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United States President Donald Trump has said a nuclear agreement currently being negotiated with Iran will be “far better” than the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which he withdrew from in 2018 during his first term in office.

The original 2015 accord took roughly two years of negotiations to reach and involved hundreds of specialists across technical and legal fields, including multiple US experts. Under it, Iran agreed to restrict the enrichment of uranium and to subject itself to inspections in exchange for the relaxation of sanctions.

But Trump took the US out of that pact, calling it the “worst deal ever”. Before the initial US-Israeli strikes on Iran at the end of February, the US had made new demands – including additional restrictions on Tehran’s nuclear programme, the restriction of its ballistic missiles programme and an end to its support for regional armed groups, primarily in Lebanon, Yemen and Iraq.

Trump’s latest remarks come amid growing uncertainty about whether a second round of talks will proceed in the Pakistani capital Islamabad, as a two-week ceasefire between the US-Israel and Iran approaches the end in just a day.

So, what was the JCPOA, and how did it compare to Trump’s new demands?

What was the JCPOA?

On July 14, 2015, Iran reached an agreement with the European Union and six major powers – China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, the US, and Germany – under which these states would roll back international economic sanctions and allow Iran greater participation in the global economy.

In return, Tehran committed to limiting activities that could be used to produce a nuclear weapon.

These included reducing its stockpile of enriched uranium by about 98 percent, to less than 300kg (660lb), and capping uranium enrichment at 3.67 percent – far below weapons-grade of 90 percent, but high enough for civilian purposes such as power generation.

Before the JCPOA, Iran operated roughly 20,000 uranium-enriching centrifuges. Under the deal, that number was cut to a maximum of 6,104, and only older-generation machines confined to two facilities, which were subject to international monitoring.

Centrifuges are machines which spin to increase the concentration of the uranium-235 isotope – enrichment – in uranium, a key step towards potential bomb-making.

The deal also redesigned Iran’s Arak heavy water reactor to prevent plutonium production and introduced one of the most intrusive inspection regimes ever implemented by the global nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

In exchange, Iran received relief from international sanctions which had severely damaged its economy. Billions of dollars in frozen assets were released, and restrictions on oil exports and banking were eased.

The deal came to halt when Trump formally withdrew Washington from the nuclear deal in 2018, a move widely criticised domestically and by foreign allies, and despite the IAEA saying Iran had complied with the agreement up to that point.

“The Iranian regime supports terrorism and exports violence, bloodshed and chaos across the Middle East. That is why we must put an end to Iran’s continued aggression and nuclear ambitions. They have not lived up to the spirit of their agreement,” he said in October 2017.

He reimposed crippling economic sanctions on Tehran as part of his “maximum pressure” tactic. These targeted Iran’s oil exports, as well as its shipping sector, banking system and other key industries.

The goal was to force Iran back to the negotiating table to agree to a new deal, which also included a discussion about Tehran’s missile capabilities, further curbs on enrichment and more scrutiny of its nuclear programme.

What has happened to Iran’s nuclear programme since the JCPOA?

During the JCPOA period, Iran’s nuclear programme was tightly constrained and heavily monitored. The IAEA repeatedly verified that Iran was complying with the deal’s terms, including one year after Trump announced the US’s withdrawal from the agreement.

Starting in mid-2019, however, Iran began incrementally breaching the deal’s limits, exceeding caps on uranium stockpiles and enrichment levels.

In November 2024, Iran said it would activate “new and advanced” centrifuges. The IAEA confirmed that Tehran had informed the nuclear watchdog that it planned to install more than 6,000 new centrifuges to enrich uranium.

In December 2024, the IAEA said Iran was rapidly enriching uranium to 60 percent purity, moving closer to the 90 percent threshold needed for weapons-grade material. Most recently, in 2025, the IAEA estimated that Iran had 440kg (970lb) of 60-percent enriched uranium.

What are Trump’s latest demands for Iran’s nuclear programme?

The US and its ally, Israel, are pushing Iran to agree to zero uranium enrichment and have accused Iran of working towards building a nuclear weapon, while providing no evidence for their claims.

They also want Iran’s estimated 440kg stock of 60pc enriched uranium to be removed from Iran. While that is below weapons-grade, it is the point at which it becomes much faster to achieve the 90 percent enrichment needed for atomic weapons production.

Iran has insisted its enrichment effort is for civilian purposes only. It is a signatory to the 1970 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT).

In March 2025, Tulsi Gabbard, the US director of national intelligence, testified to Congress that the US “continues to assess that Iran is not building a nuclear weapon”.

