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President Donald Trump has said the US will “substantially reduce” joint military exercises with South Korea, citing his “very good relationship” with North Korea’s leader Kim Jong Un.

He also noted on Truth Social that South Korea had recently declined to join the US in the “denuclearisation” of Iran.

“These exercises are not only costly, with much of these costs paid for by the United States of America (as usual!), but send a signal that is totally inappropriate and hostile,” Trump posted.

Seoul said the drills with the US would proceed “as scheduled”. Pyongyang has not yet commented. It comes after North Korea this month conducted ballistic missile tests banned by the United Nations.

Trump said in his social media post on Sunday that it was “too late to cancel”, as the US and South Korea were due to start their annual military exercises on Monday.

He added: “While somewhat unrelated (?), I recently asked the President of South Korea if they would like to join us in the Denuclearization of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and they said, ‘No thanks!'”

Last week, US and South Korean military leaders held a joint press conference announcing Ulchi Freedom Shield.

They said the 11-day event would be similar in scale to previous years, with about 18,000 South Korean soldiers participating.

During the news conference, military leaders also mentioned North Korea’s deployment of troops to aid Russia’s war against Ukraine.

US military spokesperson Ryan Donald said “our training accounts for that threat”, referring to North Korean soldiers returning from the battlefield. About 28,500 American military personnel are stationed in South Korea.

On Friday, North Korea’s foreign ministry condemned the joint military drills as “a rehearsal for an aggressive war”.

The joint exercises come days after South Korea, the US and Japan detected the second North Korean missile test in days.

Pyongyang has accelerated efforts to expand its nuclear and missile programmes since the collapse in 2019 of Kim’s high-profile diplomacy with Trump during his first term in the White House.

He became the first ever sitting US president to set foot in North Korea when he visited seven years ago.

Trump’s pointed remark about South Korea in his social media post seemed to hint at possible frustration with Seoul for declining to make direct military or logistical contributions to the US hostilities with Iran.

He has also expressed displeasure with other allies for their hesitance to get involved in the conflict, including Japan, France and the UK.

Trump’s move to downsize joint military exercises with South Korea is not without precedent.

He suspended the exercises entirely in 2018, during denuclearisation negotiations with Kim.

The exercises were again scaled back in 2020 during the Covid-19 pandemic.

Last week, South Korea’s president proposed talks with its northern neighbour on officially ending the war between the two that is technically still active since an armistice was signed in 1953.

Paramount CEO David Ellison may pull his operations out of California if the state does not end its attempt to block the company’s merger with Warner Bros Discovery and agree to settlement talks as soon as October.

The rumours were first reported by the publication Variety on Tuesday. They signal Ellison may be willing to leverage economic pressure on California’s ailing film industry in order to push through the merger.

Al Jazeera was not able to independently confirm the validity of the report.

In July, California Attorney General Rob Bonta announced that he was leading a coalition of 12 state attorneys general in an antitrust lawsuit to block the consolidation.

Should Paramount and Warner Bros Discovery combine, Bonta warned that the resulting company would control 27 percent of theatrically released films in the United States and a third of the country’s basic-cable output.

“Consolidation here not only leads to higher prices,” Bonta said. “It also leads to fewer opportunities for important stories to come to life, and fewer ways for audiences to encounter stories, ideas, and perspectives beyond their own experiences.”

But Variety reported that Ellison told Paramount’s senior executives that he would begin the process of moving the company out of California on October 1 if Bonta does not agree to settlement talks.

There could be downstream effects as well. The report also alleged that Ellison would pull Warner Bros Discovery out of California, too, if the $110bn merger goes through.

Variety indicated that Paramount is considering relocating to the US states of Tennessee, Texas or Georgia — none of which are involved in the ongoing antitrust lawsuit.

A growing enterprise

The dispute over Warner Bros Discovery’s fate stretches back to late 2025, when the company’s sale was first announced.

Critics quickly observed that the sale had the potential to shift the balance of power in Hollywood, with Warner Bros Discovery wielding influential properties including the news channel CNN, the production company New Line Cinema and the television-streaming service HBO.

The streaming giant Netflix initially emerged as a frontrunner to take over Warner Bros Discovery, but by February, Paramount succeeded in inking an agreement.

It was the second major merger Paramount had lined up in less than a year. In 2025, it had also succeeded in consolidating with the media production company Skydance, in a deal that generated scrutiny about the editorial independence of its subsidiaries.

Paramount’s decisions that year to cancel The Late Show with Stephen Colbert and enter into a $16m settlement with US President Donald Trump were widely perceived as efforts to curry government favour for the merger.

Paramount is considered a titan in US filmmaking and media production, as one of the oldest studios in the country. Its portfolio includes CBS News and Paramount Pictures.

A pair of lawsuits

The impending merger with Warner Bros Discovery has led to a fresh round of scrutiny for Ellison and the Paramount leadership.

