recognised

Saudi-UAE fallout and its impact on Yemen’s recognised government | Opinions

Saudi Arabia’s strike on Mukalla port has triggered tensions with its partner in the Arab coalition in Yemen and its Gulf Arab neighbour, the United Arab Emirates.

The coalition spokesman, Major-General Turki al-Maliki, said two ships entered the port of Mukalla, carrying more than 80 vehicles and containers of weapons and ammunition destined for the Southern Transitional Council (STC), without informing Saudi Arabia or the internationally recognised Yemeni government.

There are serious differences between the two allies in Yemen, and now it is at its peak and perhaps a turning point that would impact Yemen.

The Yemeni government has lost control of events following a military escalation between Saudi Arabia and the UAE in Hadramout governorate, where Mukalla lies, in December.

The Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) is divided into two factions, each loyal to one party in this conflict. The difference had been simmering for years away from the spotlight until it exploded publicly over the past few days.

Saudi Arabia and the UAE are key members of the Arab military coalition in Yemen, formed to confront the Houthis, who took full control of the capital, Sanaa, by force in 2015 and later imposed their own government.

This conflict of interest between Saudi Arabia and the UAE has been escalating gradually since the UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council (STC) formed in 2017 as a separatist political and military force seeking an independent state in the south – South Yemen – an independent state between 1967 and 1990.

Earlier in December, the STC forces crossed red lines by controlling all southern governorates, including Hadramout and al-Mahra governorates. That did not go down well in Saudi Arabia, which considered the move a threat to its national security.

Hadramout also represents economic depth for Yemen with its oil and gas resources and related infrastructure, and also has a vital border crossing with Saudi Arabia, making it part of the equation for border security and trade.

The latest public fallout between Saudi Arabia and the UAE will cast a dark shadow over the situation in Yemen politically, economically, and militarily. The Yemeni political circles were divided into two camps, with the government members each following one of the external parties to the conflict – Saudi and Emirati.

The clearest outcome of the differences would be seen in the eight-member PLC, an internationally recognised body, which is already divided into camps loyal to Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

One camp is headed by Rashad al-Alimi, the PLC president, and includes Sultan al-Arada, Abdullah al-Alimi Bawazir, and Othman Hussein Mujalli. The second is led by the head of the STC force, Aidarus al-Zoubaidi, and includes Abdul Rahman al-Mahrami (also known as Abu Zaraa), Tariq Mohammed Saleh, and Faraj Salmin al-Bahsani.

The leaders of both camps issued two different statements regarding the calls made by al-Alimi for the UAE to withdraw from Yemen following the Saudi strike on the ships carrying weapons to the STC. One was in favour of the UAE’s exit from Yemen, and the other was against — showing they are representing the interests of regional players and at the same time confirming that Yemen is a venue for a proxy war.

Within the Yemeni political landscape, the quick developments and successive events are pushing Yemen into a new phase of an internal war among political and military components that make up the legitimate government, with new internal fighting among many armed factions.

It is also taking the focus away from the Houthi rebellion in the north, which controlled Sanaa and the most populous provinces in Yemen.

The main goal for the legitimate Yemeni government and the Saudi-led Arab coalition was to confront the Houthis’ takeover. Now, the country is on the brink of collapse and a new phase of turmoil after more than a decade of armed conflict, which could help the Houthis to expand their influence beyond their current areas of control.

The latest event will weaken the Saudi-led coalition further and cast doubt over its cohesion and ability to achieve its declared joint goals for Yemen.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

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New Year Honours 2026: Jayne Torvill, Christopher Dean & Sarina Wiegman recognised

Knighthood

Christopher Dean (former ice skater), for services to ice skating and to voluntary service

Damehood

Jayne Torvill (former ice skater), for services to ice skating and to voluntary service

Sarina Wiegman (England football manager), honorary damehood as she is a Dutch national

Commanders of the Order of the British Empire (CBE)

Jonathan Davies (former Welsh rugby player), for work as president of the Velindre Cancer Care Trust

Daniel Levy (former Tottenham Hotspur executive chairman), for services to charity and the community in Tottenham

Leah Williamson (England captain), for services to football

Fergus McCann (former Celtic chief executive) for services to the economy and charity.

