Reagan

BEDFORD, N.H. — Five Democratic presidential candidates, meeting Sunday to debate environmental issues for the first time in the 1988 campaign, blasted Reagan Administration policies and called for a variety of new laws and international summit meetings to control acid rain, nuclear waste, ocean dumping and other problems.

The five Democrats offered little disagreement or sharp criticism of one another in the two-hour televised forum. They joked, politely complimented one another on policies and achievements, and generally avoided the personal and political jabs that marked last week’s feisty Republican candidates’ debate in Houston.

Water Pollution Law

Former Arizona Gov. Bruce Babbitt appeared to speak the most forcefully and with the most detail, particularly about his experiences in Arizona cleaning up an asbestos dump, negotiating with Mexico on air pollution, and establishing what is considered the nation’s toughest groundwater pollution law.

Babbitt pledged to fight for the same strict groundwater standards on a national level if elected. “No contamination, no discharges, no degradation of the water,” he said.

Gov. Michael S. Dukakis of Massachusetts argued that his state was more successful getting polluters to pay for the cleanup of several hundred hazardous waste dumps than the federal Environmental Protection Agency. He chided both President Reagan and the Democratic Congress for lack of leadership.

“We haven’t been able to get the President’s attention, and frankly, there’s been paralysis in the Congress,” Dukakis said.

But several in the audience of about 300 campaign supporters and environmental activists hissed when, in response to a question, Dukakis refused to commit to a five-year ban on municipal incinerators. A political fight over locating such a facility is raging in Boston, and several dozen protesters showed up at the Sheraton Wayfarer Inn, the site of the forum, to demonstrate against incinerators.

Recycling Held Not Enough

“We’re running out of landfill space,” Dukakis argued. He said recycling was one answer, but not enough. “There’s no way we can deal with this without some sort of resource recovery.”

Sen. Albert Gore Jr. of Tennessee aimed several barbs at the “Reagan-Bush Administration.” He particularly targeted Vice President George Bush, whose campaign apparently gained after an impressive performance in the Houston debate.

“George Bush has been the principal figure in undermining environmental regulations,” by using the budget restraints “to shackle the EPA and the Department of the Interior,” Gore said.

Sen. Paul Simon of Illinois argued that states should share the burden of trying to reduce acid rain. Illinois’ smoke-stack industries produce some of the pollutants in the acid rain and snow that has devastated broad forest areas in the Northeast.

“We have to move in such a way so as not to penalize one region or state,” Simon said.

Asks Acid Rain Summit

“Paul, I don’t understand all this equivocating on acid rain,” Babbitt quickly responded, in perhaps the sharpest moment. Babbitt said the federal government should set and enforce strict air pollution standards, including shutting down factories, and called for a summit of North American leaders on acid rain.

“We’re downwind from Mexico, Canada is downwind from us,” he said. “It’s our continent, it’s our destiny, and it’s time for a treaty.”

Dukakis reiterated his pledge to stop the opening of the fully constructed nuclear power plant at Seabrook, N.H. The Nuclear Regulatory Commission voted Thursday to change a rule that Dukakis had used to block the plant. The new ruling allows local utilities to present adequate emergency community evacuation plans even if state and local officials don’t approve the plans.

“We’re going to do everything we can to stop Seabrook,” Dukakis said to loud applause. He did not elaborate.

The Rev. Jesse Jackson said a statewide referendum in Maine this Tuesday to close the 15-year-old Maine Yankee nuclear power plant would “send a message as profound” as the civil rights marchers sent in Selma, Ala. in the early 1960s. But Jackson offered few specifics about environmental programs.

‘Have Run for Hills’

“The most important thing is Democrats are here and the Republicans have run for the hills,” he said.

The sponsors, a public-interest group called Vote Environment, had invited all six Democrats and all six Republicans in the race to participate. Republican Alexander M. Haig Jr. spoke briefly in the conference center’s lobby, but quickly departed. None of the other Republican candidates attended.

The sixth Democrat, Rep. Richard A. Gephardt of Missouri, also did not participate. Campaign aides said Gephardt had a longstanding commitment to attend his 9-year-old daughter’s horse show at home in Virginia.