Last week, Ellison addressed some of those concerns in an opinion column in The New York Times.

In it, he questioned whether the states’ antitrust lawsuit was “really about market share”, speculating that it was instead about control over major news outlets like CNN. He also sought to portray himself as politically independent.

“I have regularly voted for candidates of both parties; I hold some views that would be called conservative and others that would be called liberal, just like most Americans,” Ellison wrote.

“When it comes to our news operations, I do not aspire to lead these companies to bend their newsrooms to my views.”

But the states have argued that combining Warner Bros Discovery and Paramount would create a monopoly, stifling competition.

If the merger succeeds, the states say that only four distributors would control 86 percent of the country’s films.

The merger could also mean job losses. As of the end of 2025, the headcount at Paramount stood at 17,600, while Warner Bros Discovery had 35,500 employees.

A day after the 12 states filed their lawsuit, the Writers Guild of America (WGA) followed suit.

In its July 14 complaint, the guild argued that the merger would mean fewer jobs and more pressure on writers to accept less favourable working terms, owing to reduced competition in the media market.

“Writers will be paid less and have fewer employment opportunities,” the WGA complaint said.

In Los Angeles County alone, the merger could result in a loss of nearly 2,500 jobs, according to an analysis by the Los Angeles County Department of Economic Opportunity, published in June.

As many as 6,000 employees around the world could also see their positions cut.

By comparison, when the Paramount and Skydance merger was completed in 2025, the company laid off roughly 2,000 people.

Costly standoff

On July 24, Paramount Skydance agreed to pause the merger until a ruling in the states’ case is ultimately made or until June 1, 2027 — a move the WGA celebrated.

“It remains our view that this merger is unlawful, and we will continue the fight to block it,” WGA said at the time.

The WGA did not respond to Al Jazeera’s request for comment.

Slowing the merger could be costly for Paramount Skydance. Under the terms of the merger, the company would have to pay a so-called ticking fee of $7m per day, or $650m per quarter, if the deal does not close by September 30.

But the standoff with Ellison could also be costly for California, which is experiencing a downturn in the number of productions filmed in the state. New York, another state involved in the lawsuit, could see a backlash, as it houses studios for CBS News and Paramount’s executive offices.

Representatives for the state of California and Paramount Skydance did not respond to Al Jazeera’s request for comment.

Paramount Skydance’s stock is trending upward on the heels of Tuesday’s report. The stock was up 0.4 percent in midday trading, while Warner Bros Discovery was up 1.1 percent.

Aug. 3 (UPI) — A warehouse east of Moscow belonging to Russia’s largest online retailer, Wildberries, was set ablaze after being struck by Ukrainian drones overnight, the second such attack in two days.

The company confirmed via its Telegram press service early Monday that the logistics center in the town of Khryastovo in Vladimir province, 12 miles southwest of Vladimir, the regional capital, was on fire and had been evacuated.

“Fire crews are working at the scene. Preliminary reports indicate there are no casualties. Logistics operations have been rerouted; the acceptance of deliveries and the dispatch of orders are being handled at other facilities,” the company said.

However, around three hours later the state-run TASS news agency reported three people had been injured in the Wildberries attack, saying it was part of a wider, deadly, airborne assault targeting 10 Russian regions, Crimea and the Black Sea with hundreds of drones.

Sergey Aksyonov, the governor of occupied Crimea in an online update condemned what he called another “barbaric attack by the enemy” overnight that killed three people and injured two others, all civilians.

The Russian Defense Ministry said air defenses downed 131 Ukrainian fixed-wing unmanned aerial vehicles over the Belgorod, Bryansk, Voronezh, Kaluga, Kursk, Lipetsk, Oryol, Smolensk, Tula and Krasnodar Regions between 8:00 p.m. on Sunday and 7:00 a.m. on Monday, Moscow time.

The strike on the Wildberries facility came a day after a blaze at one of the company’s fulfilment centers in Novosemeykino in Samara province, 600 miles southeast of Moscow, after it was hit amid large-scale drone strikes the Ukraine General Staff claimed its forces carried out overnight Saturday and into Sunday.

The attacks caused fires at Engels air base, on the left bank of the Volga River in Saratov province, where Tu-95MS and Tu-160 strategic bombers are stationed, and an oil refinery in the Saratov city. The governor of the region said two people were killed.

The Lyudinovskaya oil depot in Kaluga province to the southwest of Moscow, was also struck, according to the general staff.

Over the past two weeks, Ukrainian forces have repeatedly struck Wildberries’ logistics operations across western and southern Russia.

On July 18, eight employees were killed and more than 60 were injured after warehouse complexes in the Tambov and Moscow regions were attacked.

At least 15 workers at two of the firm’s facilities in the southwest of the country were injured in drone strikes on July 22, according to the company’s CEO and regional officials, and a fulfilment center in Kolyedino was hit and warehouses in Belye Stolby near Moscow were destroyed on July 21.