On Sunday, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, in a strongly worded statement, said Trump had no right to ⁠⁠”deprive” Iran of its nuclear ⁠⁠rights.

What else is Trump asking for?

Restrictions on ballistic missiles

Before the US-Israel war on Iran began, Tehran had always insisted negotiations should be exclusively focused on Iran’s nuclear programme.

US and Israeli demands, however, extended beyond that. Just before the war began, Washington and Israel demanded severe restrictions on Iran’s ballistic missile programme.

Analysts say this demand was at least partly triggered by the fact that several Iranian missiles had breached Israel’s much-vaunted “Iron Dome” defence system during the 12-day war between the two countries in June last year. While Israel suffered only a handful of casualties, it is understood to have been alarmed.

For his part, Trump has repeatedly warned, without evidence, about the dangers of Iran’s long-range missiles, claiming Iran is producing them “in very high numbers” and they could “overwhelm the Iron Dome”.

Iran has said its right to maintain missile capabilities is non-negotiable. The JCPOA did not put any limits on the development of ballistic missiles.

However, a United Nations resolution made when adopting the nuclear agreement in July 2015 did stipulate that Iran could not “undertake any activity related to ballistic missiles designed to be capable of delivering nuclear weapons”.

Ending support for proxy groups

The US and Israel have also demanded that Iran stop supporting its non-state allies across the Middle East, including Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen and a number of groups in Iraq. Together, these groups are referred to as Iran’s “axis of resistance”.

In May last year, Trump said Tehran “must stop sponsoring terror, halt its bloody proxy wars, and permanently and verifiably cease pursuit of nuclear weapons”, during a GCC meeting in Riyadh.

Three days before the war on Iran began in February, during his State of the Union address to Congress, Trump accused Iran and “its murderous proxies” of spreading “nothing but terrorism and death and hate”.

Iran has refused to enter a dialogue about limiting its support for these armed groups.

Can Trump really get a new deal that is ‘much better’ than the JCPOA?

According to Andreas Kreig, associate professor of Security Studies at King’s College, London, Trump is more likely to secure a new deal that closely resembles the JCPOA, with “some form of restrictions on enrichment, possibly with a sunset clause, and international supervision”.

“Iran might get access to frozen assets and lifted sanctions much quicker than under the JCPOA, as it will not agree to a long drawn-out, gradual lifting of sanctions,” Krieg pointed out.

However, he warned that the political landscape in Tehran has hardened. “Iran now is a far more hardline and less pragmatic player that will play hardball at every junction. Trump cannot count on any goodwill in Tehran,” he said.

“The IRGC is now firmly in charge… with likely new powerful and tested levers such as the Strait of Hormuz,” he said, referring to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, which operates as a parallel elite military force to the army and has a great deal of political and economic power in Iran. It is a constitutionally recognised part of the Iranian military and answers directly to the supreme leader.

Overall, Krieg stressed, the US-Israel war on Iran “leaves the world worse off than had Trump stuck to the JCPOA”, even if a new compromise is eventually reached.

Moreover, since the revocation of the JCPOA, the US and Israel have waged two wars on Iran, including the current one. The 12-day war in June last year included attacks on Iran’s nuclear sites and killed more than 1,000 people.

Attacks on Iran’s nuclear infrastructure have continued since the latest war began on February 28, including on the Natanz enrichment facility, Isfahan nuclear complex, Arak heavy water reactor, and the Bushehr nuclear power plant.

Nevertheless, King’s College’s Krieg said there is still room for a negotiated outcome if Tehran and Washington scale back their demands.

“Both sides can compromise on enrichment thresholds, and on temporary moratoriums on enrichments. But Iran will not surrender its sovereignty to enrich altogether, and the Trump administration will have to meet them halfway,” he said.

“While the Iranians will commit on paper not to develop a nuclear weapon, they will want to keep R&D [research and development] in this space alive.”

Economic incentives will be central, he added. “Equally, Iran would want to get immediate access to capital and liquidity. Here, the Trump administration is already willing to compromise.”

The first hurdle to overcome when searching for the Spanish capital’s top bodegas is the correct interpretation of the word “bodega”. It is defined as a warehouse, winery, wine cellar and wine shop or bar specialising in wine. In Spanish slang it can also mean a convenience store.

I asked several people working in the Madrid wine trade, and they all struggled to define exactly what a bodega is – and sometimes disagreed with each other. For example, while La Bodega de los Reyes fits the description because it has a wine cellar, a nearby bar owner said it couldn’t be classed as a bodega as it was just a wine shop.

