revenge

To prepare for his role on the 1984 comedy “Revenge of the Nerds,” Robert Carradine spent two weeks wearing “nerd clothes,” a wig and glasses everywhere he went.

This included heading to fraternity row at the University of Arizona during rush week while in character with a fellow actor. They asked the head of a fraternity if they could join.

“The guy took one look at us and said, ‘No way,’ ” Carradine recalled in 1990. “By the time the first day of shooting rolled around, I was in full flight as a nerd.”

Carradine, who played Lewis Skolnick, the king of the college nerds with a signature laugh, in the “Revenge of the Nerds” movie franchise, has died. He was 71.

In a Monday statement to Deadline, Carradine’s family said he struggled with bipolar disorder and died by suicide.

“It is with profound sadness that we must share that our beloved father, grandfather, uncle, and brother Robert Carradine has passed away. In a world that can feel so dark, Bobby was always a beacon [of] light to everyone around him,” the statement said. “We are bereft at the loss of this beautiful soul and want to acknowledge Bobby’s valiant struggle against his nearly two-decade battle with Bipolar Disorder.

“We hope his journey can shine a light and encourage addressing the stigma that attaches to mental illness. At this time we ask for the privacy to grieve this unfathomable loss. With gratitude for your understanding and compassion.”

The youngest of a prolific Hollywood family, Carradine’s siblings include actors David and Keith and architect Christopher, of Walt Disney Imagineering. David Carradine died in 2009 at age 72. Their brother Bruce, who died in 2016, was also an actor.

Keith Carradine told Deadline that his family wanted everyone to know about Robert’s struggle with bipolar disorder.

“We want people to know it, and there is no shame in it,” he told the outlet. “It is an illness that got the best of him, and I want to celebrate him for his struggle with it, and celebrate his beautiful soul. He was profoundly gifted, and we will miss him every day. We will take solace in how funny he could be, how wise and utterly accepting and tolerant he was. That’s who my baby brother was.”

The youngest son of prolific character actor John Carradine, Robert Carradine was born on March 24, 1954, in Los Angeles. Known for both his film and television work, Carradine made his debut in a 1971 episode of the long-running western “Bonanza.” His first film appearance was in the 1972 John Wayne western “The Cowboys.”

During his 50-year Hollywood career, he appeared alongside his brother David in a 1972 episode of “Kung Fu” and the 1973 Martin Scorsese film “Mean Streets.” David, Keith and Robert joined other sets of acting siblings to portray sets of real-life siblings in the 1980 Western “The Long Riders.” Carradine also landed roles in Hal Ashby’s 1978 Vietman War drama “Coming Home” and Samuel Fuller’s 1980 World War II epic “The Big Red One.”

While Carradine found success in the family business, he also had a love for racing.

“There are certain people who are supposed to be race car drivers,” Carradine told The Times in 1991. “And I’ve got that. I’ve got that thing that makes me have to race. I have to do it.”

At the time he was balancing both careers, racing at the Grand Prix level in a Lotus Esprit Turbo SE. But it was clear he would have chosen racing over acting if he could.

“The thing about racing that appeals to me is your destiny is in your own hands at that moment,” Carradine said. “I won a race in the Lotus at Road America, and I won it. And that’s it. You can’t do better.”

In the 2000s, Carradine charmed a new generation of fans as lovable TV dad Sam in “Lizzie McGuire.”

“There was so much warmth in the McGuire family and I always felt so cared for by my on-screen parents,” the show’s star Hilary Duff wrote in her Instagram tribute to her on-screen dad. “I’ll be forever grateful for that. I’m deeply sad to learn Bobby was suffering. My heart aches for him, his family, and everyone who loved him.”

Jake Thomas, who portrayed Lizzie’s brother Matt on the show, said he “looked up” to Carradine, who he’s known for most of his life.

“My heart hurts today,” Thomas wrote in his Instagram tribute. “[H]e was one of the coolest guys you could ever meet. Funny, pragmatic, sometimes cranky, always a little eccentric. He was a talented actor, musician, and director. But more than anything, he was family.”

Carradine is survived by his three children — actor Ever Carradine, Marika Reed Carradine and Ian Alexander Carradine — as well as his brothers, nieces (including actor Martha Plimpton), nephews and grandchildren, according to Deadline.

In her tribute to her father, Ever Carradine described him as a “sweet, funny dad” and “the guy that’s always there.”