Kyiv alleges the company forms part of the Russian military’s supply chain, providing it with dual-use products such as two-way radios, body armor and components for drones.

The U.S. Navy is seeking a multi-mission maritime security vessel to “launch, recover, and support a mix of manned and unmanned air and surface platforms,” a Navy spokesperson told us on Tuesday. The ship will “support the U.S. Southern Command’s (SOUTHCOM) enduring mission to collaborate with partner nations on maritime security operations in the Eastern Pacific and Southern Caribbean.”

“The Special Mission Vessel is envisioned as a versatile ‘mothership’ designed to significantly enhance maritime domain awareness and response capabilities,” the spokesperson added. “These operations are crucial for conducting command and control, surveillance, and interdiction missions across vast stretches of the open ocean.”

The Navy was responding to our questions about a request for information (RFI) about the ship that was published Monday on the government’s contracting website. The request comes as a contract for the ship currently performing this mission expires in 2028, which we will discuss in more detail later in this story.

The need for a vessel like this exists as U.S. forces continue a long battle with drug traffickers in the region, including ongoing strikes on boats claimed to be operated by smugglers. The strikes have generated a great deal of controversy, with claims they violate the rules of armed conflict and have been carried out without Congressional or judicial approval. The White House and Pentagon have pushed back on those claims.

You can see one of the most recent incidents in the following video.

To obtain this special mission ship, the Navy is looking for “both the design and new construction of a vessel, as well as the acquisition and necessary modification of an existing vessel,” the RFI explained. Interested parties should “seek to use existing, non-developmental platforms to the maximum extent possible.”

While the Navy is open to how the ship is ultimately developed, there are a number of requirements it must meet. 

The Navy wants a steel monohull or catamaran that’s between 300 and 400 feet long and can travel at a 10-knot minimum sustained speed with a range of 9,600 nautical miles.

The ship should be capable of “conducting primary operations and surviving in a Beaufort Wind Scale 6 or greater” and be capable of “performing boat launch and recovery operations in Beaufort Wind Scale 4,” the RFI added.

Under the Beaufort system, Scale 6 refers to conditions with wind speeds of 22 to 27 knots and maximum wave heights of 12 feet. Scale 4 is wind speeds of 11 to 16 knots with maximum wave heights of five feet.

In addition, the ship should be able to stay at sea for “at least 30 days without underway replenishment or resupply for maximum number of personnel,” the RFI noted.

The ship’s flight deck/helicopter pad needs to be able to launch and recover Sikorsky SH-60, MH-60 Seahawk, MH-60T Jayhawk and MH-65 Dolphin helicopters. It should also be capable of “launching and recovering vertical take-off Class 2/3 UAS platforms” and have a minimum of “20×20 ft dedicated clear deck space for UAS recovery and storage” as well as “sockets for minimum of two [20-foot-equivalent] containers for UAS control and maintenance.”

When it comes to small boats, the ship is required to have a “non-deck-crane-based small boat launch and recovery system capable of supporting various boats between 24 ft and 44 ft in length and weighing up to 35,000 lbs,” according to the RFI. It also needs a “small crane (fixed/portable or ‘yellow gear’) for emergency recovery of UAS/USV or other watercraft.”

This ship has to serve as a floating gas station for a wide array of other craft.

“The vessel shall be capable of receiving and storing various grades of fuel for propulsion, ships auxiliaries and delivery to small boats and craft,” according to the RFI. “The vessel must be designated as a refueler vessel and meet U.S. Coast Guard requirements to ensure safe and effective refueling operations.”

When it comes to crew and passengers, the ship needs berthing for up to 69 people, with 20 to 25 civilian mariner staterooms, and open berthing for 29 to 44 embarked crew members. It also needs secure detainee space “with suitable AC/ventilation for 10 – 12 people.”

The mothership is not required to be heavily armed, but should support Anti-Terrorism/Force Protection .50 caliber machine gun mounts. It additionally must have a 160-square-foot armory for storing, maintaining and issuing military small arms and a 100-square-foot magazine for storing ammunition and ordnance.

In a broad sense, many of the requirements the Navy is seeking match the Kellie Chouest, the vessel currently performing a similar mission for SOUTHCOM. It is a 310-foot ship that can travel at 13 knots, berths 53, has a helicopter pad, several 20-foot containers and cranes and winches for launching and recovering smaller ships. As we noted earlier in this story, the Kellie Chouest, which has been chartered for years by the Navy’s Military Sealift Command (MSC), is nearing the end of its latest four-year contract, set to expire on March 31, 2028, the command told us.

That timeline fits with the Navy’s plans for the ship described in the RFI.