An internet search suggests dozens of Madrid bodegas, yet some are not the atmospheric, historic bars you may be hoping for. Bodegas de los Secretos, for example, is very much a restaurant. The excellent De Vinos retains some historic fixtures (a winning feature of Madrid’s most established bodegas), such as a marble bar and traditional decorative flooring, and offers a choice of 600 wines, but it is a modern wine bar. La Taberna de La Copla used to be known as Bodegas El Mañon and its brick-walled basement reveals a mini-museum of antique bottling paraphernalia and tinajas (large, traditional clay or earthenware jars used for storing wine). Which all seems to indicate being a bodega, but co-owner Alejandro Simon insists that it isn’t any more: “This building has a strong bodega history, but it is just too difficult to operate a bodega with the regulations in place now, and too small a market for us just to focus on wine, so we are now a bar offering a wider range.”

Here, then, is a selection of places that would undisputedly be classed as bodegas: unpretentious, inexpensive bars specialising in wine, and with a strong sense of history.

Close to Atocha station, Rosell is spread over several rooms, including a restaurant. The main bar area, with some seating around tables made from wine barrels, has three maroon wrought iron columns to lean against when you’ve had one too many. It is a pleasingly rough and ready room, with a mishmash of guitars and other instruments, dated photos and wine bottles gracing its walls.

It was founded in 1920 and boasts a facade with tiles painted by Alfonso Romero Mesa, who also decorated Las Ventas, Spain’s largest and most prestigious bullring. During the Spanish civil war the cellars served as air raid shelters.

It was buzzing with locals on my visit. My €4.20 glass of rioja came with crisps and a mussel, and popular tapas here include pork tenderloin, oven-baked cod and wild mushrooms.
9/10

Dating from 1892, this bodega in the Malasaña neighbourhood is a proper exhibitionist, with a bright red frontage and vintage-looking engraved glass signage. There were no more than three or four tourists inside (it was March) but some evenings in peak season it gets so popular there are queues to get in.

The lower half of the walls are lined with bright blue, yellow and white tiles; the upper half does its best to hide the grimy wallpaper with a host of antiquated pictures. Behind the bar, as well as wine bottles, there are old beer bottles and cans.

The bar serves vermouth on tap, which is made in-house, but I pushed the boat out and ordered a €2.80 glass of ribera (accompanied by a free small plate of olives) and a €4.25 sardine in delicious olive oil on a tomato paste-coated cracker. Somehow, the latter appeared within minutes despite the general chaos of this packed, buzzing bar.

One quaint feature is a second, quieter room out back, which you have to duck under the bar to reach. 8/10

I’m not surprised that Ernest Hemingway frequented this gorgeous bodega near Puerta del Sol, which has curated its decrepitude to such a skilful degree that it really does feel like stepping back in time. With its molasses-stained oak sherry barrels, antique cash register, vintage bullfighting posters, chipped floor tiles that have certainly seen better days and several hundred very dusty bottles on shelves reaching almost to the ceiling, it is, needless to say, full of character. A raised area at the back is a bit more secluded.

The place was bustling with locals and some Americans when I visited, but the only thing that lets it down is the rather brusque service non-local people have reported online, and which I witnessed when someone attempted to take a photo. However, the no-photo rule is longstanding, going back to the Spanish civil war (the walls and ceiling clearly haven’t been painted since then) when people were wary of spies. And be warned: La Venencia also has a ban on tipping (another quirk rooted in its republican, socialist history) and spitting.
7/10

At unpretentious Vinícola Mentridana, in the Lavapiés neighbourhood, two walls are lined with old, dusty wine bottles reaching up to the ceiling. However, despite being established in 1920 it doesn’t feel as historic as the other bodegas mentioned. Perhaps an overenthusiastic renovation in 2010 took away some of that bodega feel?

It was much quieter than the others when I visited, with just a few locals at the bar – which was welcomed as buzzing bars can become exhausting after a while. There’s a good choice of wines from across Spain and my €4.20 glass of tinta de toro was bold and delicious. However, the €7.20 cheese and ham toastie accompanying it was not nice.
6/10

The sign of this busy little place, close to Antón Martín metro station in the city centre, shouts BODEGA in large letters, but it also calls itself a restaurant, tapas bar and taberna. It has a good selection of wine on offer as well as sherries and sangria, and a wide choice of tapas – they were slicing a leg of Iberian ham with great enthusiasm when I visited.

