Rodriguez

On July 2, 2024, a mamón tree fell on Delcy Rodríguez. The accident caused injuries to her right arm, which she frequently wore bandages on. That day, Rodríguez was in Cumanacoa, in eastern Venezuela, overseeing the damage caused by Hurricane Beryl, a gust of wind brought down the enormous tree on top of her and some of her equipment.

The accident was announced by Nicolás Maduro at a public event, in the midst of the campaign for the presidential elections of July 28 of that year. With a discordant sense of humor that has aged poorly, he said: “Delcy, while working in Cumanacoa, was hit by a missile. But she recovers from everything.”

And the statement seems true. Because a year and a half later, we see her—quite recovered—being sworn in as acting president of Venezuela after, indeed, American bombs fell on Caracas to remove Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores.

Delcy Eloína Rodríguez Gómez, the woman who occupies the presidential seat in Miraflores with the unexpected backing of the United States, is one of the figures with the greatest accumulation of power within the Venezuelan ruling party and a key operator of the state’s political, repressive, and economic apparatus.

Delcy Rodríguez has been presented as a moderate, a technocrat, a “different” chavista because of her studies in France and England and her fluent English. The first is not true. This is confirmed by American columnist Eva Golinger, who spent several years in Venezuela alongside Hugo Chávez, and by former Turkish diplomat Imdat Oner, who served in Caracas and recalls a meeting with ambassadors in 2015 when Rodríguez was foreign minister: “She arrived two hours late and started yelling at the US and European diplomats. She is a radical chavista, in terms of ideology,” he told La Hora de Venezuela.

What Delcy Rodríguez is, observers and analysts agree, is pragmatic. In fact, her greatest rise within the chavista power structure has occurred since she began to pull the strings of the economic agenda. Over the years, she has become more than just the vice president: she is a central operator of the system, the figure to whom is called upon when it is necessary to confront, execute, close ranks, and secure economic lifelines.

Delcy Eloína Rodríguez Gómez was born in Caracas on May 18, 1969. Her political biography cannot be understood without a later date: July 25, 1976, when her father, Jorge Antonio Rodríguez, died in police custody after being arrested for his involvement in the kidnapping of American businessman William Niehous. The death—attributed to torture and mistreatment—became a breaking point for the family and, over time, a key element of the chavista narrative about the 1958-1998 governments. For Delcy and her brother Jorge, that history of victimization served as both a wound and a compass: politics as reparation, as justice, as revenge. In fact, she once uttered on television: “The Bolivarian Revolution, the arrival of our Commander, was our personal revenge.”

In a government where trust is managed as a scarce resource, Delcy has remained for a fundamental reason: she serves to hold the edifice together when it creaks.

Furthermore, Delcy is not just Delcy. She is part of a duo that, for years, has operated as the backbone of the revolutionary government: alongside her brother Jorge Rodríguez, president of the National Assembly, they have both been described as “political twins” of chavismo. They share origins, narratives, and ambitions.

This family alliance explains their strength. In a government where trust is managed as a scarce resource, Delcy has remained for a fundamental reason: she serves to hold the edifice together when it creaks.

That’s why, when the economy hit its lowest point and needed a boost, Rodríguez became the only high-ranking official attending business meetings, while a vast network of private initiatives was being built under her wing. Investigative journalism platforms like Armando.info have uncovered the now-acting president’s connections to a “business entourage” with ramifications in the construction, tourism, real estate, food import, and packaging sectors.

Domestically, government officials describe her as a reserved, quiet, and low-profile figure with a small but highly loyal circle of allies—allies who now stand by her in what could be the greatest paradox of her life: denouncing the American capture of Nicolás Maduro in her speeches, while in practice allowing the Trump administration to exert control over political decision-making and resuming oil sales agreements with the US.

However, the hand Delcy Rodríguez is currently wielding lacks, by far, the legal certainty, reliability, and constitutional guarantees that oil executives demand. She and her inner circle are burdened by a long history of human rights violations, economic hardship, over 800 political prisoners still incarcerated, and internal disputes.

A pillar of the dictatorship

Rodríguez served as Minister of the Presidency (2006), Minister of Communication and Information (2013-2014), Minister of Foreign Affairs (2014-2017), President of the National Constituent Assembly (2017-2018), and, since June 2018, Executive Vice President. However, one of the turning points in her career was her presidency of the National Constituent Assembly, a body created without a prior referendum and not recognized by the international community.

From her position as president of the National Constituent Assembly (ANC), she spearheaded a process that effectively nullified the National Assembly elected in 2015, concentrating legislative, judicial, and political oversight functions in a body dominated exclusively by chavismo. Under her leadership, legal instruments widely criticized by human rights organizations were approved.

This was also the period when Delcy Rodríguez held the pro tempore presidency of Mercosur, and when Venezuela ceased to be a member of the organization for violating the Accession Protocol.

In this context, the then Foreign Minister was involved in an unforgettable incident: In December 2016, she was denied entry to the organization’s meeting held in Buenos Aires, but she made headlines by appearing with her arm in a sling, allegedly due to injuries she suffered when she was prevented from entering the meeting. “I was beaten by a police officer (…) the offenses and physical abuse that can occur within Mercosur against a nation and its foreign minister are shameful,” Rodríguez stated at the time.

Investigations indicate that, days before the ‘Delcygate’ trip, Delcy Rodríguez facilitated the sale of 104 Venezuelan gold bars valued at more than $60 million to Spanish businesspeople.

Delcy Rodríguez’s record on human rights ranges from her participation in the creation of a repressive legal framework to her role as one of the main perpetrators of one of the most intense waves of repression during the chavista era. During her tenure in the National Constituent Assembly, regulatory frameworks and decisions were promoted and consolidated that facilitated the repression and criminalization of dissent.

Among them are the Constitutional Law Against Hatred (2017), systematically used to criminally prosecute opposition members, journalists, activists, and citizens for expressions on social media, with sentences of up to 20 years in prison. She provided critical support for permanent states of emergency, which suspended constitutional guarantees and allowed for arrests without a warrant. Delcy Rodríguez also helped to legitimize civil-military control of public order, consolidating the use of military courts and intelligence agencies against civilians.

As Executive Vice President of the Republic, she had direct authority over Ministries and security agencies. Between 2018 and April 2021, under her chain of command, the Bolivarian National Intelligence Service (SEBIN) was documented as responsible for arbitrary detentions, torture, enforced disappearances, and mass surveillance.

The UN Human Rights Council’s Fact-Finding Mission concluded in 2020 that there were “reasonable grounds to believe” that Rodríguez knew or should have known about crimes committed by the State and failed to act to prevent them, despite her position of authority. These conclusions were reiterated and expanded in subsequent resolutions that kept the international investigation into Venezuela active.

