs as a way to force foreign countries to essentially help pay the cost of U.S. government services, even though all recent economic studies find that American companies and consumers are paying the duties, including analyses by the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and economists at Harvard University. In his State of the Union address last month, Trump even touted his tariffs as a potential replacement for the income tax, which would return the United States’ tax regime to the late 19th century.

Trump also wants tariffs to help pay for the tax cuts he extended in key legislation last year. The tax cut legislation is expected, according to the most recent estimates by the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office, to add $4.7 trillion to the national debt over a decade, while all Trump’s import taxes, including ones not struck down by the court, were projected to offset about $3 trillion — or two-thirds of that cost.

The high court’s ruling Feb. 20 that he could no longer impose emergency tariffs eliminated about $1.6 trillion in expected revenue over the next decade, according to the CBO.

Some of Trump’s import taxes remain place, including previous tariffs on China and Canada that were imposed after earlier 301 investigations. The administration has also imposed tariffs on some specific products, including steel, lumber and cars. Those, combined with the 10% tariff for part of this year, should yield about $668 billion over the next decade, the Tax Foundation estimates.

“It’s going to take a really big patchwork of these other investigations to make up for the [lost] tariffs,” York said.

The administration’s efforts are also unusual because they reflect an overreliance on tariffs to bring in more government revenue. Trump has also said the import taxes are intended to return manufacturing to the United States — manufacturing jobs, however, are down since he returned to office — and he has used the tariffs to leverage trade deals.

“What makes this really different,” said Kent Smetters, executive director of the Penn Wharton Budget Model, “it is really the first time tariffs have been mainly used as a revenue raiser.”

Patel, meanwhile, argues that raising revenue can be done more reliably and straightforwardly by Congress. Laws like Section 301 are traditionally intended to be used to address specific trade policy concerns in particular countries.

“It’s not supposed to be there to raise revenue,” she said. “If we want to raise revenue through tariffs, then Congress should impose a broad based tariff.”

Rugaber writes for the Associated Press.

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City Section and Southern Section basketball championship scores