Banks of wine bottles line the walls, and on higher shelves there are rows of old books (a pity they are so high up you can’t reach them, but they do add character). A television showing a football match spoiled the atmosphere a tad for me, and after a recent revamp it all feels a little too neat to evoke much history, despite being founded in 1929.
6/10

Accommodation was provided by CoolRooms Palacio de Atocha (doubles from €275 room-only)

April 10 (UPI) — Search-and-rescue teams were scouring the wreckage of a collapsed Philadelphia parking garage on Thursday night for two people still missing, according to officials, who said the individuals were presumed dead.

The parking garage, under construction near 30th Street and Grays Ferry Avenue in South Philadelphia, collapsed at 2:19 p.m. EDT Wednesday, prompting emergency personnel to search the site for survivors.

One person was found and transported to Penn Presbyterian Medical Center where they were pronounced dead.

Philadelphia Mayor Cherelle Parker called on the public to pray for the three victims and their families.

“Right now, Philadelphia, it’s important for us to affirm together in a manner that’s fitting for each of us to send our prayers with the families who have been impacted, the family of the individual who has passed and also the families of the two people who are deceased,” she told reporters at a press conference, identifying all three as employees under the Ironworkers Local 401 union.

“We want you to know that we indeed grieve their loss tonight and we will continue to stand by, shoulder to shoulder, to support those families that have been directly impacted.”

Around the clock, officials have been working the site, and at 2 p.m. four search dogs were deployed into the downed structure and found no signs of life, she said.

Parker described that moment as “a pivotal point” in the incident. Officials now had the information necessary to shift the rescue operation to recovery.

“Our city agencies are reaching out and are in touch with the families of the deceased individual as well as the two lost souls who are, again, still unaccounted for but presumed deceased,” she said.

“Our city prays for them and with their families tonight.”

Officials were canvassing several blocks around the garage, notifying residents that on Friday, what remained of the structure would be demolished, she said.

Following the collapse, officials closed the immediate area to the public, including a shopping plaza and surrounding stores. No timeline has been given for their reopening.

Parker said the garage collapse remains under investigation.

“We are going to cross every ‘T,’ Philadelphia, and dot every ‘I’ until we get to the bottom of what happened here on Wednesday,” she said.

Managing Director Adam Teal for the City of Philadelphia told reporters that the structure remains “very unstable” and will be continuously monitored “until this incident is brought to a safe close.”

He explained that a large crane will be assembled over multiple hours to be used in the demolition of the structure, but only after the demolition plan receives final approval from various agencies.

“And here’s the most important thing: We, all of us, everybody you see here and all oof the hundreds of people working still now, we will not stop until everyone is returned to their loved ones with dignity, respect and honor,” he said.

“The same dignity and respect that we offer to our own fallen members.”

April 6 (UPI) — The United States and South Korea began a joint investigation Monday to locate the wreckage of at least three U.S. aircraft that crashed off South Korea’s northeastern coast during the Korean War, officials said.

The four-week survey of the Gangneung and Yangyang areas of northeastern Gangwon Province seeks to trace the wreckage of a fighter plane and two transport aircraft, ahead of underwater investigations scheduled for August, South Korea’s Ministry of Defense said in a statement.

The joint survey is being conducted by the Pentagon’s POW/MIA Accounting Agency and South Korea’s Ministry of National Defense Agency for KIA Recovery and Identification, which will collect materials, including information from local residents, as well as confirm the availability of medical decompression chamber facilities essential for underwater operations.

“Since 2024, I have been coming to Korea for three years to work with MAKRI to find traces of the heroes who fought in the war,” U.S. Marine Staff Sgt. Jordyn King, deputy team leader of the Pentagon’s DPAA investigation team in South Korea, said in a statement.

“During the one month given to us, we will carefully gather materials so that we can achieve good results in the future underwater investigation.”

Seoul said the survey covers three aircraft crash sites, including that of a transport plane that crashed on Nov. 15, 1952, after departing Gangneung Air Base for Pohang with nine people, including a South Korean service member, on board.

The plane suffered engine trouble mid-flight and crashed into the sea.

A second site is waters near Yangyang County, where a U.S. aircraft crashed on Feb. 21, 1952. The third is in waters near Gangneung, where a transport plane with 17 people on board crashed on Oct. 16 of that same year after suffering a mechanical problem.

“Just as we recover the remains of South Korean troops killed in action, we will spare no support in helping to find the war dead and missing of the U.S. military who helped us,” Lt. Col. Kim Seong-hwan, acting head of MAKRI, said in a statement.

The announcement comes months after the two agencies signed a memorandum of understanding in Arlington, Va., committing to the recovery and identification of remains of soldiers who were classified as missing during the Korean War of 1950-1953, which ended with an armistice.