Corruption, gold, and international schemes

Beyond her role in the chain of command of human rights violations, Delcy Rodríguez has been linked to transnational corruption schemes involving gold, foreign businesspeople, and opaque financial circuits.

On January 20, 2020, Rodríguez (sanctioned by the European Union from 2018) entered Spain despite the existing travel ban and met with then-Minister José Luis Ábalos (currently in jail), triggering the scandal known as Delcygate. Investigations indicate that, days before the trip, she facilitated the sale of 104 Venezuelan gold bars valued at more than $60 million to Spanish businesspeople. The Civil Guard found communications between Rodríguez and businessman Víctor de Aldama that directly link the vice president to this transaction.

This case is part of a broader pattern of illegal extraction and international money laundering of Venezuelan gold through shell companies, a scheme that reinforces corruption and the evasion of financial controls. In the political and media sphere, the Delcygate scandal has also been linked to other controversies in Spain, such as the state bailout of the airline Plus Ultra, which has ties to figures associated with Chavismo, although there is no direct legal evidence implicating Rodríguez.

It is impossible to forget that Venezuela’s current interim president spearheaded a scandalous pact with dangerous gang members in 2017.

Another key figure is Jorge Giménez. This Venezuelan businessman and president of the Venezuelan Football Federation (FVF), is the subject of an investigation by Armando.info, which exposes him as an operative for the chavista regime and a trusted associate of Rodríguez. He is implicated in opaque contracts linked to the CLAP program and PDVSA, with debts and irregular agreements exceeding $1.2 billion. Furthermore, he appears in chats related to the Spanish case as a direct interlocutor of his “boss,” solidifying the connection between Venezuelan political power and international corruption networks.

The Associated Press recently published a report revealing that the DEA has been investigating Rodríguez for years. “Rodriguez has been on the radar of the US Drug Enforcement Administration for years, and in 2022 she was even labeled a ‘priority target,’ a designation the DEA reserves for suspects believed to have a ‘significant impact’ on drug trafficking, according to records obtained by the AP and more than half a dozen current and former US law enforcement officials,” the publication states.

Although the same publication clarifies that the United States has never accused Rodríguez of any crime and notes that she “is not among the more than a dozen Venezuelan officials—from Maduro’s inner circle—accused of drug trafficking along with the ousted president,” it is impossible to forget that Venezuela’s current interim president spearheaded a scandalous pact with dangerous gang members in 2017.

That year, while dozens of students protesting against the repression of Nicolás Maduro’s government were being killed in the streets of the country’s main cities, Rodríguez, then president of the National Assembly, led the task of negotiating with criminal groups to keep them calm and prevent them from rising up against the government.

Caracas, January 16, 2026 (venezuelanalysis.com) – Venezuelan Acting President Delcy Rodríguez expressed her willingness to “continue shaping energy cooperation” with the United States while “respecting international legality.”

Rodríguez delivered the “Memoria y Cuenta” address to the nation before the National Assembly on Thursday, having taken office following the January 3 US military attacks and kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores.

In her speech, Rodríguez highlighted some of the country’s recent economic achievements amidst wide-reaching US sanctions, including a reported 19 consecutive quarters of economic growth and an expected 8.5 percent GDP growth in 2025.

The acting president likewise stated that the Caribbean nation had eliminated gasoline imports last year. Rodríguez went on to announce a reform of Venezuela’s Hydrocarbon Law in order to promote foreign investment. The proposal seeks to incorporate mechanisms established under the 2020 Anti-Blockade Law to circumvent unilateral sanctions.

Rodríguez focused her speech on the importance of diplomacy, stressing that Venezuela “has the right” to maintain ties with China, Russia, Cuba, Iran, as well as the US.

With the US government reportedly administering Venezuelan oil sales and the Trump administration vowing to control the industry for an “indefinite” period, Rodríguez reiterated that Caracas remains open to energy relations in which “all parties benefit.” 

She also reaffirmed her willingness to strengthen bilateral relations with Washington without subordination, urging legislators not to “fear” diplomatic initiatives. 

“The acting president is afraid because she is threatened; Venezuela is threatened—Venezuela as a whole,” she said. “That is why I call for national unity, so that with sovereignty as our guiding principle, we can wage the diplomatic battle.”

Rodríguez went on to affirm that if, as acting president, she were to travel to Washington, she would do so “standing upright, walking—never groveling.”

Diplomatic rapprochement

The acting president’s diplomatic focus came days after the Venezuelan government announced the start of an exploratory process with the US aimed at reopening the respective embassies in Caracas and Washington, DC. Venezuelan officials have defended the diplomatic rapprochement with the need to denounce Maduro and Flores’ kidnapping and offer consular support during their upcoming trial.

Caracas also reported the arrival of a US State Department delegation last week to evaluate conditions for the embassy reopening. The Maduro government broke diplomatic ties with the first Trump administration in 2019 after the latter recognized the self-proclaimed “interim government” headed by Juan Guaidó.

Rodríguez further revealed that on January 14 she held a “long and courteous” phone call with Trump, during which they discussed “a working agenda for the benefit of both peoples.” The US president confirmed the exchange, describing the conversation as “great” and calling Rodríguez “a wonderful person” with whom “it is very easy to work.”

On Thursday, the Venezuelan leader reportedly held a meeting with CIA Director John Ratcliffe at Maiquetía airport. According to the New York Times, the two discussed intelligence cooperation, with Ratcliffe emphasizing that Venezuela should cease to be an alleged “safe haven for America’s adversaries, especially narco-traffickers.” The Rodríguez administration has yet to comment on the meeting.

Additionally, the interim president dispatched Félix Plasencia—former foreign minister and ambassador to the UK—to hold meetings with US officials in Washington. 

Plasencia’s visit coincided with a trip by opposition figure María Corina Machado, who held what the BBC described as a “brief and atypical” encounter with Trump at the White House. The far-right leader handed the US president her Nobel Peace Prize medal. 

The gesture drew criticism from Norwegian experts and media outlets, who labeled it “incredibly shameful” and “damaging” to the award. The Nobel Committee’s decision to grant Machado the prize had likewise come under fire due to the far-right leader’s history of involvement in violent coup plots and calls for foreign intervention.

Trump, however, thanked Machado for the “gesture of respect,” though the White House later stated that the visit was just a “courtesy” with no influence on administration policy. Following the January 3 attacks, the US president dismissed Machado’s prospects of leading Venezuela, adding that she “did not have respect within the country.”

Meanwhile, agreements between Caracas and Washington continue to move forward, including the resumption of deportation flights from the US on Friday. The first such flight, operated by Eastern Air Express, departed from Phoenix, Arizona, and landed at Simón Bolívar International Airport with 199 Venezuelan migrants onboard.