Officers of the Order of the British Empire (OBE)

Zoe Stratford (England captain), for services to rugby union

Derek Brewer (former Nottinghamshire and MCC chief executive, and former board adviser, England and Wales Cricket Board), for services to cricket

Dr Ann Budge (former chair and chief executive officer, Hearts), for services to sport and to the community in Midlothian

Dr James Craig (former Celtic player), for services to Scottish football and to charity

Gabby Logan (broadcaster), for services to sports broadcasting and to charity

John Mitchell (England head coach), for services to rugby union

Barry O’Brien (cricket administrator), for services to the law, to cricket and charity

Marlie Packer (England international), for services to rugby union

Sarah-Jane Perry (squash player, grassroots champion and mentor), for services to squash

Stuart Pringle (chief executive officer, Silverstone Circuit), for services to motorsport

Paula Radcliffe (broadcaster and former athlete), for services to sport

Clive Tyldesley (broadcaster), for services to sports broadcasting and to charity

Gill Whitehead (chair, Women’s Rugby World Cup 2025), for services to women’s rugby

Members of the Order of the British Empire (MBE)

Dr Frances Akor (non-executive director, UK Anti-Doping), for services to sport

Joe Appiah (athlete), for services to sport, public health and public service

Susan Briegal (chief executive, World Netball) for services to sport

Daniel Costello (chair, Spartans Football Club), for services to community, sport and youth development

Kerry Davis (former England international), for services to football and to diversity in sport

Simone Fisher (director of equality, diversity and inclusion, Professional Footballers’ Association), for services to football

Alex Greenwood (England international), for services to football

Isa Guha (broadcaster and former England cricketer) for services to inclusivity and cricket

Megan Jones (England international), for services to rugby union

Tara Jones (referee), for services to rugby league

Sadia Kabeya (England international), for services to rugby union

James Keothavong (umpire), for services to tennis and tennis umpiring

Ellie Kildunne (England international), for services to rugby union

Louise Kingsley (director of performance, Great Britain rowing team), for services to sport

David Laing (chair, Scottish Borders Disability Sports Group) for services to sport

Julia Lee (former referee and advocate for women’s rugby league), for services to rugby league

Sarah Massey (managing director, Women’s Rugby World Cup 2025), for services to women’s rugby union

Rhys McClenaghan (gymnast), for services to gymnastics

Dr Ritan Mehta (head of medical and team doctor, England women’s football team), for services to football

David Perks (athletics coach), for services to athletics

Kambiz Ramzan Ali (Taekwondo master) for services to taekwondo and the community

Toby Roberts (Olympic champion), for services to sport climbing

Georgia Stanway (England international), for services to football

Ella Toone (England international), for services to football

Nigel Travis (boxing coach), for services to boxing and the community

Keira Walsh (England international), for services to football

Colin Wright (co-founder, Rushmoor Gymnastics Academy), for services to women’s gymnastics

Marie Wright (co-founder, Rushmoor Gymnastics Academy), for services to women’s gymnastics

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Why has Israel recognised the breakaway African state as independent?

Wedaeli Chibelushi,

Ameyu Etana,BBC Afaan Oromooand

Farah Lamane,BBC Somali

AFP via Getty Images Young men crowd together holding Somaliland flagsAFP via Getty Images

Residents of Somaliland’s capital city, Hargeisa, have been celebrating Israel’s declaration

Israel has taken the controversial decision to recognise the breakaway state of Somaliland as an independent nation, sparking condemnation from many other countries.

China is the latest to condemn the decision, with its foreign ministry spokesperson Lin Jian telling reporters: “No country should encourage or support other countries’ internal separatist forces for its own selfish interests.”

China outlined its position ahead of the UN Security Council holding an emergency session to discuss Israel’s decision.

Israel on Friday became the first country in the world to acknowledge Somaliland as a standalone republic, more than 30 years after the region declared independence from Somalia.

Somaliland’s president called the development “a historic moment”, but Somalia furiously rejected Israel’s move as an attack on its sovereignty.

Dozens of countries and organisations, such as Turkey, Saudi Arabia and the African Union, have also condemned Israel’s surprise declaration.

Why does Somaliland want independence?

A breakaway, semi-desert territory on the coast of the Gulf of Aden, Somaliland declared independence after the overthrow of Somali military dictator Siad Barre in 1991.

The move followed a secessionist struggle during which Siad Barre’s forces pursued rebel guerrillas in the territory. Tens of thousands of people were killed and towns were flattened.

Though not internationally recognised, Somaliland has a working political system, government institutions, a police force, and its own currency.

Its history as a distinct region of Somalia dates back to nineteenth century colonial rule. It was a British protectorate – known as British Somaliland – until it merged with Italian Somaliland in 1960 to form the Somali Republic.

Those in favour of Somaliland’s independence argue that the region is predominantly populated by those from the Isaaq clan – an ethnic difference from the rest of Somalia.