According to a DPAA release announcing the signing in August, the agreement enhances cooperation and collaboration between the two agencies, while streamlining efforts to locate, excavate and identify the remains of fallen service members.

More than 1.8 million Americans served in the Korean War of 1950-1953, about 37,000 of whom were killed, more than 92,000 wounded and roughly 8,000 were listed as missing, according to Pentagon statistics.

United States President Donald Trump has issued another threat to Iran, writing that it has two days to “make a deal or open up the Hormuz Strait”.

Saturday’s brief, three-sentence post on Truth Social did not reference the ongoing search for a US pilot who is believed to have ejected over Iran after an F-15 fighter jet crashed in the country. Iran has taken responsibility for the downing, the first of its kind since the US and Israeli launched attacks on Iran on February 28.

A separate incident on Friday saw Iran claim it shot down an A-10 Warthog near the Strait of Hormuz, raising questions about Trump’s earlier assertion that the US has established dominance over Iran’s airspace.

Rather than remark on the recent crashes, Trump’s post focused on a 10-day deadline he announced on March 26.

He had called on Iran to open the Strait of Hormuz to international traffic, or else face the “destruction” of its energy plants. That 10-day period is set to expire on Monday.

“Remember when I gave Iran ten days to MAKE A DEAL or OPEN UP THE HORMUZ STRAIT,” Trump wrote. “Time is running out – 48 hours before all Hell will reign down on them. Glory be to GOD!”

Stalled negotiations

While Trump did not provide further details about Saturday’s threat, in a series of posts this week, he pledged to attack Iran’s power plants, oil facilities and “possibly all desalinization plants”.

During a national address on Wednesday, he also threatened to bomb Iran “back to the Stone Ages”, and on Friday, he cheered a strike on a bridge that connects Tehran to the Caspian Sea.

Just this week, more than 100 international law experts published an open letter, warning that targeting civilian infrastructure is a violation of the Geneva Convention and could constitute war crimes.

The Trump administration has also offered shifting objectives and plans for ending the war.

Administration officials have repeatedly said that the US prefers a diplomatic solution. Trump, meanwhile, has touted “victories” even as he has hinted at more weeks of attacks.

At the same time, Iran and the US have sent contradictory messages on the progress of peace talks.

On Saturday, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said Tehran remained open to diplomacy, after Iran rejected an “unreasonable” 15-point plan put forward by the Trump administration.

“What we care about are the terms of a conclusive and lasting END to the illegal war that is imposed on us,” Araghchi said in a post on X.

The US, however, has argued that Iran’s demand that it maintain “sovereignty” over the Strait of Hormuz is a non-starter.

Pakistan has indicated it will continue to try to support ceasefire negotiations despite the ongoing “obstacles”.

No mention of downed pilot

While Trump has not publicly addressed the ongoing search for the US pilot, NBC News reported on Friday that he did not believe the incident would affect any negotiations with Iran.

“No, not at all. No, it’s war,” he reportedly told the network in a phone call.

Nevertheless, experts have warned that the possible Iranian capture of the pilot could create a crisis for Washington, giving Tehran a major leverage point that could snarl any diplomatic resolution.

The incident could also undermine US claims it has a dominant position in negotiations.

Marina Miron, a researcher at King’s College London, said the shooting down of the F-15 undercuts statements from Trump and Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth that the US has established complete control over Iranian airspace.

“Now we have a visible example that Iran still has the capability to target and successfully shoot down US aircraft, making this, of course, very important for Iran to demonstrate the capability to resist,” Miron told Al Jazeera.

“Most likely, the kinds of air defences that Iran is using, such as man-portable air defences, will be much more difficult to locate.”

Any US efforts to rescue the pilot would risk US casualties, Miron added, heightening the risk of further military escalation.

“It’s a race for time, because right now we have this critical window of up to 72 hours where both sides are trying to get hold of the pilot for both military and political purposes,” she said.

April 4 (UPI) — Israel’s military suspended attacks in an area of Iran where a U.S. airman is believed to be lost as U.S. forces carried out a second day of search-and-rescue operations Saturday.

The service member was one of two pilots on board an F-15E fighter jet that Iran shot down over its airspace on Friday. U.S. officials were able to safely rescue one of the pilots, but the second was missing.

An unnamed Israeli official told The New York Times that the Israeli military halted its operations in the area — the mountainous regions of Kohgiluyeh, Boyer-Ahmad and Khuzestan provinces — amid the search. The official said it was also sharing information with U.S. officials to aid in the rescue mission.