The previous deportation flight had taken place on December 10. Two days later, the Venezuelan government announced that the Trump administration had unilaterally suspended the migrant repatriation program.

Edited and with additional reporting by Ricardo Vaz in Caracas.

Caracas, January 15, 2026 (venezuelanalysis.com) – Venezuela’s Acting President Delcy Rodríguez announced a “partial reform” of the country’s hydrocarbon legislation during the annual “Memoria y Cuenta” speech before the National Assembly on Thursday.

Rodríguez justified the reform with the need to attract investment for Venezuela’s oil industry.

“We have brought a draft of a bill that aims to incorporate the productive models of the Anti-Blockade Law into the Hydrocarbon Law,” she told deputies. “The new investments will be directed to areas where there was no prior investment or no infrastructure.”

The Acting President went on to vow that the government would prioritize social spending and infrastructure works with energy revenues, though she did not offer further details. The legislative project will now be discussed by the National Assembly before being brought up for a vote. 

The 2001 Hydrocarbon Law was one of the major early projects in former President Hugo Chávez’s tenure. The legislation reasserted the Venezuelan state’s sovereignty over the oil industry, significantly raising royalties and taxes and mandating that state oil company PDVSA retain majority stakes in joint ventures. The law was a catalyst for the failed 2002 US-backed coup against Chávez.

Venezuela’s National Constituent Assembly (2017-2020) approved the Anti-Blockade Law in 2020 in an effort to skirt US-led economic sanctions. The bill spurred the creation of several business models favoring private investors, including concession-type deals in the oil industry whereby private partners collect a majority of the crude produced.

The oil reform announcement comes amid repeated claims by Washington to take control of Venezuelan crude dealings. Since the January 3 US military strikes and kidnapping of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, the Trump administration has vowed to administer the OPEC member’s oil sales for an “indefinite” period.

On Wednesday, senior Trump officials unveiled the first sales worth US $500 million, with the funds deposited in accounts controlled by the US government. Multiple outlets reported that the main account holding the proceeds is located in Qatar.

One US official described Qatar as a “neutral location where money can flow freely with US approval and without risk of seizure.” On January 9, the White House issued an executive order to shield Venezuelan oil revenues administered by Washington from creditors looking to collect on debts owed by Venezuela.

Democrat politicians quoted by Semafor raised questions about the deal’s transparency and lack of accountability. For its part, the Trump administration has courted oil companies about investing in Venezuela, claiming that they will only “deal” with Washington rather than Venezuelan authorities.

The scope of US control over Venezuelan oil sales, as well as the mechanisms to return proceeds to Caracas, remains unclear, however. US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent announced upcoming sanctions withdrawals or waivers to facilitate transactions.

Commodities traders Vitol and Trafigura have reportedly begun moving a combined 4.8 million barrels of Venezuelan crude to storage hubs in the Caribbean after receiving licenses from the US Treasury Department.

Economics outlet Bitácora Económica reported on Thursday, citing “unofficial sources,” that the Venezuelan Central Bank (BCV) had an account opened in the Qatar National Bank (QNB) where oil proceeds were deposited. According to the same report, the BCV will receive a license to five Venezuelan private banks that will offer US $330 million through foreign currency exchange tables. Healthcare and infrastructure imports will reportedly be given priority. US officials have claimed that only imports from US manufacturers will be allowed.

Venezuela’s Central Bank has been under US Treasury sanctions since 2019. Similarly, Washington has levied wide-reaching unilateral coercive measures against the oil industry, including financial sanctions, an export embargo, and secondary sanctions.

With its military operation and moves to wrest control of Venezuela’s oil sector, the Trump administration has also broadcast its intention to clamp down on bilateral Venezuelan deals with geopolitical rivals such as China. The US Navy has imposed a naval blockade and seized multiple tankers since December in an effort to strong-arm Caracas.

Washington’s unilateral actions saw two Chinese-flagged supertankers turn back amid trips to load Venezuelan oil. In recent years, China has been the main destination for Venezuelan crude and fuel oil exports, with shipments partly used to offset debt from longstanding oil-for-loan deals.

According to Bloomberg, Beijing has sought assurances from Venezuelan and US officials over its loans to the Caribbean nation. The Chinese government reiterated its condemnation of the January 3 US attacks and pledged to “take all necessary measures to protect its legitimate rights and interests in Venezuela.”

Trump showers acting Venezuelan President Delcy Rodriguez with praise after first phone call since the US military’s abduction of President Nicolas Maduro.

Venezuela’s acting President Delcy Rodriguez has pledged to continue releasing prisoners detained under the presidency of Nicolas Maduro and described her first phone call with United States President Donald Trump since Maduro’s abduction by US forces as positive.

Rodriguez, Maduro’s former vice ‌president, said on Wednesday that she ⁠had a long, ​productive and courteous ‍phone call with the US president, in ⁠which the two discussed a bilateral agenda that would benefit both countries.

Trump, in a post on his Truth Social platform, said the two discussed oil, minerals, trade and national security, describing how “this partnership” between the US and Venezuela would be “spectacular”.

“I think we’re getting along very well with Venezuela,” Trump said at the White House after the lengthy call, describing Rodriguez as a “terrific person”, adding that US Secretary of State ‍Marco Rubio had also been in touch with the acting president.

Trump’s praise of Rodriguez follows after President Maduro and his wife, First Lady Cilia Flores, were abducted by the US military in an attack on the Venezuelan capital, Caracas, on January 3. Maduro and Flores are now being held in prison in the US.

Trump said last week that a second ⁠wave of US attacks on Venezuela had been cancelled amid “cooperation” from leaders in Caracas, including the release of a large ‍number of prisoners as a sign of “seeking peace” with Washington.

Earlier on Wednesday, during her first media briefing since Maduro’s abduction, Rodriguez said Venezuela was entering a “new political moment” and the process of releasing detainees “has not yet concluded”.

“This opportunity is for Venezuela and for the people of Venezuela to be able to see reflected a new moment where coexistence, where living together, where recognition of the other allows building and erecting a new spirituality,” Rodriguez said in her address.

Flanked by her brother and National Assembly President Jorge Rodriguez, and Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello, the acting president also pledged “strict” enforcement of the law and credited Maduro with already initiating the release of prisoners.

“Messages of hatred, intolerance, acts of violence will not be permitted,” Rodriguez said.

The renewed promise to continue freeing prisoners followed after Jorge Rodriguez announced in parliament on Tuesday that more than 400 detainees had been freed recently.

While Venezuelan authorities deny that they hold political prisoners, the release of people held for political reasons in Venezuela has been a long-running call of rights groups, international bodies and opposition figures.

Rights groups in recent days have criticised the slow release of prisoners by the post-Maduro leadership.