“The Navy intends to issue a formal Request for Proposal upon receipt of FY27 appropriations,” the service’s spokesperson explained. “The RFI is a standard part of the federal acquisition process, allowing the U.S. Navy to conduct market research and understand the capabilities available in the industry. The proposed Special Mission Vessel is included in the President’s Fiscal Year 2027 budget. By issuing this RFI, the Navy is inviting industry partners to propose innovative concepts that meet the foundational requirements for a vessel designed for this critical mission set.”

It is possible that the Navy could decide to just renew a contract for the Kellie Chouest, or this new ship could be added alongside her if her contract is renewed. We’ve reached out to the Navy, MSC, and SOUTHCOM for more details. SOUTHCOM declined comment about the Kellie Chouest‘s current operations, or what kinds of drones it launches now, but in a previous interview after the command posted an image of the vessel, a SOUTHCOM official offered some insights into what the ship does.

“It provides support to get after cartels and illicit trafficking,” a SOUTHCOM official told us several months ago. “When we do an operation, it provides our partner nations a platform. They use the ship as a base of operations where they can get intelligence, get fuel, get life support.”

“The Ship Special Mission (SSM) Kellie Chouest is contributing to missions to disrupt cartel and narcotrafficking networks across the Eastern Pacific,” SOUTHCOM said in an April 28, 2026, post on X. “The ship…is serving as a forward operating base for partner nations across the Eastern Pacific — directly supporting counternarcotics operations alongside Panama, Costa Rica, Colombia, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Mexico.”

Advancing Western Hemisphere security and countering narcoterrorism:
The Ship Special Mission (SSM) Kellie Chouest is contributing to missions to disrupt cartel and narcotrafficking networks across the Eastern Pacific. The ship, shown here in a file photo from 2021, is serving as… pic.twitter.com/HUwAl8jctr

— U.S. Southern Command (@Southcom) April 28, 2026

Four days earlier, in a post about the Colombian Navy’s seizure of 3.2 tons of marijuana in the South Pacific, valued at $3.4 million, the command explained that the Kellie Chouest “provided direct assistance to Colombian forces, demonstrating our longstanding and highly effective partnership in dismantling drug cartels and narcotrafficking networks throughout the region.”

The U.S. military is proud to have supported this successful, Colombia-led counterdrug operation. The team at @jiatfs and the MV Kellie Chouest provided direct assistance to Colombian forces, demonstrating our longstanding and highly effective partnership in dismantling drug… https://t.co/PPG5k0hjro

— U.S. Southern Command (@Southcom) April 24, 2026

The ship’s last reported position was off the coast of Guatemala 20 days ago, according to the MarineTraffic tracking site.

The Kellie Chouest is one of several converted vessels used by the U.S. military as special mission ships. The Carolyn Chouest, another ship built by the Edison Chouest Offshore conglomerate, is another example. Operated by MSC, it was converted into a sea base platform specially configured to support U.S. special operations forces in the Pacific region and is currently located near Indonesia, according to MarineTraffic. You can read more about it in our story here. 

Another commercial ship that has been turned into a U.S. military sea base is the MV Ocean Trader – a roll-on/roll-off cargo vessel modified to carry special operators, their vehicles, and all their other gear. This ship is far larger and more advanced than the other vessels mentioned here, though. Given its ability to support special operations missions, including launching a variety of smaller boats, UAVs and multiple helicopters, Ocean Trader often appears in conflict zones around the globe. It was spotted in the Caribbean last year during the Trump administration’s pressure campaign on Venezuelan drug cartels that culminated with the capture of Nicolás Maduro. You can read more about Ocean Trader and its capabilities in our deep dive here.

The Navy could get a new vessel purposely built for this maritime security role, or one — like the Kellie Chouest — converted to it, or sign a new contract for that vessel. The service could also keep the contract in place for Kellie Chouest and add this new vessel to operate in addition to it. Considering the focus the Trump administration has put on Central and South America, this wouldn’t be surprising.

Contact the author: howard@twz.com

July 19 (UPI) — Extensive search and rescue missions were underway in Peru’s mountainous central Andean highlands Sunday following a deadly 5.1 magnitude earthquake.

The Peruvian National Police said they were actively conducting search, rescue, emergency response and security operations in the Junin region after Saturday’s temblor, which had its epicenter in the Chongos Bajo district of Chupaca province, about 200 miles east of Lima.

More than 250 personnel from the Peru’s emergency services, K-9 and medical units, as well as other specialized teams, were also in the rugged highlands as the government issued a preliminary report of five dead, 21 injured and more than 300 affected by the quake.

It struck at 9:21 p.m. Saturday local time.

“I deeply regret the consequences of the earthquake that occurred in Junín,” Peruvian President-elect Keiko Fujimori said in a statement. “I express my most heartfelt condolences to the families of those who have passed away and my solidarity with those who have been affected.”