HIGH SCHOOL BASKETBALL CHAMPIONSHIPS

CITY SECTION

Friday’s Results

BOYS

At Southwest College

OPEN DIVISION

#1 Palisades 75, #2 Cleveland 56

DIVISION II

#3 Sylmar 70, #4 King/Drew 64

At Birmingham High

DIVISION V

#2 Canoga Park 43, #1 Van Nuys 38

GIRLS

At Birmingham High

DIVISION II

#2 North Hollywood 59, #1 Harbor Teacher 55

At Southwest College

DIVISION III

#1 Washington Prep 45, #2 Gardena 30

At Garfield High

DIVISION IV

#12 Wilmington Banning 39, #11 Bravo 33

DIVISION V

#2 Legacy 33, #9 Los Angeles 32

Saturday’s Results

BOYS

At Pasadena City College

DIVISION I

#1 Granada Hills 59, #2 Chatsworth 51

DIVISION III

#10 Verdugo Hills 62, #1 RFK Community 42

DIVISION IV

#2 Franklin 69, #5 San Fernando 55

GIRLS

At Pasadena City College

OPEN DIVISION

#1 Westchester 60, #2 Birmingham 37

DIVISION I

#2 Granada Hills Kennedy 54, #1 El Camino Real 31

SOUTHERN SECTION

Friday’s Results

BOYS

At Azusa Pacific

DIVISION 4

Colony 51, Trabuco Hills 44

DIVISION 5

Gardena Serra 57, Pilibos 51

GIRLS

At Toyota Arena

DIVISION 1

La Salle 51, Valencia 35

DIVISION 2

Crescenta Valley 51, Saugus 43

DIVISION 3

St. Margaret’s 57, Murrieta Valley 41

At Azusa Pacific

DIVISION 4

El Dorado 41, La Canada 27

DIVISION 6

Savanna 46, Warren 25

Saturday’s Results

BOYS

At Toyota Arena

OPEN DIVISION

Sierra Canyon 59, Harvard-Westlake 53

DIVISION 1

Crean Lutheran 59, JSerra 52

DIVISION 2

Bishop Amat 71, Hesperia 48

DIVISION 3

Murrieta Mesa 65, Aliso Niguel 58

DIVISION 9

Colton 55, Pacific 42

At Azusa Pacific

DIVISION 6

Laguna Hills 78, Ramona 51

DIVISION 7

Rialto 57, Salesian 31

DIVISION 8

Victor Valley 78, South El Monte 45

GIRLS

At Toyota Arena

OPEN DIVISION

Sierra Canyon 69, Ontario Christian 62

DIVISION 8

Schurr 44, Orange 32

At Azusa Pacific

DIVISION 5

Bishop Diego 42, Burbank Burroughs 41

DIVISION 7

La Palma Kennedy 55, Laguna Hills 28

DIVISION 9

Sierra Vista 52, Desert Hot Springs 42

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High school basketball: City and Southern Section championship game schedules

HIGH SCHOOL BASKETBALL CHAMPIONSHIPS

CITY SECTION

FRIDAY

BOYS

At Southwest College

OPEN DIVISION

#2 Cleveland (20-9) vs. #1 Palisades (19-11), 8 p.m.

DIVISION II

#4 King/Drew (12-19) vs. #3 Sylmar (19-12), 6 p.m.

At Pasadena City College

DIVISION I

#2 Chatsworth (14-17 vs. #1 Granada Hills (19-11), 2 p.m.

DIVISION III

#10 Verdugo Hills (15-16) vs. #1 RFK Community (14-6), 12 p.m.

DIVISION IV

#5 San Fernando (19-11) vs. #2 Franklin (10-21), 10 a.m.

GIRLS

At Birmingham High

DIVISION II

#2 North Hollywood (12-7) vs. #1 Harbor Teacher (16-0), 6 p.m.

At Southwest College

DIVISION III

#2 Gardena (13-14) vs. #1 Washington Prep (13-2), 4 p.m.

At Garfield High

DIVISION IV

#12 Wilmington Banning (7-13) vs. #11 Bravo (11-17), 8 p.m.

DIVISION V

#9 Los Angeles (9-10) vs. #2 Legacy (5-14), 6 p.m.

SATURDAY

BOYS

At Birmingham High

DIVISION V

#2 Canoga Park (11-18) at #1 Van Nuys (10-21), 8 p.m.

GIRLS

At Pasadena City College

OPEN DIVISION

#2 Birmingham (27-3) vs. #1 Westchester (25-3), 6 p.m.

DIVISION I

#2 Granada Hills Kennedy (20-8) at #1 El Camino Real (13-13), 4 p.m.

SOUTHERN SECTION

FRIDAY

BOYS

At Azusa Pacific

DIVISION 4

Colony (19-12) vs. Trabuco Hills (20-12), 6 p.m.

DIVISION 5

Gardena Serra (20-13) vs. Pilibos (17-15), 2 p.m.

GIRLS

At Toyota Arena

DIVISION 1

La Salle (28-4) vs. Valencia (28-4), 8 p.m.

DIVISION 2

Crescenta Valley (27-4) vs. Saugus (24-8), 6 p.m.

DIVISION 3

Murrieta Valley (20-11) vs. St. Margaret’s (25-7), 4 p.m.

At Azusa Pacific

DIVISION 4

La Canada (19-12) at El Dorado (18-14), 8 p.m.

DIVISION 6

Savanna (17-13) vs. Warren (21-10), 4 p.m.

SATURDAY

BOYS

At Toyota Arena

OPEN DIVISION

Harvard-Westlake (26-5) vs. Sierra Canyon (26-1), 6 p.m.

DIVISION 1

Crean Lutheran (25-7) vs. JSerra (23-12), 4 p.m.

DIVISION 2

Bishop Amat (27-5) vs. Hesperia (24-8), 11:15 a.m.

DIVISION 3

Murrieta Mesa (22-10) vs. Aliso Niguel (24-8), 1 p.m.

DIVISION 9

Colton (18-11) vs. Pacific (10-11), 9:30 a.m.

At Azusa Pacific

DIVISION 6

Laguna Hills (17-11) vs. Ramona (27-5), 8 p.m.

DIVISION 7

Salesian (19-12) vs. Rialto (16-14), 12 p.m.

GIRLS

At Toyota Arena

OPEN DIVISION

Sierra Canyon (29-2) vs. Ontario Christian (31-1), 8 p.m.