Trump is scheduled to meet on Thursday with Venezuelan opposition leader Maria Corina Machado at the White House, their first in-person meeting since the abduction of Maduro.

Machado, who won the Nobel Peace Prize last year, has offered to give Trump her prize, ‌but the Nobel Committee said the Peace Prize cannot be transferred.

Venezuela has long been a country of dilemmas, defined less by decisions than by the consequences of postponing them. For more than two decades, its politics have revolved around choices with no clean exits: negotiate or resist, reconcile or repress, participate or abstain, sanction or relieve. None of these debates ever really end, they just get deferred.

The last few days have reinforced that pattern. There have been signals, rumors, half-measures, and a noticeable effort to avoid clear moves. If the Maduro era ended with spectacle, what followed has been quieter and harder to read. Not resolution, but something closer to managed uncertainty.

Those dilemmas do not look the same from every vantage point. They look one way from inside the arrangement now led by Delcy Rodríguez, another from an opposition that gained recognition but little control, and another still from Washington, where the Trump administration is trying to recalibrate pressure without fully owning the consequences. The common thread is simple enough. Everyone wants leverage, but no one has very much of it.

A managed opening under Delcy ?

For Delcy Rodríguez, the central question is not whether to open the economy, but how far she can go without touching the political core of the system. Economic normalization is safer terrain. It can be adjusted, slowed, or reversed. It reassures business actors, eases currency pressure, and creates the impression of movement without challenging the security apparatus that ultimately sustains power.

Nothing announced in the arrangements with the United States alters the centrally planned nature of the regime. At most, they shift the locus of external influence, moving it from Beijing to Washington, without changing who makes the decisions at home.

As stability is increasingly purchased through economic relief and diplomatic accommodation, rather than fear alone, Cabello’s role becomes less structural and more transactional.

Rodríguez and her brother Jorge may believe that selective compliance with Washington strengthens their hand against the opposition. Releasing a handful of high-profile political prisoners could be presented as progress, while house arrest can be easily revoked. But that calculation only goes so far. Colectivos are still active, police checkpoints remain, and the revolving-door logic of repression has not disappeared, it has simply become less strident.

Political reform is a different problem. Whatever broader strategy is being attempted, removing figures like Diosdado Cabello or Vladimir Padrino López too early would be costly. Their role is not symbolic. It is structural. They sit at the intersection of civilian authority and coercive power. Moving against them risks fragmentation and instability, outcomes no “transitional” figure wants to test.

The result is familiar. Economic flexibility paired with political stasis. Markets are easier to manage than men with guns. The opening exists, but it remains narrow.

Diosdado Cabello and the logic of repression

Diosdado Cabello remains central to that arrangement. He is still a key pillar of the repressive structure and an enforcer of internal discipline. Without figures like him, maintaining order during any attempt at reshuffling would be far more difficult.

That same visibility, however, makes him vulnerable. As the government looks outward, seeking normalization and legitimacy, Cabello’s profile becomes a liability. He is an obvious candidate for scapegoating or bargaining, a way to signal change without altering the underlying balance of power.

For now, collaboration makes sense. A premature break would require fractures within the elite and firm backing from the security forces, conditions that do not yet seem to exist, and he would be crazy not to explore. But waiting has its own risks. Each step toward economic normalization changes the political economy of repression. As stability is increasingly purchased through economic relief and diplomatic accommodation, rather than fear alone, Cabello’s role becomes less structural and more transactional. Still powerful, but easier to sideline, trade, or sacrifice when the balance shifts.

His dilemma is less about ambition than risk and timing. Wait too long and become expendable. Move too soon and stand alone.

An opposition without leverage

If the government’s problem is how much to concede, the opposition’s is how to act when it cannot force concessions at all.

The old debate about whether to participate in elections has faded, at least for now. The more pressing question is how to push for outcomes without alienating the Trump administration, while also avoiding being sidelined from a process largely run by others.

This is a less comfortable position than the clarity of boycott politics. The opposition retains international recognition and moral legitimacy, but little control over sequencing, guarantees, or enforcement. Its leverage is mostly external, and even that is constrained by how limited Venezuelan political capital has become in the United States.

For the opposition, every week of managed calm narrows the space in which democratic demands can still be enforced rather than negotiated away.

María Corina Machado’s influence depends in part on US backing, and that backing is not unconditional. Public confrontations, whether in Washington or Caracas, would likely benefit the Rodríguez camp, which has positioned itself as cooperative and pragmatic. An opposition better at public gestures than quiet lobbying now relies on a shrinking circle of intermediaries with access to decision-makers.

Migration fatigue, shifting priorities, and domestic politics in the United States all limit how long Venezuela can command attention. As the adage goes “no one is ever out with Trump” but at this point Zelenky’s position after his first visit to the White House probably seems enviable to Machado and Gonzalez right now.

Washington’s shrinking margin for error

For the Trump administration, Venezuela has become a problem of rising cost and narrowing options. Sanctions, diplomatic isolation, and conditional engagement are still on the table, but their effectiveness has been weakened by the political fallout from the operation to arrest Nicolás Maduro.

The Senate’s advance of a War Powers resolution signals discomfort with further unilateral action. Even if ultimately blocked, it exposes real limits. In an election year, threats of escalation carry less weight when Congress is signaling restraint.

Energy policy only adds to the tension. A push to keep oil prices below $50 makes Venezuelan crude less appealing to US firms, even with better terms. Heavy oil requires investment and time, and neither is attractive if companies fear policy reversals. At a moment when the administration is already paying a political price for its actions, the economic upside looks increasingly thin.

For now, the country sits between openings that do not transform and pressures that do not resolve.

Pressure also brings secondary effects. Migration, regional instability, and bureaucratic strain all factor into the calculation. Reopening the US embassy in Caracas reflects this shift. It lowers the temperature, but it also makes the threat of renewed escalation harder to sell.

The trap of managed drift

What this produces is not paralysis, but a carefully managed drift. It is quiet enough to be mistaken for stability. But the drift feels bloodless, and its costs are being deferred, accumulated, and quietly transferred. Venezuelan democracy is the one paying them.

Delcy Rodríguez can offer economic relief without altering the political core of the system. Washington can sustain pressure without fully committing to escalation. Even the opposition, trapped in its weakest position in years, can remain present without being decisive. In a configuration where no one secures what they want, everyone convinces themselves they have avoided catastrophe.

That is the danger. Drift rewards those who can wait, those who control force, those who can absorb time. It punishes those whose leverage depends on urgency, legitimacy, and momentum. For the opposition, every week of managed calm narrows the space in which democratic demands can still be enforced rather than negotiated away.