The national volunteer firefighting corps were similarly dispatched to the region to aid the National Police in search and rescue operations, debris removal, evacuations and pre-hospital care for those in the hardest-hit areas, the interior ministry said.

The health ministry, meanwhile, sent a brigade of specialists brigade to begin providing medical care to those affected, joining local teams already present in Junin.

“The Ministry of Health maintains continuous monitoring of the emergency and will continue to mobilize the human, logistical, and medical resources necessary to safeguard the lives and health of the affected population,” officials said.

ESPN is pulling up stakes from downtown Los Angeles and heading to the NFL’s headquarters at Hollywood Park in Inglewood.

“We look forward to all of ESPN’s L.A. based studio content, originating from a single location, further enhancing creativity and collaboration with expansion possible in the future,” the Walt Disney Co.’s sports media unit said Wednesday in a statement.

ESPN produced “NBA Today” and “WNBA Countdown” out of the L.A. Live location, which opened in 2009. A late night edition of “SportsCenter” was produced there until last year. The productions will move into the NFL’s Los Angeles headquarters near SoFi Stadium.

ESPN’s local radio outlet, KSPN, will continue to broadcast out of the L.A. Live location adjacent to Crypto.com Arena.

The NFL took a 10% equity stake in ESPN last year. As part of the deal, ESPN oversees the NFL Media, including the NFL Network and the RedZone channel, which has its production facilities at the Hollywood Park location that opened in September 2021.

The moves, expected to be completed by early September, come ahead of ESPN producing its first Super Bowl, which will air on ABC in February 2027 from SoFi Stadium.

Although a new round of layoffs is reportedly expected at ESPN, a person familiar with the matter who could not comment publicly said there will be no job cuts related to the move to Hollywood Park.

About 160 employees work at the L.A. Live location. People involved in ESPN’s productions will relocate to Hollywood Park while others will move to a Disney location in Glendale, Calif.

June 26 (Asia Today) — Japan’s Defense Ministry plans to expand the use of artificial intelligence in the Self-Defense Forces’ command-and-control operations, potentially bringing AI into the process through which commanders assess battlefield conditions and direct military units.

The move would mark a new stage in Japan’s defense transformation, shifting its focus beyond acquiring more weapons and equipment toward digitally supported battlefield decision-making.

The Asahi Shimbun reported Friday, citing multiple government officials, that Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s government plans to include the expanded use of command-and-control AI in three revised national security documents expected by the end of the year.

The documents are the National Security Strategy, National Defense Strategy and Defense Buildup Program.

The Defense Ministry is also considering including some related expenses in its fiscal 2027 budget request, according to the report.

Japan has used AI for some defense-related functions, but it has not placed the technology at the center of the Self-Defense Forces’ operational command structure.

A command-and-control system allows commanders to assess enemy threats, friendly forces, unit locations and intelligence assets before planning operations and issuing orders.

AI could rapidly organize and analyze large volumes of surveillance, reconnaissance, communications and sensor data before presenting commanders with possible courses of action.

One system reportedly under consideration is the Maven Smart System developed by U.S. data analytics company Palantir Technologies.

Maven analyzes information from satellites, drones, radar systems, battlefield sensors and intelligence reports. It can identify potential threats and targets and help commanders compare possible operational responses.

The U.S. Defense Department has expanded its use of the system and is moving to establish it as a formal long-term military program.

Adopting Maven could improve interoperability between the Self-Defense Forces and the U.S. military, allowing them to process and share operational information more quickly during joint missions.

The proposal, however, has also raised questions about data control, technological dependence and Japan’s authority over its own military command systems.

Command and control is not an ordinary administrative function. It is the highest-level structure through which a government decides how and when to use military force.

Reliance on software and algorithms supplied by a foreign private company could require Japan to establish clear rules covering military data management, access to source technology, system control, wartime operating authority and alternatives in the event of a malfunction or service disruption.

The introduction of foreign software would not formally transfer command authority to the company or the United States. Japanese commanders would retain responsibility for operational decisions.

The debate instead centers on how much of the information-processing infrastructure behind those decisions should depend on technology that Japan does not fully own or control.

Calls for domestically developed defense AI have consequently grown within Japan’s government and ruling-party circles.

One proposal would allow Japan to use a U.S. system initially while developing an independent platform through Japanese technology companies and the country’s defense industrial base.

Japan could eventually replace the foreign system or operate domestic and U.S. technologies together.

Developing a military-grade AI command system capable of immediate operational deployment would be difficult, however. A combined approach using both American and Japanese technology is therefore considered more likely in the near term.

The Defense Ministry identified seven priority areas for military AI in a policy issued in 2024: target detection and identification, intelligence collection and analysis, command and control, logistics, unmanned systems, cybersecurity and administrative efficiency.

The policy states that AI should assist rather than replace human judgment and that meaningful human involvement must be maintained.