Meanwhile, state-run media in Iran encouraged civilians in the region to also look for the missing U.S. airman, The Guardian reported.

Speaking Friday with NBC News, President Donald Trump said the downed U.S. fighter jet won’t affect the United States’ negotiations with Iran more than a month after U.S. and Israeli forces began strikes on the country.

“No, not at all,” Trump said of the possibility. “No, it’s war. We’re in war.”

A U.S. official told NBC News that it’s believed that the downed F-14E fighter jet was originally based out of Royal Air Force Lakenheath in Britain.

Elsewhere, Iraq closed its border crossing with Iran at Shalamja on Saturday after an Iranian missile strike at the site killed one person and injured five others. Lt. Gen. Omar al-Waeli, who heads the Border Ports Authority, said the injured were injured were taken to a hospital in Iran.

All trade and passenger traffic were halted, the Iraqi News Agency reported.

“There are alternatives to Shalamja crossing, regarding the entry of goods, such as the Safwan border crossing, in addition to the existence of other land crossings operating in the rest of the govern orates in order to secure the entry of goods and commodities,” al-Waeli said.

I’m on a tram on Vienna’s Ringstrasse as towering facades, columns, statues and domes drift past, each more ornate than the last. Here, the State Opera; there, the Austrian parliament, built in the Greek neoclassical style.

As I gawp, I shove cake in my mouth. After all, Vienna isn’t just the city of music, or lavish architecture. Thanks, in part, to its centuries-old coffeehouse culture, it’s also one of Europe’s finest pastry destinations. Cake (or more precisely, torte, kuchen or Mehlspeisen) has its own day here – “Sweet Friday”, the most delicious of Catholic customs, when meat dishes are replaced with sweets. I have been introduced to it via the medium of Marillenknödel – apricot dumplings.

It’s my first visit to Vienna, my boyfriend Wolfi’s home city. The priority is checking out the old neighbourhood and making a good first impression on his granny. Always keen to fit in, I have identified the national obsession and offered to test Austria’s most famous cake: Sachertorte.

According to legend, it was created in Vienna in 1832 by the 16-year-old apprentice chef Franz Sacher for Prince Metternich. It went on to great acclaim and sparked a decade-long cake war.

In the 1950s, the Hotel Sacher and Demel pastry shop battled over the torte’s trademark, thanks to Franz’s son Eduard, who had refined the recipe while working at the Demel, then offered it on the menu when he opened the Hotel Sacher in 1876.

In 1963, an out-of-court agreement stipulated that the Sacher could market their version – with a layer of apricot jam below the icing and another between the sponges – as the original. The Demel could market theirs as the “Eduard-Sacher-Torte” – featuring one layer of apricot jam below the icing. A big fight about jam, for good reason.

These days, Sachertorte is often decried as dry and overhyped for tourists. Blame that on infantile modern tastes – overindulgent “death by chocolate”, endless cronut-style hybridisations. I’m a fan of the Sachertorte: dark chocolate sponge covered in fondant, tangy apricot jam, whipped cream on the side. It has no need to shout. But is it just for tourists? As I ponder, a call comes from Wolfi’s gran, inviting us for Sunday lunch.

Anna, 82, a Klimt devotee and string enthusiast (she played in her youth), is Vienna born and bred. “For dessert,” she announces, “Sachertorte.” It is a local cake! I’m swiftly corrected. “It’s not a cake! A torte is a torte.” Immediately recognising her superior judging potential, I recruit Anna into my testing team.

First stop is Stephansplatz, with its stunning gothic cathedral. Nearby is the unmissable Aïda shopfront, a riot of pink. It is billed as the world’s first coffee shop chain. Inside, there’s neon-pink lettering on pink walls, pink lighting, staff dressed head-to-toe in pink. The atmosphere is chaotic – a group of Germans complain about seating and Wolfi manages to lose a euro in the pay turnstile to the loos.

We opt for takeaway. The torte, unforgivably, comes without cream (€1 extra, in a pink pot). We retreat to the shadow of Stephansdom. Smooth chocolate icing, jammy layers. Looks good. I bite. The sponge is … dense. I’m glad of the cream. It’s on the dry side. Anna concurs: “The pores are too close and small.”
€6.10 (takeaway), 4.5/10

The smell of Kaiserschmarrn (pancake) is strong in the bustling Demel patisserie and the queue snakes up the stairs to the cafe. It’s going to be another takeaway. I’m disappointed to find creased icing on the torte, but happier on first bite. It’s far superior to Aïda – moist, with a fruity tang. I look again. What I see is shocking. Two layers of apricot jam, one under the icing and one in the middle! What’s going on? I check Demel’s website. “A thin layer of apricot jam sandwiched between two layers and beneath the chocolate glaze.”