Venezuela has lived through this logic before. What makes the current moment distinct is not the structure of the dilemmas, but their accumulation. Each unresolved choice makes the next one harder. Each postponement raises the political price of action while lowering the expectations attached to it.

For now, the country sits between openings that do not transform and pressures that do not resolve. Not because options are exhausted, but because every option carries a cost someone else is being asked to bear. And in this version of stability, it is not the regime, nor Washington, that pays first. It is the possibility of Venezuelan democracy itself.

MIAMI — In 2017, as political outsider Donald Trump headed to Washington, Delcy Rodríguez spotted an opening.

Then Venezuela’s foreign minister, Rodríguez directed Citgo — a subsidiary of the state oil company — to make a $500,000 donation to the president’s inauguration. With the socialist administration of Nicolas Maduro struggling to feed Venezuela, Rodríguez gambled on a deal that would have opened the door to American investment. Around the same time, she saw that Trump’s ex-campaign manager was hired as a lobbyist for Citgo, courted Republicans in Congress and tried to secure a meeting with the head of Exxon.

The charm offensive flopped. Within weeks of taking office, Trump, urged by then-Sen. Marco Rubio, made restoring Venezuela’s democracy his driving focus in response to Maduro’s crackdown on opponents. But the outreach did bear fruit for Rodríguez, making her a prominent face in U.S. business and political circles and paving the way for her own rise.

“She’s an ideologue, but a practical one,” said Lee McClenny, a retired foreign service officer who was the top U.S. diplomat in Caracas during the period of Rodríguez’s outreach. “She knew that Venezuela needed to find a way to resuscitate a moribund oil economy and seemed willing to work with the Trump administration to do that.”

Nearly a decade later, as Venezuela’s interim president, Rodríguez’s message — that Venezuela is open for business — seems to have persuaded Trump. In the days since Maduro’s stunning capture Saturday, he’s alternately praised Rodríguez as a “gracious” American partner while threatening a similar fate as her former boss if she doesn’t keep the ruling party in check and provide the U.S. with “total access” to the country’s vast oil reserves. One thing neither has mentioned is elections, something the constitution mandates must take place within 30 days of the presidency being permanently vacated.

This account of Rodríguez’s political rise is drawn from interviews with 10 former U.S. and Venezuelan officials as well as businessmen from both countries who’ve had extensive dealings with Rodríguez and in some cases have known her since childhood. Most spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation from someone who they almost universally described as bookishly smart, sometimes charming but above all a cutthroat operator who doesn’t tolerate dissent. Rodríguez didn’t respond to AP requests for an interview.

Father’s murder hardens leftist outlook

Rodríguez entered the leftist movement started by Hugo Chávez late — and on the coattails of her older brother, Jorge Rodríguez, who as head of the National Assembly swore her in as interim president Monday.

Tragedy during their childhood fed a hardened leftist outlook that would stick with the siblings throughout their lives. In 1976 — when, amid the Cold War, U.S. oil companies, American political spin doctors and Pentagon advisers exerted great influence in Venezuela — a little-known urban guerrilla group kidnapped a Midwestern businessman. Rodriguez’s father, a socialist leader, was picked up for questioning and died in custody.

McClenny remembers Rodríguez bringing up the murder in their meetings and bitterly blaming the U.S. for being left fatherless at the age of 7. The crime would radicalize another leftist of the era: Maduro.

Years later, while Jorge Rodríguez was a top electoral official under Chávez, he secured for his sister a position in the president’s office.

But she advanced slowly at first and clashed with colleagues who viewed her as a haughty know-it-all.

In 2006, on a whirlwind international tour, Chávez booted her from the presidential plane and ordered her to fly home from Moscow on her own, according to two former officials who were on the trip. Chávez was upset because the delegation’s schedule of meetings had fallen apart and that triggered a feud with Rodriguez, who was responsible for the agenda.

“It was painful to watch how Chávez talked about her,” said one of the former officials. “He would never say a bad thing about women but the whole flight home he kept saying she was conceited, arrogant, incompetent.”

Days later, she was fired and never occupied another high-profile role with Chávez.

Political revival and soaring power under Maduro

Years later, in 2013, Maduro revived Rodríguez’s career after Chávez died of cancer and he took over.

A lawyer educated in Britain and France, Rodríguez speaks English and spent large amounts of time in the United States. That gave her an edge in the internal power struggles among Chavismo — the movement started by Chávez, whose many factions include democratic socialists, military hardliners who Chávez led in a 1992 coup attempt and corrupt actors, some with ties to drug trafficking.

Her more worldly outlook, and refined tastes, also made Rodríguez a favorite of the so-called “boligarchs” — a new elite that made fortunes during Chávez’s Bolivarian revolution. One of those insiders, media tycoon Raul Gorrín, worked hand-in-glove with Rodríguez’s back-channel efforts to mend relations with the first Trump administration and helped organize a secret visit by Rep. Pete Sessions, a Texas Republican, to Caracas in April 2018 for a meeting with Maduro. A few months later, U.S. federal prosecutors unsealed the first of two money laundering indictments against Gorrin.

After Maduro promoted Rodríguez to vice president in 2018, she gained control over large swaths of Venezuela’s oil economy. To help manage the petro-state, she brought in foreign advisers with experience in global markets. Among them were two former finance ministers in Ecuador who helped run a dollarized, export-driven economy under fellow leftist Rafael Correa. Another key associate is French lawyer David Syed, who for years has been trying to renegotiate Venezuela’s foreign debt in the face of crippling U.S. sanctions that make it impossible for Wall Street investors to get repaid.

“She sacrificed her personal life for her political career,” said one former friend.

As she amassed more power, she crushed internal rivals. Among them: once powerful Oil Minister Tareck El Aissami, who was jailed in 2024 as part of an anti-corruption crackdown spearheaded by Rodríguez.

In her de-facto role as Venezuela’s chief operating officer, Rodríguez proved a more flexible, trustworthy partner than Maduro. Some have likened her to a sort of Venezuelan Deng Xiaoping — the architect of modern China.

Hans Humes, chief executive of Greylock Capital Management, said that experience will serve her well as she tries to jump-start the economy, unite Chavismo and shield Venezuela from stricter terms dictated by Trump. Imposing an opposition-led government right now, he said, could trigger bloodshed of the sort that ripped apart Iraq after U.S. forces toppled Saddam Hussein and formed a provisional government including many leaders who had been exiled for years.

“We’ve seen how expats who have been outside of the country for too long think things should be the way it was before they left,” said Humes, who has met with Maduro as well as Rodríguez on several occasions. “You need people who know how to work with how things are not how they were.”

Democracy deferred?

Where Rodríguez’s more pragmatic leadership style leaves Venezuela’s democracy is uncertain.