The round-table forum was the first time the Democrats have appeared together in New Hampshire, which holds the nation’s first primary Feb. 16. The Democrats will meet again today in New Orleans to debate social policy, and then again Saturday in Des Moines, for another environmental debate.

“It was the broadest based and most important discussion of these issues of any presidential campaign,” Jan Hartke, one of the organizers, said afterward. He applauded the candidates’ mastery of technical issues, and said the call for international summits “puts the environment on the same footing as arms control.”

Environmentalist groups so far have not focused support on any one Democratic candidate. That was unlikely to change after the forum, several activists said.

“There really isn’t that great a difference among the candidates,” said Jerry Schoen, a Sierra Club activist and computer programmer. “But this is a gift-wrapped issue for the Democrats.”

The son of a storied Republican president, Michael Reagan, who recently died, was memorialized as a stalwart supporter of his father’s legacy. But in his home state of California, Reagan was remembered as much for his community involvement — which was at times so low-key that some didn’t even realize his father was Ronald Reagan.

“The cool thing about Michael is you never would have known that he was the son of a president,” said Victor Franco, a Democratic strategist who met Reagan more than a decade ago while Franco’s kids were students at St. Mel’s Catholic school in Woodland Hills, where Reagan’s daughter was a teacher. “He was an everyday guy chatting up with the dads.”

Though Reagan would speak at career days and donate tours of the Reagan ranch near Santa Barbara for school fundraisers, Franco recalls Reagan’s presence during the fathers club’s annual chili cook-offs and barbecue competitions.

“We referred to him as our taste tester. He was always, ‘Hey, I need to taste that brisket, or I need to taste the chicken and make sure that it’s good,’” Franco said. “Even though he had the pedigree of, you know, a dad who was president, he was a regular guy to all of us, and just a really sweet, nice person.”

After battling cancer, Reagan died Sunday, according to statements released on Tuesday by organizations affiliated with former President Reagan.

Michael Reagan was lauded by former state GOP leaders not only for his work in leading the conservative movement through his nationally syndicated radio show, but also his willingness to engage in California politics.

He was “a thoughtful and compassionate conservative leader. Clearly his father’s son, he nonetheless forged his own distinct and influential voice within the conservative movement,” said former California Republican Party Chairman Ron Nehring. “Through his long career in radio, Michael was a tireless advocate for the everyday American who felt ignored or left behind by politics.”

Jim Brulte, a former state GOP chairman and powerful legislative leader, said Reagan was always available to aid the state party.

“He was a good man with a big heart who loved America,” Brulte said. “And he was a crowd favorite. He knew how to connect with everyone in the room.”

Conservative strategist Jon Fleischman, a former executive director of the state party, added that Reagan was as comfortable in informal settings as in the more privileged environs he grew up in as the son of the president.

Fleischman recalled going to dinner with Reagan at Wolfgang Puck’s restaurant in Beverly Hills, and the celebrity chef — upon hearing that the former president’s son was dining at his establishment — greeting them.

“So Michael started doing his impressions of his dad. And I don’t know if it’s normally that easy to make Wolfgang Puck laugh, but it was a very funny moment watching him,” Fleischman said. “He basically said, ‘You sound just like your old man.’”

The move was on brand, said Fleischman, who first met Reagan in 1989 and regularly interacted with him when Reagan was hosting a talk radio show and Fleischman had started a powerful conservative website.

“This is a guy who could speak to the ballroom at the Century Plaza Hotel back in the day, and then the next day speak to six activists at a California Republican Assembly meeting at a Denny’s,” Fleischman said, recalling that whenever Reagan called, a picture of Michael and Ronald together would appear on his phone’s screen.

“He just loved people, and he loved to try to make a difference,” Fleischman said. “And I think he spent a lot of time in the latter years of his life just trying to be someone that his dad would look up to. His dad loomed, obviously, very large in his life.”

Franco, the Democratic strategist, recalled similarly fond memories about his interactions with Reagan despite their political differences, such as when he spoke about the Secret Service being alarmed that the elder Reagan was driving an old pick-up truck to ferry VIP guests around his ranch or riding horses with them.

“Michael was great to grab a cocktail with at a casino night and talk,” Franco said.