Evidently, they have updated their recipe. I hope I don’t spark a sticky lawsuit because I don’t blame them: the extra jam is welcome. “It’s a bit too sweet,” Anna counters. “The cake is not fluffy or airy enough,” she concludes, severely.
€8 (takeaway), 5.5/10

We are swept to a snug booth in an elegant panelled room, all 1920s mirrors and Thonet chairs. The room design muffles chatter, but snatches of Viennese dialect indicate plenty of locals. Snowflakes fall prettily outside the window.

We order Melange (for the sake of argument, a cappuccino) and one Sachertorte. “With three spoons,” the waiter offers, “if the ladies will allow.” I’d heard Viennese waiters were renowned for perfectly honed sarcasm and slight disdain; I wasn’t expecting next-level charm. These guys have a timeless quality, like smooth magicians – utterly hypnotic.

The coffee comes in dainty porcelain and I focus on the (“lactose free”) torte. A wee bit thin on the jam, but the fondant is thick and fudgey, with a decent sponge. I browse newspapers on the old Zeitungshalter (traditional wooden paper rack), trying not to be influenced by my surroundings – and then get giddy in my marking.
€8.10, 8.5/10

Coffeehouse culture has evolved through this social enterprise – a “granny cafe” set up to combat loneliness and supplement the pensions of senior bakers. Genius. These places have been taken to the city’s heart, judging by the stream of fashionable youngsters coming through the doors. It’s lively, with a cosy retro vibe.

But forget the feelgood factor; we’re here to judge their “Sachertorte master”, Mr Johannes, 72. Things start well when Wolfi declares the Melange the best he’s had in Vienna. Now to the torte. Oh my. It delivers and then some. The apricot jam is fairly oozing, the chocolate icing almost caramel-like with a velvety sheen (made with untraditional-but-delicious butter and cream). It’s one of four he baked fresh today. A delicious bargain!
€6, 8/10

Across from the beautiful Staatsoper (Vienna State Opera), Hotel Sacher is as plush as you’d hope: red velvet, white marble, gold relief. Tourists queue in the cold to get in (book to avoid this fate). The handsome torte arrives complete with seal. The thickest-yet layer of chocolate fondant holds everything nicely in place. Orderly. An excellent balance of fruity jam and rich sponge that also manages to be light.

The internet is awash with complaints that the Sacher’s torte is dry. I can’t agree, but agree it’s overpriced. “More airy than all the rest,” declares Anna. “With every bite,” she proclaims, “we know we are in the Sacher.” We chat about the archduke Otto von Habsburg wandering the hotel naked at the turn of the 20th century. Lots of history; lavish surroundings; technically, the best torte we’ve tried (one of 1,000 produced daily) – but something is lacking. I miss the heart of the Vollpension and old-world elegance of the Landtmann.
€10.50, 8/10

An anonymous family member (it’s Auntie Linda!) tips me off to a budget option “better than Hotel Sacher’s” that’s available in the supermarket. Nothing beats an underdog winning the taste test, so we thaw out this frozen Sachertorte in anticipation. Not this time. But it’s good. Fruity and moist, decent ganache. More chocolate cake than Sachertorte, I’d venture, but a highly competitive price point.
About €1 a slice, 5.5/10

INFLUENCER Lydia Millen has revealed she’s finally snapped up her dream home after a six-year search just as her “fake accent” was exposed.

The controversial ‘poshfluencer’, who was recently accused of putting on a more well-spoken voice, shared the exciting news with her millions of followers.

Lydia posted a series of coastal snaps from her new property in Norfolk.

The 36-year-old opened up about the long journey in a heartfelt caption as she prepares to add another property to her portfolio.

Writing rather than speaking to her followers, she penned: “We bought a new home.

“Six years ago we began our search, first in the Cotswolds, and then after a trip to Cley-next-the-Sea where we completely fell in love with the Norfolk coast, our search moved there.

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“We looked for something special but never quite found it.

“Until October, when I stumbled across a 200-year-old fisherman’s cottage. And last week, we finally completed.”

Even modest cottages on the Norfolk coast can fetch £300,000, while prime properties soar past £1million.

The new coastal bolthole marks a lifestyle shift for Lydia and Ali, who have long documented their countryside life online.

The crumbling cottage is expected to undergo a full-scale transformation, with fans already anticipating a series of renovation updates across her social platforms.