The ministry has since established a team to accelerate AI adoption and has called for greater cooperation with Japanese defense companies and technology startups.

Japan’s consideration of command-and-control AI also carries implications for South Korea.

During a conflict or regional emergency, information sharing and operational coordination among the U.S. military, the Self-Defense Forces and South Korea’s military could become increasingly rapid and automated.

AI-assisted command systems could improve coordination in responding to North Korean missile launches, Chinese military activity or a crisis in the Taiwan Strait.

The same technology could also accelerate errors.

Incorrect intelligence, incomplete data or biased algorithms could cause an AI system to present commanders with misleading threat assessments or inappropriate operational choices.

Human commanders would remain responsible for final decisions, but the speed and complexity of AI-supported operations could make errors more difficult to identify before action is taken.

Japan’s plan therefore represents more than a military technology upgrade. It raises broader questions about who controls defense data, how allied systems should be connected and who bears responsibility when AI influences a military decision.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260626010009431

Diplomatic sparring between Ukraine and Belarus escalated sharply on 19 June, when Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky demanded that Belarus dismantle communications infrastructure allegedly used by Russia to extend the range of its strike drones. Zelensky has offered a week for such removals to take place, reportedly saying, “I am giving a week for it to be withdrawn; otherwise, we will do it ourselves.” This marks a severe deterioration in relations since Belarus allowed Russian forces to cross Ukraine’s northern border using Belarusian territory in 2022. Following Russia’s withdrawal from Ukraine’s northern regions, Belarus has not enabled further assaults from its own territory but has actively aided Russian efforts, in part, by allowing drones to operate over Belarusian territory to strike Ukrainian targets with less warning. These increased tensions follow recent statements from Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko aimed at easing tensions, stating, “If Volodymyr Oleksandrovych was offended, I apologize to him for those words… Perhaps I shouldn’t have spoken so sharply about it. But, on the other hand, he should understand, as we often say: you get what you give.” As Zelensky applies pressure to Russia’s key European ally, Lukashenko’s response may determine whether his country will begin to withdraw support or play a larger part in this war.

Belarus’ Assistance in Putin’s Invasion

Belarus has played a vital role in Russia’s aggression since 2022, remaining one of Moscow’s most important enablers throughout the war. On the opening days of the conflict, 45,000 Russian soldiers crossed into the capital region of Kyiv. Since Russia’s withdrawal from northern Ukraine, Belarus has remained a tacit supporter of the invasion, finding auxiliary ways to support its key strategic ally’s actions in Ukraine without directly becoming involved itself. While weapons transfers and diplomatic support aid Moscow’s war effort, Belarus’ most valuable contributions come from two primary sources. First, Belarus’ expansive border with Ukraine. The two countries share a border that stretches over 1,000 kilometers. The existence of a Russian ally on Ukraine’s northern border introduces the risk of another attack from this direction, requiring the dedication of over 100,000 soldiers to the defense of a region that may not become active for the duration of the war. Second, neutral airspace was made available to long-range strike drones. Without this advantageous lane of attack, Russian drones, such as the Geran-2, must spend hours loitering over Ukrainian territory, where they are exposed to interception attempts while trying to reach their targets. Additionally, and central to Zelensky’s latest ultimatum, Belarus has reportedly allowed Russia to build a network of relays along Ukraine’s border to expand the range of its strike drones, allowing greater operational reach and improved resistance to electronic warfare.

Belarusian Capabilities

Threats made without the capability to enforce them are functionally pointless, suggesting that Zelensky believes Ukraine occupies a militarily advantageous position relative to Belarus. This warrants analysis of Belarus’ military capabilities to determine whether they pose a threat to Ukraine. As of 2022, Belarus reportedly maintained an active-duty army of approximately 48,000 soldiers, with inactive trained reserves and additional supporting personnel amounting to another 300,000 people. The country fields 1,200 main battle tanks and 3,400 other armored fighting vehicles, although it is unclear how many remain in active service. Many of these vehicles are of questionable utility, with Belarus operating mainly vintage Soviet equipment and few vehicles having been modernized to contemporary standards. The Belarusian Air Force fares slightly better, fielding 48 front-line fighter aircraft, of which 16 are new Su-30SM/SM2 airframes. The war and its rapidly changing dynamics have forced Belarus to invest in the modernization of its armed forces. However, in contrast to many Western modernization programs, which frequently involve high-value equipment deals, Belarusian efforts have focused more heavily on improving infantry capabilities. Belarus currently funds several programs for procuring modern armored vehicles and has recently made new equipment purchases from Russia, including the nuclear-capable intermediate-range ballistic missile known as Oreshnik. More transformative, however, are efforts to reform the country’s mobilization system and employment of experienced Wagner mercenaries to train Belarusian soldiers in drone-centric combat techniques. This could be interpreted either as an inability to afford more comprehensive reforms or as a deliberate shift away from traditional reliance on armored formations in favor of unmanned systems. Regardless of the motivation, these programs demonstrate substantive efforts to improve the military readiness of a vital ally to Russia.