DIVISION 8

Orange (15-11) vs. Schurr (15-14), 2 p.m.

At Azusa Pacific

DIVISION 5

Burbank Burroughs (22-10) vs. Bishop Diego (26-4), 2 p.m.

DIVISION 7

Laguna Hills (17-10) vs. La Palma Kennedy (19-12), 6 p.m.

DIVISION 9

Desert Hot Springs (13-9) vs. Sierra Vista (16-13), 10 a.m.

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‘It’s a big mess’: City Section soccer playoffs rocked by forfeits

The City Section boys’ soccer playoffs are in turmoil.

On Wednesday, City Section commissioner Vicky Lagos announced that Marquez and South East have been removed from the Open Division playoffs because of ineligible players that violated CIF bylaw 600, which bans players from participating in outside leagues during the season of their sport. Both players are involved with MLS Next, a soccer development program.

South East reached the Open Division final after beating Marquez in the semifinals. Marquez was scheduled to face El Camino Real in the final but now is also out. As a result, two schools that were beaten in the first round, Birmingham and Venice, will play Thursday at Birmingham for the right to face El Camino Real at 6 p.m. at Pasadena City College on Saturday for the Open Division title.

But there are more problems. At least four Birmingham players, thinking their season had ended, have already started playing for their club teams, so they won’t be eligible to play for the Patriots on Thursday.

Franklin was also removed from the playoffs, and Chatsworth and L.A. Jordan forfeited games this season for similar reasons.

“It’s a big mess,” Lagos said.

Birmingham athletic director Rick Prizant, whose school is part of the West Valley League, is proposing to change bylaw 600.

“This proves we should get rid of the rule,” he said.

Lagos emphasizes before the season to coaches that players can’t play in club competitions or in showcases during their high school soccer season. Lagos said she doesn’t believe any of the head coaches were aware of the violations. She received an email last week informing her of a possible South East violation and another Monday regarding Marquez.

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Essay: Gavin Newsom: They told me it was political suicide. I did it anyway

This essay is excerpted from Gov. Gavin Newsom’s new memoir, “Young Man in a Hurry: A Memoir of Discovery.”

On January 20, 2004, I took a seat in the gallery of the House of Representatives to hear President Bush deliver his State of the Union address. The seat came courtesy of House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi. Ten months earlier, Bush had made the decision to invade Iraq after his administration’s historic campaign of lies convinced the American people that Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction. We would not extricate ourselves from that costly conflict for another seventeen years. Much of his speech that night was a further attempt to sell to the nation the justification for his war. “Had we failed to act, the dictator’s weapons of mass destruction programs would continue to this day,” Bush said. He characterized the Patriot Act, which had unleashed a new magnitude of spying on American citizens, as “one of those essential tools” in the war on terror.

"Young Man in a Hurry: A Memoir of Discovery" by Gavin Newsom

“Young Man in a Hurry: A Memoir of Discovery” by Gavin Newsom

(Penguin Press)

On the Shelf

Young Man in a Hurry: A Memoir of Discovery

By Gavin Newsom
Penguin Press: 304 pages, $30

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The rest of his speech was standard fare, ho-hum really, until he reached a section near the end about American values and the need for us to “work together to counter the negative influences of the culture and to send the right messages to our children.” He said he was troubled by activist judges in activist states who were threatening to undo the Defense of Marriage Act signed into law by his predecessor, President Bill Clinton. We had to “defend the sanctity of marriage” as the union of one man and one woman, he said. If need be, he would seek a constitutional amendment to ban same-sex marriage.

As I was leaving the chamber, a middle-aged couple next to me was talking about how pleased they were that their president was finally confronting the “homosexual agenda.” The word homosexual came out of their mouths bent by contempt. I was supposed to head downstairs for a reception with Congresswoman Pelosi and a delegation of California Democrats, but I needed a breath of fresh air. Outside the Capitol, I kept walking and muttering to myself. “These are my people Bush is attacking. My constituents. My staff. My closest advisers.” In the cold and dark of Washington, I called one of my aides back in San Francisco and pledged that I was “going to do something about it” as soon as I returned home.