Lydia explained: “It needs everything. Heating, rewiring, kitchen, bathroom, windows. A full renovation.

“But one day hollyhocks will grow in the front garden again, and Paul’s Himalayan musk roses will ramble their way back across the flint and brick facade.”

Lydia has previously revealed she owns multiple properties, all mortgage-free, explaining she “doesn’t like having debt”.

The influencer has faced backlash in recent months, with some fans accusing her of not being entirely truthful about her roots.

Born in Watford, Hertfordshire, Lydia has spoken openly about growing up in a council house with her mum after her parents split.

She has previously said she “flunked” her GCSEs before training as a beauty therapist.

Before finding fame online, Lydia also spent seasons working in Ibiza.

Her social media career took off after moving to the countryside, where she spotted a gap in the market for aspirational British lifestyle content.

However, critics have claimed she has “reinvented” herself including adopting a more polished speaking voice.

Responding to one follower who asked why she had changed the way she speaks, Lydia said: “Because I just don’t see why I shouldn’t?

“I value being well spoken, and I know it also helps my international audience.”

Now a social media powerhouse, Lydia shares her idyllic country lifestyle with 1.6million Instagram followers, 1.4million on TikTok and more than one million YouTube subscribers.

The TikTok star is married to Ali Gordon, whom she met on Instagram in 2012.

The pair tied the knot in December 2017 at Aynhoe Park in Oxfordshire and are now thought to be worth around £10million.

Five days after a strike destroyed a building in Tehran, Mahdi Mirzahosseini’s brothers are still searching through rubble for signs of their youngest sibling. They are holding onto hope of finding their brother who had gone to work insisting on serving customers for the Persian New Year.

Afghan authorities say a Pakistani attack killed hundreds of civilians; Islamabad rejects claim as ‘false’.

Families have gathered outside a drug treatment centre in the Afghan capital, Kabul, looking for their loved ones after it was hit in a Pakistani air strike, which Taliban authorities said killed 408 people.

The attack on Kabul’s Omar Addiction Treatment Hospital took place at about 9pm local time (16:30 GMT) on Monday.

Baryalai Amiri, a 38-year-old mechanic, was at the 2,000-bed facility on Tuesday to look for his brother, who was admitted about 25 days ago.

“We are not given the proper information,” Amiri told the AFP news agency, as rescuers picked through the rubble nearby. “So far, we don’t know where he is.”

Afghanistan and Pakistan have been in conflict for months, with Islamabad accusing its neighbour of harbouring armed groups that have mounted deadly cross-border attacks.

The latest round of violence that began last month⁠, two days before the world’s focus shifted sharply to the US-Israel war on Iran, is the worst ever between the neighbours.

The two nations share a 2,600km (1,600-mile) border. The conflict had ebbed amid attempts by friendly countries, including China, to mediate and end the fighting before flaring up again.

Pakistan denied Afghan claims that its latest attack targeted civilians, instead insisting that it carried out precision strikes on “military installations and terrorist support infrastructure”.

“Pakistan’s targeting is precise and carefully undertaken to ensure no collateral damage is inflicted,” the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting said. Islamabad dismissed the claim as “false and aimed at misleading public opinion”.

The health authorities said there were about 3,000 patients from across Afghanistan at the clinic at the time of the attack, which triggered panic in Kabul just after residents had broken their daily Ramadan fast.

The United Nations special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan, Richard Bennett, said he was “dismayed” by reports of the air raids and civilian casualties.

“I urge parties to de-escalate, exercise maximum restraint & respect international law, including the protection of civilians and civilian objects such as hospitals,” he posted on X.

‘It was like doomsday’

A spokesman for Afghanistan’s Ministry of Interior Affairs said on Tuesday that the attack killed 408 people and injured 265.

Witnesses said they heard three explosions just as people in the hospital were completing evening prayers. Two of the bombs struck rooms and patient areas, they said.

“The whole place caught fire. It was like doomsday,” 50-year-old Ahmad told the Reuters news agency.

“My friends were burning in the fire, and we could not save them all,” he said, giving only his first name as he was under treatment at the facility.

Ambulance driver Haji Fahim told Reuters that he arrived at the site shortly after the air raids.

“When I arrived [last night], I saw that everything was burning, people were burning,” Fahim said on Tuesday. “Early in the morning, they called me again and told ⁠me to come back because there are still bodies under the rubble.”

The clinic was established in 2016 and has treated hundreds of people, also providing them with vocational training, such as tailoring and carpentry, to make them employable, according to local media reports.