Ukrainian-Belarusian Diplomatic Efforts

Zelensky’s demand follows months of escalating tensions between Belarus and Ukraine, contrasting Belarus’ traditionally ancillary role in Ukrainian foreign relations. Due to Belarus’ refusal to participate directly in combat operations, Kyiv had little incentive to press diplomatic issues and antagonize its northern neighbor. Until the recent flare-up, it was in Ukraine’s interest to keep Belarus on the sidelines while accepting the reality of Belarusian aid and weapons transfers that benefited Russia. Relations between the two countries followed a repeated cycle of saber-rattling, military posturing, de-escalation, and periods of calm. Lukashenko has repeatedly offered his services as a mediator between Russia and Ukraine, although Kyiv has rejected these offers because of Belarus’ close ties to Moscow. Tellingly, despite Belarus aiding its aggressor, Ukraine has maintained diplomatic ties with Minsk throughout the conflict. Lukashenko further offered to open bilateral talks with Kyiv in late 2025 in an attempt to reduce rising tensions. These efforts failed to bear fruit as relations deteriorated to their lowest point since the beginning of the war in May 2026. Following the construction of additional drone launching facilities in Belarus and an increase in Russian drone strikes, Ukrainian diplomacy shifted towards the application of direct pressure. Kyiv’s announcement that it had identified more than 500 strategic Belarusian targets in the event of conflict culminated in Zelensky’s ultimatum to dismantle Russia’s drone relay network within a week. The ultimatum suggests that Ukraine is abandoning its previous strategy of managing tensions with Belarus in favor of direct pressure. It also followed the largest Ukrainian drone strike on Moscow to date. Viewed in that context, Zelensky appears to be leveraging Ukraine’s growing long-range strike capabilities while simultaneously attempting to disrupt a component of Russia’s own drone warfare infrastructure.

U.S. Special Operations Command (SOCOM) is about to kick off the search for what it is calling a Flyweight Assault Machine Gun (FAMG). This will be a new 5.56x45mm caliber belt-fed machine gun to succeed the Mk 46, a lightweight special operations-specific cousin of the M249 Squad Automatic Weapon (SAW).

Lt. Col. Alan Wood, SOCOM’s Program Manager for Special Operations Forces (SOF) Lethality, touched on the FAMG briefly in an exclusive interview with TWZ‘s Howard Altman during the annual SOF Week conference last week. Readers can find the bulk of the interview here.

There are “three separate machine gun programs within SOCOM: Lightweight Machine Gun-Medium, Light Machine Gun-Assault, and soon to be FAMG, which is the Flyweight Assault Machine Gun,” Wood explained. “The Medium is your .338 [Norma Magnum], the Assault is your 7.62 NATO [7.62x51mm], and then the FAMG is a 5.56[mm]. All belt-fed machine guns.”

We subsequently reached out to SOCOM for more information about the FAMG, an effort that does not appear to have been previously disclosed.

“The Flyweight Assault Machine Gun (FAMG) will be a 5.56mm belt fed weapon that will replace the MK46 Light Machine Gun,” a spokesperson for the command told us. “Details on the requirement will be published on SAM.gov in the near future.”

While we do not know yet what SOCOM is looking for specifically in the FAMG, beyond its caliber, we do know what the command wants to replace. The Mk 46 traces back to the early years of the Global War on Terror. It is based on the M249 SAW, which is itself a version of the Minimi light machine gun from Belgian gunmaker FN (and later its American subsidiaries).

FN had initially developed what it called the Special Purpose Weapon (SPW), a significantly lightened version of the Minimi with a shortened barrel that also had a thinner profile. The gun, which was marketed heavily toward special operations forces, featured the collapsing stock that had already been used on short-barreled ‘paratrooper’ versions of the Minimi and the M249, as well.

The standard Minimi design also has a secondary magazine well that allows it to fire ammunition from NATO-standard box magazines like the ones used with AR-15/M16-series rifles, as well as belts. This feature was carried over to the M249. It was omitted on the SPW to further cut weight.

The baseline Mk 46 Mod 0 was a direct evolution of the SPW concept. It most notably used the polymer buttstock found on standard Minimi and M249 light machine guns, which is fixed in length, but also lighter than the collapsing paratrooper type. It also came with a new handguard with rails on four sides for optics, laser aiming devices, lights, and other accessories. The handguard design is very tall on the top side to bring it in line with an additional rail on the gun’s top cover.

An improved Mk 46 Mod 1 variant was subsequently developed, which “incorporates improved receiver pins, a feed tray with retention pawls and a vented hand guard with improved heat shield and three MIL-STD-1913 rails,” according to the entry on FN America’s website at the time of writing. “The MK 46 MOD 1’s cold hammer-forged MIL-SPEC barrel has a hard-chromed bore for longer life and improved accuracy, and serves as the mounting point for the carry handle.”