The law in our state was no different from the law in every other state. Same-sex unions could not be recognized by the local assessor-recorder’s office. They were illegal. As I explained to aides my willingness to now defy that law, I held up a copy of the California Constitution. In Article I, the first section promises that “all people are by nature free and independent and have inalienable rights.” Among these rights are pursuing and obtaining “safety, happiness and privacy.” It was not until Section 7.5 that these rights were then abridged: “Only a marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized in California.” This not only contradicted the first section but was discriminatory on its face.

My top staff didn’t disagree with my reading, but almost to a person they were opposed to my taking on the issue. Steve Kawa, my chief of staff, a gay Bostonian whose accent cut through all nonsense, pulled me aside and spoke from his heart. His father had renounced him for being gay, and he wanted nothing more than to live in an America where homophobia was no longer the norm. But swinging open the doors to the city clerk’s office and inviting gay men and lesbian women to the marriage altar was political suicide, he argued. We were new to office, for one thing. And polls showed that less than one third of Californians supported gay marriage.

The “go it slow” admonition was the mother’s milk of Democratic politics. In the endless battle for the hearts and minds of moderates, it seemed the only feasible way for a Democrat to get elected and govern. But this was San Francisco, and we were talking about equal protection under the law for a class of people whose ostracism by family, friends, and community had brought them to San Francisco in the first place. If not here, where? Eric Jaye, one of my campaign consultants, could see my quandary. I was caught between my conscience and the sound political advice of the people closest to me. We had several late-night conversations on the phone. “What the f— are you doing here? Why did we work so hard to win if you can’t do something bold?” he asked. “This is a short life, Gavin. Your time as a politician to get things done is just a blip.”

I thought back to my model for the wine store. The entire purpose was to turn the staid on its head and create a new reality. I called Joyce Newstat, my policy director, who was also gay. “We need to do this,” I told her. She could hear in my voice that I had made up my mind. “OK, but we can’t afford to take a wrong step,” she said. “Gays and lesbians have a history of being blindsided, and you don’t want to become part of that narrative. Give me a week or two to reach out to the community.” Joyce sat down with Kate Kendell, the brilliant executive director of the National Center for Lesbian Rights, based in San Francisco. “Who is this guy?” Kendell wondered. “He can’t just come waltzing in here and upset the delicate balance we’ve taken years to achieve.” Joyce told her I couldn’t be talked out of it, that it had become internalized after I had gone to Washington and heard the words of bigotry ring out in the Capitol. “Well, OK. But if he’s going to do it, he has to do it right,” Kendell said. She directed her attorneys at the center to work with our team on fashioning a plan.

I then went to Mabel Teng, my former colleague on the board of supervisors who was now the assessor-recorder of San Francisco. I asked her what complications would be presented to her official duties if we allowed same-sex marriages at city hall. Mabel, who began her career in politics as an activist with Jesse Jackson’s Rainbow Coalition, did not surprise me with her reply. “It would be no problem at all, Mayor.” The marriage of a man and a man, or a woman and a woman, would require hardly any change to the paperwork. Rather than “man and wife,” they would show up in her computer as “Applicant One” and “Applicant Two.”

Alarmed by my plans, my father and Uncle Brennan and their close friend Joe Cotchett — each one steeped in law and politics but only Joe standing six foot four and a former Special Forces paratrooper —attempted a last-minute intervention. They lured me to the Balboa Cafe for dinner and wine. They weren’t the kind to beat around the bush. Did I realize that I was about to torpedo my political career?

Joe got right in my face. “Why are you doing this, Gavin?”

“I’ll tell you why I’m doing this,” I said defiantly. “Because it’s the right thing to do.”

I could not have given him a more simple and true answer, and it seemed to hit Joe, who had built his career out of representing the underdog, right in the gut.

“OK,” he said in a different voice. “Then let’s do it.”

With that, my father and uncle went quiet. Not another word was said about it. I left there that night thinking that even my Newsom kin, the ones who had my best interests at heart, could get it wrong from time to time. While I was open to skepticism and second-guessing, indeed I welcomed such a process, in the end I had to trust my own gut. On the matter of civil rights for all Californians, there was no turning back. As for big Joe Cotchett, he ended up joining the ranks of lawyers fighting for the legal right to same-sex marriage.

From “Young Man in a Hurry: A Memoir of Discovery” by Gavin Newsom, published by Penguin Press, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House LLC. Copyright © 2026 by Gavin Newsom.

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