“Growing up in the 70s and 80 with a single dad in Laurel Canyon is not exactly the recipe for a grounded childhood, but somehow mine was,” Carradine wrote on Instagram. “Whenever anyone asks me how I turned out so normal, I always tell them it’s because of my dad. I knew my dad loved me, I knew it deep in my bones, and I always knew he had my back.”

“My dad was a lover, not a fighter. He was all heart, and in a world so full of conflict and division, I think we can all take a page out of his book today, open our hearts and feel and share the love,” she added.

President Trump’s aura of invincibility is starting to vanish. Three new polls — including the usually Trump-hospitable Rasmussen — suggest that Joe Biden did a better job as president.

Worse still (for Trump), he’s underwater on immigration, foreign policy and the economy — the very trifecta that powered his return. An incumbent taking on water like that is no longer steering the ship of state, he’s bobbing in the deep end, reaching for a Mar-a-Lago pool noodle.

To be fair, Democrats have a proud tradition of snatching defeat from the jaws of victory. But suppose — purely hypothetically — that this sticks. Suppose Democrats win the midterms. And suppose a Democrat captures the White House in 2028.

Then what?

Trumpism isn’t a political movement so much as a recurring event. You don’t defeat it; you board up the windows and wait.

Even if Trump does not attempt a third term (a gambit the Constitution frowns upon), he will remain the dominant gravitational force in Republican politics for as long as he is sentient and within Wi-Fi range.

Which means any Democratic administration that follows would be well-advised to consider it is governing on borrowed time. In American politics, you are always one scandal, one recession or one deepfake video away from packing your belongings into a cardboard box.

Trump’s MAGA successor (whoever he or she might be) will inherit millions of ardent believers, now seasoned by experience, backed by tech billionaires and steeped in an authoritarian worldview.

So how exactly does the country “move on” when a sizable slice of its elite class appears to regard liberal democracy as more of an anachronism than a governing philosophy?

This is not an entirely new dilemma. After the Civil War, Americans had to decide whether to reconcile with the rebels or punish them or some mix of the two — and the path chosen by federal leaders shaped the next century through Reconstruction, Jim Crow and the long struggle for civil rights.

At Nuremberg, the Allies opted for trials instead of firing squads. Later, South Africa’s post-apartheid government attempted to achieve reconciliation via truth.

Each moment wrestled with the same problem: How do you impose consequences without becoming the very thing you were fighting in the first place — possibly sparking a never-ending cycle of revenge?

Which brings us to even more specific questions, such as where does Trumpism fit into this historical context — and should there be any accountability after MAGA?

Start with Trump himself. Even if he is legally immune regarding official acts, what about allegations of corruption? Trump and his family have amassed billions since returning to office.

It is difficult to picture a future Democratic administration hauling him into court, especially if Trump grants himself broad pardons and preemptive clemency on his way out of office.

So if accountability comes, it would probably target figures in his orbit — lieutenants, enablers, assorted capos not covered by pardons. But is even this level of accountability wise?

On one hand, it is about incentives and deterrence. If bad actors get to keep the money and their freedom, despite committing crimes, they (and imitators) will absolutely return for an encore.

On the other hand, a Democratic president might reasonably decide that voters would prefer lower grocery bills to more drama.

Trump himself offers a cautionary tale. He devoted enormous energy to retribution, grievance and settling scores. It is at least conceivable that he might have been in stronger political shape had he devoted comparable attention to, say, affordability.

There is also the uncomfortable fact that the past Trump indictments strengthened him politically. Nothing energizes a base like the words “They’re coming for me,” especially when followed by the words “and you’ll be next,” next to a fundraising link. Do Democrats want to create new martyrs and make rank-and-file Americans feel like “deplorables” who are being persecuted for their political beliefs?

So perhaps the answer is surgical. Focus on ringleaders. Spare the small fry. Proceed in sober legal tones. Make it about the law, not the spectacle.

Even this compromise would invite a backlash. Democrats, it seems, are damned if they do and damned if they don’t.

The good news is that smart people are actively debating this topic — far better than trying to improvise a solution on Inauguration Day — just as similar questions were asked after Trump lost in 2020. A few weeks ago, for example, David Brooks and David Frum discussed this topic on Frum’s podcast.

Unfortunately, there is no tidy answer. Too much punishment risks looking like vengeance. Too little risks sparking another sequel.

It may sound melodramatic to say this might be the most important question of our time. But while this republic has endured a lot, it might not survive the extremes of amnesia or revenge.

Choosing the narrow path in between will require something rarer than a landslide victory: justice with restraint.

But do we have what it takes?

Matt K. Lewis is the author of “Filthy Rich Politicians” and “Too Dumb to Fail.”