Also, Somaliland, home to roughly six million people, enjoys relative peace and stability. Its proponents argue that it should not be shackled to Somalia, which has long been wracked by Islamist militant attacks.

However, Somalia considers Somaliland to be an integral part of its territory. The government in Somalia’s capital city, Mogadishu, has repeatedly said that any recognition of Somaliland’s independence would contravene Somalia’s sovereignty.

Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has also characterised Israel’s declaration as an “existential threat” to his country’s unity.

Why did Israel recognise Somaliland as an independent state?

In a phone call with Somaliland President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi on Friday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said his country was acknowledging Somaliland’s “right of self-determination”.

He also said official recognition would be “a great opportunity for expanding” the countries’ partnership.

However analysts say there are strategic reasons for Israel’s declaration.

“Israel requires allies in the Red Sea region for many strategic reasons, among them the possibility of a future campaign against the Houthis,” Israeli think tank the Institute for National Security Studies said, referring to Yemen’s Iran-backed rebels, in a paper last month.

“Somaliland is an ideal candidate for such cooperation as it could offer Israel potential access to an operational area close to the conflict zone.”

Israel repeatedly struck targets in Yemen after the Gaza war broke out in October 2023, in response to Houthi attacks on Israel that the rebels said were in solidarity with Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.

In response to Israel recognising Somaliland, the Houthis warned that any Israeli presence in Somaliland would be considered a “military target” for their forces.

A few months ago, a number of news outlets reported that Israel had contacted Somaliland over the potential resettlement of Palestinians forcibly removed from Gaza.

Israel did not comment on the reports, but at the time, Somaliland said that any move by Israel to recognise its independence would not have anything to do with the Palestinian issue. Both Somalia and the Palestinian Authority have suggested Israel’s recognition of Somaliland could be linked to a plan to displace Palestinians.

“Somalia will never accept the people of Palestine to be forcibly evicted from their rightful land to a faraway place,” Somalia’s president told his parliament on Sunday.

Offering his perspective, US-based Africa analyst Cameron Hudson told the BBC that Israel has recognised Somaliland primarily because it is trying to counter Iran’s influence in the Red Sea region.

“The Red Sea is also a conduit for weapons and fighters to flow up the Red Sea into the Eastern Mediterranean. It has traditionally been a source of support and supply to fighters in Gaza. And so having a presence, having a security presence, having an intelligence presence at the mouth of the Red Sea only serves Israel’s national security interests,” he said.

Why has Israel’s move been condemned so widely?

Israel has been criticised by the likes of Egypt, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, the African Union, Yemen, Sudan, Nigeria, Libya, Iran, Iraq and Qatar.

In their condemnations, many of these countries have referred to Somalia’s “territorial integrity” and the breaching of international principles.

The African Union has long been concerned that recognising Somaliland could set off a chain reaction, where separatists could demand recognition for the territories they claim.

“Regions could attempt to establish external alliances without the consent of central governments, creating a dangerous precedent that risks widespread instability,” Abdurahman Sayed, a UK-based analyst for the Horn of Africa, told the BBC.

Is there any support for Israel’s declaration?

Countries considered to be allies of Somaliland, or sympathetic to the region’s campaign for recognition, have largely remained quiet.

For instance, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which operates a military port in Somaliland, has not released a statement.

Mr Hudson told the BBC that the UAE is “very much aligned with the Israelis on this question of Somaliland”.

“I think even now today you’re going to see an alignment of Israeli and Emirati interests across the entire Red Sea region,” he added.

Ethiopia’s government has also refrained from commenting. Last year Somaliland agreed to lease part of its coastline to landlocked Ethiopia – a move that angered Somalia.

Mr Abdurahman said Turkey stepped in to mediate between Somalia and Ethiopia. It led Ethiopia to sign an agreement with Somalia’s government, committing to respect its territorial integrity.

“As a result, although Israel’s unilateral recognition of Somaliland may be quietly welcomed by Ethiopia, Addis Ababa appears to have adopted a cautious “wait-and-see” approach,” the analyst added.

Somalilanders had hoped the US would recognise it as an independent state following signals given before Donald Trump began his second term as president.

But in response to Israel’s declaration, Trump suggested to the New York Post that he would not swiftly follow Netanyahu’s lead.

“Does anyone know what Somaliland is, really?,” he reportedly said.

More BBC stories on Somaliland:

Getty Images/BBC A woman looking at her mobile phone and the graphic BBC News AfricaGetty Images/BBC

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