SACRAMENTO — Lou Cannon was a good friend and a daunting competitor. And he was a national treasure.

The retired newspaper reporter and Ronald Reagan biographer died Dec. 19 at age 92 in hometown Santa Barbara from complications of a stroke.

I use the words “national treasure” hesitantly because they smack of trite hyperbole. But they truly fit.

That’s because it was Cannon who brought to light through several Reagan books innumerable broad details of the actor-turned-politician’s important and often controversial actions as America’s 40th president and California’s 33rd governor.

Bookshelves are crammed with Reagan tomes. But no author has been so thorough on a sweeping scale as Cannon. That’s because he put in the time and did the hard work of sifting through records and conducting hundreds of interviews, then painstakingly explaining it all in very readable nongovernmentese.

Cannon also covered Reagan up close as a reporter during the early years of his governorship and both his terms as president.

Reagan once asked Cannon why he was embarking on yet another book about him. “I’m going to do it until I get it right,” the writer replied, only half-jokingly, according to Cannon’s son, longtime journalist Carl Cannon.

In all, Lou Cannon authored five books on Reagan‘s tenures as governor and president.

That’s an invaluable contribution to historians and contemporary America’s sense of this oft-misunderstood and underestimated world leader.

But that’s not what mainly prompted me to write this column. I wanted to point out Cannon’s core strength. And that was his dedication to strict nonpartisanship in writing, whether it be straight news stories for the Washington Post, syndicated columns or his Reagan biographies.

I knew Cannon for 60 years, competed against him covering Reagan for at least 20 and we became friends very early based on professional respect. In none of my countless conversations with him did I ever learn whether he leaned right or left. He registered to vote as an “independent,” as do many of us political journalists.

Cannon was the type of journalist that millions of Americans — particularly conservative Republicans and MAGA loyalists — claim is rare today: An unbiased reporter who doesn’t slant stories toward one side or the other, especially left.

Actually, most straight news reporters follow that nonpartisan credo or they leave the business. Columnists? We’re supposed to be opinionated. But for some, their opinions are too often rooted more in predetermined bias than in objective facts. But that has always been true, even in the so-called “good ol’ days.”

Cannon’s sole goal was to report the news accurately with analysis and, if possible, beat his competitors to the punch. He beat us plenty, I hate to admit.

I vividly remember one such beating:

At the 1980 Republican National Convention in Detroit, Cannon scooped everyone for a full news cycle on Reagan selecting former campaign rival George Bush as his vice presidential running mate. Still pounding in my ears are the loud whoops and cheers by Cannon’s colleagues as he walked into the Post working area — next to the Los Angeles Times quarters — after Reagan formally announced Bush’s selection. It was deflating.

News sources readily opened up to Cannon, who was intense but always wore a slight smile.

I asked former Reagan speechwriter and Republican strategist Ken Khachigian what Cannon’s secret was.

“You’d get a fair shot from him,” Khachigian says. “He’d always be straight. He just wanted to get information mostly and find out what was going on.

“He had a way of talking to people that made them comfortable and he’d get a lot out of them. He wasn’t aggressive. He had a soft personality, one of his benefits. He’d put people at ease, a big advantage.”

His son, Carl Cannon, says: “If he’d been in politics, he’d have been a Democrat. But he didn’t go into politics. He went into journalism. He wasn’t partisan. He was a reporter who wanted to know what happened and why.”

Cannon began covering the state Capitol in 1965 for the San Jose Mercury News and became friends with Jud Clark, a young legislative staffer. Clark ultimately co-founded the monthly California Journal and persuaded Cannon to write for it on the side. Cannon did that for many years and when it folded, followed up by writing columns for a successor publication, the Capitol Weekly.

Cannon just loved to report and write and juggled it all in — reporting full time for the Washington Post, authoring books and writing for friends’ small publications in Sacramento.

“He would always want something new. In interviews, he didn’t want the standard stock story,” Clark says.

“Lou was curious about everything,” says Rich Ehisen, his longtime editor at Capitol Weekly. “He liked understanding what was going on and breaking things down. He told the straight story unvarnished. Never shortchanged on facts.”