Trump, in remarks after Maduro’s capture, said Nobel Peace Prize winner Maria Corina Machado lacks the “respect” to govern Venezuela despite her handpicked candidate winning what the U.S. and other governments consider a landslide victory in 2024 presidential elections stolen by Maduro.

Elliott Abrams, who served as special envoy to Venezuela during the first Trump administration, said it is impossible for the president to fulfill his goal of banishing criminal gangs, drug traffickers and Middle Eastern terrorists from the Western Hemisphere with the various factions of Chavismo sharing power.

“Nothing that Trump has said suggests his administration is contemplating a quick transition away from Delcy. No one is talking about elections,” said Abrams. “If they think Delcy is running things, they are completely wrong.”

Goodman writes for the Associated Press.

Venezuela’s interim leader, Delcy Rodriguez, has said that “no foreign agent” is running Venezuela in the wake of Nicolas Maduro’s abduction by United States military forces.

Rodriguez, who had been Maduro’s vice president before his abduction, spoke during a televised event on Tuesday, a day after Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, pleaded not guilty in a New York court to drug-trafficking conspiracy charges.

“The government of Venezuela is in charge in our country, and no one else. There is no foreign agent governing Venezuela,” Rodriguez said.

Venezuela’s prosecutor general, meanwhile, called for the immediate release of Maduro and his wife.

“The military operation, without a declaration of war or a UN Security Council resolution, represents an illegal act of armed aggression of a terrorist nature,” Tarek William Saab said.

The statements come amid the continuing fallout from Saturday’s military operation, which left dozens of people in Venezuela dead. The offensive has been broadly condemned as a violation of international law.

Venezuela on Tuesday released a list of the 24 soldiers killed in the predawn assault. Cuba also announced that 32 members of its military had died. Rodriguez declared a seven-day period of mourning to commemorate the fallen military members.

Since seizing Maduro from his residence, the administration of US President Donald Trump has offered little clarity about its plans for Venezuela.

Trump said on Saturday that the US would “run” Venezuela, a statement US Secretary of State Marco Rubio walked back the next day.

The top diplomat instead said that US officials would guide the “direction” of how the country is run and use sanctions and an ongoing embargo to force more access to Venezuela’s oil industry.

Rubio, US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Dan Caine briefed a bipartisan group of Congress members on Monday about the Venezuela operation.

But several lawmakers said that the administration had offered scarce insight into its justification for conducting the strike without first seeking approval from Congress, much less its plans for Venezuela’s future.

“This briefing, while very extensive and long, posed far more questions than it ever answered,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer said afterwards.

On Tuesday, Senate Majority Leader John Thune, a Trump ally in the Republican Party, said the next few days would show Venezuela’s “government structure and how willing they are to work with the US”.

In a social media post, Thune called Rodriguez a “practical person, pragmatic person” who “will understand the importance of figuring out a path forward to where America’s national security priorities can be prioritized by Venezuela”.

Trump, meanwhile, offered few new details on the operation during a retreat with Republicans on Tuesday, beyond praising the abduction as an “amazing military feat” and “brilliant tactically”.

Speaking from exile in Miami, Florida, former Venezuelan opposition leader Juan Guaido said the country had a “wonderful and incredible opportunity”.

Guaido, who fled Venezuela in 2023, said that rebuilding the country’s democracy would allow millions of Venezuelans to return, and help “bring back to life the oil fields” and restore prosperity.

He condemned Rodriguez as “an acting dictator”, describing the current period as “a phase of transition” that will only be complete “once the rule of law has been reinstalled”.

Unease in Caracas

In Venezuela’s capital, Caracas, crowds gathered on Tuesday for a state-organised display of support for the government.

Some marchers flashed “V” victory signs. Hardline Minister of Interior Diosdado Cabello – who, like Maduro, has been indicted by the US Department of Justice – was seen wading through the gathering. He wore a blue cap emblazoned with the slogan, “To doubt is to betray.”

But Noris Argotte Soto, a Venezuelan reporter in Caracas, told Al Jazeera that the situation in the capital continues to be tense, with most residents staying inside their homes.

“In the peripheral areas of the city, everybody remains at home. The tension is rising; people are on edge. And people are very much afraid of going out into the streets, mostly because [of] the security forces that we see at the main points of the city,” she said.

Soto added that government-aligned paramilitaries have been working alongside the military in recent days to maintain security and crack down on potential dissent.

“They were working yesterday with the security forces,” she said.

“They were basically bullying people, intimidating people, searching their cars, even demanding their cell phones to check their messages, check their social media.”

Regional uncertainty

Anxiety was also felt across the region, as the Trump administration has upped its threats against Venezuela’s neighbour, Colombia, as well as the island of Greenland in the northern Atlantic.

In the aftermath of Saturday’s attack, Trump said he had not ruled out an attack on Colombia for allegedly failing to tamp down on the illegal drug trade.

He described the country’s president, Gustavo Petro, who has been a vocal critic of US operations in Venezuela, as a “sick man who likes making cocaine and selling it to the United States”.

On Tuesday, Colombia’s Foreign Affairs Minister Rosa Yolanda Villavicencio announced she will meet with the US Embassy’s charge d’affaires in Bogota to present a formal complaint over the recent US “threats”.

Villavicencio said she hopes to reassure the Trump administration “about all that we are doing in the fight against drug trafficking”.

Greenland and Denmark also called for an expedited meeting with Rubio on Tuesday to “discuss the significant statement made by the United States”, Greenland’s foreign minister, Vivian Motzfeldt, wrote on social media.

In the wake of Maduro’s abduction, Trump again floated taking control of Greenland, which is an autonomous territory of Denmark.

Trump aide Stephen Miller later said that Washington has a right to seize sovereign territories if it deems such moves to be in its national interest.

The statement was in line with a White House national security strategy released in December, which pledged to re-establish US “pre-eminence” in the Western Hemisphere.

The White House on Tuesday again said it was exploring options to seize Greenland, adding that “utilizing the US military is always an option”.

An array of European countries, as well as Canada, have rushed to support Greenland, noting that Denmark is a NATO member. Therefore, an attack on the island would constitute an attack on the entire bloc.

On Tuesday, the leaders of France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Spain and the United Kingdom joined with Denmark to issue a joint statement denouncing Trump’s remarks.

“Greenland belongs to its people. It is for Denmark and Greenland, and them only, to decide on matters concerning Denmark and Greenland,” the statement said.

Delcy Rodriguez, formerly Venezuela’s vice president, has been formally sworn in to lead the South American country following the abduction of Nicolas Maduro in a United States military operation.

On Monday, Rodriguez appeared before Venezuela’s National Assembly to take her oath of office.

Speaking before the legislative body, composed largely of government loyalists, Rodriguez reaffirmed her opposition to the military attack that led to the capture and removal of Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores.