To make a more direct comparison, the Mk 46 Mod 1, with its 16.3-inch barrel, weighs just under 15-and-a-half pounds empty with no accessories, per FN America. The version it shows on its website currently does also has a more traditional handguard configuration. A current-generation M249 with a full-length 20-and-a-half-inch barrel tips the scales at 17 pounds without any ammunition, optics, or other attachments.

After years of the U.S. military, including SOCOM, increasingly moving away from 5.56x45mm in favor of calibers that offer longer reach, for rifles and machine guns, there is something of a question as to why the command is now pursuing the FAMG. It had already been relatively rare to see variants of the Mk 46 in actual operational use. For decades now, U.S. special operators have also been using a succession of lightweight 7.62x51mm machine guns, as well, including compact versions of the M60 and a derivative of the Minimi/M249 designated the Mk 48. The aforementioned Light Machine Gun-Assault is a replacement for the Mk 48.

The U.S. Army is also moving to replace at least a substantial portion of its standard M249s with new 6.8x51mm caliber M250 machine guns, which might also make their way into service elsewhere across the U.S. military. The 5.56x45mm M27 Infantry Automatic Rifle (IAR) has also largely supplanted the M249 in the U.S. Marine Corps.

All this being said, U.S. special operators routinely conduct missions in close-quarters environments where the added firepower of a belt-fed machine gun can be beneficial, but the added range offered by a heavier design is not necessary. A design that cuts as much weight as possible is very attractive to fast-moving special operations teams that typically use belt-fed machine guns for brief periods of suppressing fire, as well.

SOCOM is now separately pursuing new hypervelocity 5.56x45mm ammunition that could significantly extend the reach of weapons chambered in that caliber as part of an effort called the Hypervelocity Improved Carbine (HICAR).

In addition, there is value in having commonality in ammunition with other existing rifles and machine guns, as well as those in use with allies and partners. The latter point is especially relevant for special operations forces, which are often forward-deployed alongside their foreign counterparts in locales where access to traditional supply chains is not guaranteed. There are training benefits to being able to use more readily available, less specialized, and often less expensive ammunition, as well.

SOCOM’s Lt. Col. Wood highlighted all of this while speaking more generally during his interview with us last week:

“So, HICAR’s got me excited. Back in the late teens, the Army went down this higher velocity [route], and I’m intentionally using the word velocity and not pressure in what they’ve done with the M7 and M8 rifles. They’ve been able to increase the velocity and therefore create a flatter shooting rifle as well as a rifle that has greater energy on target, and that does incredible things for barrier defeat in a lot of situations. Now we’ve had 10 years, almost, for that technology to mature, people have learned things, and the question then becomes, what could we do for special operators in calibers that are not new?”

“The advantage for SOF [special operations forces] operators is I’ve got, say, the Green Berets who do a lot of partnering with foreign SOF operators, but there’s no [6.8mm] ammo running around central Africa, or you know, pick your favorite spot where we like to do partnering operations around the world. But there’s a lot of 5.56mm and other common cartridges of that nature, and so what we want to…achieve is maybe not the same effect as what the Army’s done with the M7 and the M8 and that high-velocity ammunition that they have, but where could we get close to that in 5.56 and potentially other calibers in the future.”

5.56x45mm could turn out to be just the baseline caliber for FAMG, too. SOCOM has long had a fondness for guns with interchangeable calibers, allowing for different cartridges to be used as appropriate for specific missions. As a tangential example, the command just recently confirmed to TWZ‘s sister site Task & Purpose that its new Mid-Range Gas Gun-Assault (MRGG-A) rifles, now also designated the Mk 24, will be able to be configured to fire either 6.5mm Creedmoor or 7.62x51mm.

It is also worth noting that the U.S. Army’s elite 75th Ranger Regiment has already begun using the 5.56x45mm Light Assault Machine Gun (LAMG) from Knights Armament Company (KAC), at least on a limited level in recent years, alongside current-generation versions of the M249. KAC’s website presents a typical LAMG configuration featuring a 15-inch barrel and weighing 11.4 pounds empty, which is more compact and lightweight than the Mk 46.

The LAMG also has what is known as a “constant recoil system,” which is designed to significantly reduce felt recoil and, by extension, improve accuracy during sustained autonomous fire. KAC says this makes the gun “more controllable than other similar machine guns that weigh nearly twice as much.”

There are other 5.56x45mm machine guns on the market today, which could be adaptable to meet the FAMG requirements, as well. This includes FN’s own newer EVOLYS design, which is available in 5.56x45mm, as well as a variety of other calibers.

As SOCOM has said, more details about its requirements and plans for the FAMG are set to come soon.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com