Cannon was a workaholic, but he also knew how to carve out time for fun.

One summer while we covered Reagan vacationing at his beloved Santa Barbara hilltop ranch, Cannon decided he wanted to drive down to Los Angeles to see a Dodgers’ night game. But it’s risky to abandon your post while bird-dogging the president. Anything could happen. And you’d need to explain to your bosses why you weren’t there but your competitors were.

Cannon’s solution was to also get good seats for the two reporters he considered his main competitors– Steve Weisman of the New York Times and me at the L.A. Times. We’d provide each other some cover if any news broke out around the president, which it didn’t. Cannon even managed to wrangle us free dinners in a large suite overlooking the playing field.

He’ll be missed as a friend and a journalist — but not as an unrelenting competitor.

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Until next week,
George Skelton

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Journalist and author Lou Cannon, who was widely considered the nation’s leading authority on the life and career of President Reagan, died Friday in a Santa Barbara hospice. He was 92.

His death was caused by complications from a stroke, his son Carl M. Cannon told the Washington Post, where his father served for years as a White House correspondent.

The elder Cannon covered Reagan’s two-term presidency in the 1980s, but his relationship with the enigmatic Republican leader went back to the 1960s, when Reagan moved from acting to politics.

Cannon interviewed Reagan more than 50 times and wrote five books about him, but still struggled to understand what made Reagan who he was.

“The more I wrote,” Cannon told the Reno Gazette-Journal in 2001, “the more I felt I didn’t know.”

Cannon was born in New York City and raised in Reno, Nev., where he attended the University of Nevada in Reno and later San Francisco State College.

After service in the U.S. Army, he became a reporter covering Reagan’s first years as governor of California for the San Jose Mercury News. In 1972, Cannon began working for the Washington Post as a political reporter.

Cannon recalled first encountering Reagan in 1965 while assigned to cover a lunch event for reporters and lobbyists and being surprised by Reagan’s command of the room when he spoke.

Reagan was beginning his campaign for governor by proving he could answer questions and “was not just an actor reading a script.” At the time, the word actor was “a synonym for airhead. Well, Reagan was no airhead,” Cannon said in a 2008 interview at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library & Museum.

To Cannon’s surprise, the reporters and lobbyists mobbed Reagan after the event was over to get his autograph. Cannon introduced himself.

“I remember those steely eyes of his. I thought he had this great face, but his eyes are tough,” Cannon said. “His eyes are really something.”

On the phone later, Cannon’s editor asked him what he thought of Reagan. He replied, “I don’t know anything, but if I were running this thing, why would anybody want to run against somebody that everybody knows and everybody likes? Why would you want him to be your opponent?

“I predicted that Reagan was going to be president, but I didn’t have any idea he was going to be governor,” Cannon said. “I was just so struck by the fact that he impacted on people as, not like he was a politician, but like he was this celebrity, force of nature that people wanted to rub up against. It was like seeing Kennedy again. They wanted the aura, the sun.”

In 1966, Reagan was elected governor by a margin of nearly 1 million votes and Cannon found himself “writing about Ronald Reagan every day.”

Reagan’s political opponents in California and Washington consistently underestimated him, assuming the former actor could be easily beaten at the ballot box, Cannon said. Reagan ran for president unsuccessfully twice, but had the will to keep trying until he won — twice.

“Reagan was tough, and he was determined, and you couldn’t talk him out of doing what he wanted to do,” Cannon said. “Nancy couldn’t talk him out of what he wanted to do, for god’s sakes. And certainly no advisor could or no other candidate. Ronald Reagan wanted to be president of the United States.”

Cannon’s first book on the president, “Reagan,” was published in 1982. In 1991 he published “President Reagan: The Role of a Lifetime,” which is regarded as a comprehensive biography of the 40th president.

Cannon also authored a book about the LAPD and the 1992 Rodney King riots in Los Angeles, in addition to chronicling a range of tales over the years, including the federal bust of a 1970s heroin kingpin in Las Vegas.

Mr. Cannon’s first marriage, to Virginia Oprian, who helped him research his early books, ended in divorce. In 1985, he wed Mary Shinkwin, the Washington Post said. In addition to his wife, he is survived by three children.