“I come with pain over the kidnapping of two heroes who are being held hostage: President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores,” Rodriguez, 56, told the assembly.

“I swear to work tirelessly to guarantee the peace, spiritual, economic and social tranquillity of our people.”

A former labour lawyer, Rodriguez has been serving as acting president since the early-morning attack that resulted in the abduction. Explosions were reported before dawn on Saturday in the capital, Caracas, as well as at nearby Venezuelan military bases and some civilian areas.

Monday’s swearing-in ceremony was overseen by Rodriguez’s brother – the president of the National Assembly, Jorge Rodriguez – and Maduro’s son, Nicolás Maduro Guerra, who held a copy of the Venezuelan Constitution.

Other members of Maduro’s inner circle, including Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello and Defence Minister Vladimir Padrino, were also in attendance.

The ceremony took place as Maduro, her predecessor and former boss, faced an arraignment proceeding in a New York City courthouse.

Federal prosecutors in the US have charged Maduro with four counts related to allegations he leveraged government powers to export thousands of tonnes of cocaine to North America.

The charges include narco-terrorism conspiracy, cocaine importation conspiracy, the illegal possession of machine guns and other destructive devices, and conspiracy to possess such guns and devices.

Maduro and his wife have pleaded not guilty to the charges, and their allies, including Rodriguez, have denounced the pair’s abduction as a violation of international law, as well as Venezuelan sovereignty.

In court on Monday, Maduro maintained he remained the rightful leader of Venezuela, saying, “I am still president.”

The administration of US President Donald Trump, however, has signalled that it plans to work with Rodriguez for the time being, though Trump himself warned that her tenure as president could be cut short, should she fail to abide by US demands.

“If she doesn’t do what’s right, she is going to pay a very big price, probably bigger than Maduro,” Trump told The Atlantic magazine in a Sunday morning interview.

A day earlier, in a televised address announcing the attack, Trump had said his administration plans “to run the country until such time as we can do a safe, proper, and judicious transition”.

On Air Force One on Sunday, as he flew back to Washington, DC, Trump doubled down on that statement.

“Don’t ask me who’s in charge, because I’ll give you an answer that will be very controversial. We’re in charge,” he told reporters.

He added that Rodriguez is “cooperating” and that, while he personally has not spoken to her, “we’re dealing with the people who just got sworn in”.

The Trump administration’s seeming willingness to allow Rodriguez, a former labour lawyer, to remain in charge has raised eyebrows.

Rodriguez, who served as vice president since 2018, is known to be a stalwart “chavista”: an adherent of the left-wing political movement founded by Maduro’s mentor, the late Hugo Chavez. She has held various ministerial roles under Maduro, including leading the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

But Trump’s allies in the Republican Party have argued that keeping Rodriguez in place is simply a practical reality.

“We don’t recognise Delcy Rodriguez as the legitimate ruler of Venezuela. We didn’t recognise Nicolas Maduro as a legitimate ruler,” Republican Senator Tom Cotton told CNN on Sunday.

“It is a fact that she and other indicted and sanctioned officials are in Venezuela. They have control over the military and security services. We have to deal with that fact. That does not make them a legitimate leader.”

While on Air Force One, Trump largely avoided committing to new elections in Venezuela, indicating he would instead focus on “fixing” the country and allowing US oil companies access to its vast petroleum reserves.

One reporter on the aeroplane asked, “How soon can an election take place?”

“Well, I think we’re looking more at getting it fixed, getting it ready first, because it’s a mess. The country is a mess,” Trump replied. “It’s been horribly run. The oil is just flowing at a very low level.”

He later added, “We’re going to run everything. We’re going to run it, fix it. We’ll have elections at the right time. But the main thing you have to fix: It’s a broken country. There’s no money.”

Recent presidential elections in Venezuela have been widely denounced as fraudulent, with Maduro claiming victory in each one.

The contested 2018 election, for example, led to the US briefly recognising opposition leader Juan Guaido as president, instead of Maduro.

Later, Maduro also claimed victory for a third term in office during the 2024 presidential race, despite election regularities.

The official vote tally was not released, and the opposition published documents that appeared to show that Maduro’s rival, Edmundo Gonzalez, had won. Protests erupted on Venezuela’s streets, and the nonprofit Human Rights Watch reported that more than 2,000 protesters were unlawfully detained, with at least 25 dead in apparent extrajudicial killings.

The opposition has largely boycotted legislative elections in Venezuela, denouncing them as rigged in favour of “chavistas”.

Monday’s swearing-in ceremony included the 283 members of the National Assembly elected last May. Few opposition candidates were among them.

Venezuelan state TV footage shows Vice President Delcy Rodriguez being formally sworn in as interim president in Caracas days after President Nicolas Maduro was abducted to face narco-terrorism charges in New York.

Jan. 5 (UPI) — U.S. President Donald Trump issued a warning to Venezuela’s new president, Delcy Rodriguez, to “do what’s right,” or face a similar or worse fate than President Nicolas Maduro, who is in a U.S. prison after being seized by U.S. Special Forces over the weekend.

“If she doesn’t do what’s right, she is going to pay a very big price, probably bigger than Maduro,” Trump told The Atlantic, adding that regime change remained on the table, saying that it was preferable to the present state of affairs and the situation “can’t get any worse.”

Rodriguez, who was due to be sworn in as president in Caracas at 7 a.m. EST with the support of the country’s military and the supreme court, has said she is willing to cooperate with the United States after initially condemning the arrest of Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, and demanding their release.

“We invite the U.S. government to collaborate with us on an agenda of cooperation orientated towards shared development within the framework of international law,” she told her cabinet at her first meeting in charge on Sunday.

Trump said U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio had spoken with Rodriguez and that she was “essentially willing to do what we think is necessary to make Venezuela great again.”

Amid conflicting messaging, it was unclear if that was Trump’s meaning when he said in his news conference Saturday announcing the military operation that the United States was “going to run the country until such time as we can do a safe, proper and judicious transition.”

“We’re going to be running it with a group, and we’re going to make sure it’s run properly,” Trump said.

Rubio clarified Sunday that Trump was talking about exerting control from outside the country to bring about major policy shifts.

He said sanctions were one of the tools at the administration’s disposal to ensure the cooperation of the acting leadership, saying in an American broadcast TV interview that a blockade on Venezuela’s oil exports, being enforced by the U.S. military, would remain in place.

“We continue with that quarantine and we expect to see that there will be changes not just in the way the oil industry is run for the benefit of the people, but also so that they stop the drug trafficking, so that we no longer have these gang problems, so that they kick the [Columbian insurgent groups] FARC and the ELN out, and that they no longer cozy up to Hizballah and Iran in our own hemisphere,” Rubio said.

Meanwhile, Maduro was due to make his first appearance in Federal Court in New York later Monday, where he and Flores will be read a 25-page indictment accusing the pair of accumulating vast wealth from a narco-terrorism conspiracy.

They also face three related charges of cocaine importation conspiracy, possession of machine guns and destructive devices, and conspiracy to possess machine guns and destructive devices.

They are due to be transferred from the Metropolitan Detention Center in Brooklyn, which houses defendants accused of regular crimes, to the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York in White Plains, N.Y., to appear at 12 p.m. EST.

A brief power vacuum had emerged in Venezuela in the sudden chaos and confusion after the abduction of President Nicolas Maduro by the United States.

But shortly after the US military rained strikes down on Caracas and other areas on Saturday, US President Donald Trump – in a surprise snub against Venezuelan opposition leader Maria Corina Machado, who was awarded last year’s Nobel Peace Prize – noted that Vice President Delcy Rodriguez, 56, had been sworn in as interim president.

The right-wing Machado – who had cosied up to Trump, especially after her October Nobel win, an honour that he himself coveted and she dedicated to him – was described by the US president as not having enough support or “respect” to be Venezuela’s leader.

Trump said Rodriguez had talked to US Secretary of State Marco Rubio and was “essentially willing to do what we think is necessary to make Venezuela great again”.

“I think she was quite gracious,” Trump added. “We can’t take a chance that somebody else takes over Venezuela that doesn’t have the good of the Venezuelan people in mind.”

However, Rodriguez’s remarks soon after the strikes and abduction were diametrical: She criticised the US military action as “brutal aggression” and called for Maduro’s immediate release.

“There is only one president in this country, and his name is Nicolas Maduro,” Rodriguez said defiantly on state television as she was flanked by top civilian officials and military commanders.

Who, then, is the current acting president of Venezuela?

Revolutionary roots

A Caracas native, Rodriguez was born on May 18, 1969. She is the daughter of left-wing rebel fighter Jorge Antonio Rodriguez, who founded the Socialist League party in the 1970s. Her father was killed while tortured in police custody in 1976, a crime that shook many activists of the era, including a young Maduro.

Rodriguez’s brother, also named Jorge, also holds a key role in government as the head of the National Assembly.

She is an attorney who graduated from the Central University of Venezuela and rose rapidly through the political ranks in the past decade. Rodriguez has a long history of representing on the world stage what late President Hugo Chavez called his socialist “revolution” with those carrying on his legacy referred to as Chavistas.

She served as communication and information minister from 2013 to 2014, foreign minister from 2014 to 2017 and as the head of a pro-government Constituent Assembly, which expanded Maduro’s powers, in 2017.

Economic prowess

Rodriguez is sometimes perceived as more moderate than many soldiers who took up arms with Chavez in the 1990s.

Rodriguez’s roles as finance and oil minister, held simultaneously with her vice presidential post, have made her a key figure in the management of Venezuela’s economy and gained her major influence with the country’s withered private sector. She has applied orthodox economic policies in a bid to fight hyperinflation.

Maduro added the oil ministry to Rodriguez’s portfolio in August 2024, tasking her with managing escalating US sanctions on Venezuela’s most important industry.

Rodriguez developed strong ties with Republicans in the US oil industry and on Wall Street who balked at the notion of a US-led change in Venezuela’s government.

Among her past interlocutors were Blackwater security company founder Erik Prince and, more recently, Richard Grenell, a Trump special envoy who tried to negotiate a deal with Maduro for greater US influence in Venezuela.

A ‘tiger’

Despite being perceived as more moderate, Maduro has called Rodriguez a “tiger” for her die-hard defence of his socialist government.

When she was named vice president in June 2018, Maduro described her as “a young woman, brave, seasoned, daughter of a martyr, revolutionary and tested in a thousand battles”.

After Maduro’s abduction on Saturday, Rodriguez demanded the US government provide proof of life for Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, and minced no words in denouncing the US actions.

“We call on the peoples of the great homeland to remain united because what was done to Venezuela can be done to anyone. That brutal use of force to bend the will of the people can be carried out against any country,” she said in an address broadcast by the state television channel VTV.

The Constitutional Chamber of Venezuela’s Supreme Court later on Saturday ordered Rodriguez to serve as acting president.

The court ruled that Rodriguez will assume “the office of President of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, in order to guarantee administrative continuity and the comprehensive defence of the Nation”.

Borussia Dortmund lead the race for Oscar Bobb, Marc Guehi has his eye on a move to Real Madrid in the summer, while Juventus want to sign Guido Rodriguez from West Ham.

Manchester City‘s Norway winger Oscar Bobb could join Borussia Dortmund on loan until the end of the season, while Crystal Palace, Bournemouth and Newcastle are among the clubs also interested in the 22-year-old. (Mail – subscription required), external

Liverpool remain interested in signing Crystal Palace‘s England defender Marc Guehi next summer, but he will prioritise a move to Real Madrid, who are also keen on the 25-year-old. (AS – in Spanish), external

Juventus are interested in West Ham‘s 31-year-old Argentina midfielder Guido Rodriguez. (Sky in Italy), external

Tottenham could move for Monaco’s 23-year-old France midfielder Maghnes Akliouche in January. (Mail – subscription required), external

Roma want to sign a new defender and are eyeing two Premier League players, including Tottenham‘s 23-year-old Romania international Radu Dragusin and Chelsea‘s 27-year-old France centre-back Axel Disasi. (Sky in Italy), external

Juventus have little hope of signing Newcastle‘s Italy midfielder Sandro Tonali in January, but aim to step up their pursuit of the 25-year-old in the summer. (La Gazzetta dello Sport – in Italian), external

Manchester City are confident of beating Manchester United to the signing of Nottingham Forest‘s England midfielder, Elliot Anderson, 23. (Teamtalk), external

Fenerbahce have made a verbal offer to sign 28-year-old AC Milan and France forward, Christopher Nkunku. (Calciomercato – in Italian), external

Real Madrid have entered the race for Borussia Dortmund defender Nico Schlotterbeck, 26, with the Bundesliga club valuing the German at around £60m. (Sport – in Spanish), external

Juventus are considering a move to bring Liverpool‘s 28-year-old Italy winger Federico Chiesa back to the club. (La Gazzetta dello Sport – in Italian), external

AC Milan’s 20-year-old Italian full-back Davide Bartesaghi is one of a number of players being monitored by Arsenal before the January transfer window. (CaughtOffside), external

Leeds‘ hopes of signing Nottingham Forest‘s English midfielder James McAtee have taken a blow, with the 23-year-old also linked with a move abroad. (Football Insider), external

Fulham are likely to make another bid for PSV Eindhoven’s 22-year-old United States striker Ricardo Pepi. (Ben Jacobs), external