Met

WASHINGTON — Denmark and Greenland’s envoys to Washington have begun a vigorous effort to urge U.S. lawmakers as well as key Trump administration officials to step back from President Trump’s call for a takeover of the strategic Arctic island.

Denmark’s ambassador, Jesper Møller Sørensen, and Jacob Isbosethsen, Greenland’s chief representative to Washington, met on Thursday with White House National Security Council officials to discuss a renewed push by Trump to acquire Greenland, perhaps by military force, according to Danish government officials who were not authorized to comment publicly and spoke on the condition of anonymity.

The White House did not respond to a request for comment about the meeting.

The envoys have also held a series of meetings this week with American lawmakers as they look to enlist help in persuading Trump to back off his threat.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio is expected to meet next week with Danish officials.

Trump, in a New York Times interview published Thursday, said he has to possess the entirety of Greenland instead of just exercising a long-standing treaty that gives the United States wide latitude to use Greenland for military posts.

“I think that ownership gives you a thing that you can’t do with, you’re talking about a lease or a treaty. Ownership gives you things and elements that you can’t get from just signing a document,” Trump told the newspaper.

The U.S. is party to a 1951 treaty that gives it broad rights to set up military bases there with the consent of Denmark and Greenland.

Meanwhile, Trump’s vice president, JD Vance, told reporters that European leaders should “take the president of the United States seriously” as he framed the issue as one of defense.

“What we’re asking our European friends to do is take the security of that landmass more seriously, because if they’re not, the United States is going to have to do something about it,” Vance said.

But the administration is starting to hear pushback from lawmakers, including some Republicans, about Trump’s designs on the territory.

In a floor speech Thursday, Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) warned that the rhetoric from some in the Trump administration is “profoundly troubling.”

“We’ve got a lot ahead of us in 2026,” Murkowski said. “Greenland — or taking Greenland, or buying Greenland — should not be on that list. It should not be an obsession at the highest levels of this administration.”

Danish officials are hopeful about the upcoming talks with Rubio in Washington.

“This is the dialogue that is needed, as requested by the government together with the Greenlandic government,” Danish Defense Minister Troels Lund Poulsen told Danish broadcaster DR.

The island of Greenland, 80% of which lies above the Arctic Circle, is home to about 56,000 mostly Inuit people.

Vance criticizes Denmark

Vance said on Wednesday that Denmark “obviously” had not done a proper job in securing Greenland and that Trump “is willing to go as far as he has to” to defend American interests in the Arctic.

In an interview with Fox News, Vance repeated Trump’s claim that Greenland is crucial to both the U.S. and the world’s national security because “the entire missile defense infrastructure is partially dependent on Greenland.”

He said the fact that Denmark has been a faithful military ally of the U.S. during World War II and the more recent “war on terrorism” did not necessarily mean they were doing enough to secure Greenland today.

“Just because you did something smart 25 years ago doesn’t mean you can’t do something dumb now,” Vance said, adding that Trump “is saying very clearly, ‘you are not doing a good job with respect to Greenland.’”

Right to self-determination

Earlier, Rubio told a select group of U.S. lawmakers that it was the Republican administration’s intention to eventually purchase Greenland, as opposed to using military force.

“Many Greenlanders feel that the remarks made are disrespectful,” Aaja Chemnitz, one of the two Greenlandic politicians in the Danish parliament, told the Associated Press. “Many also experience that these conversations are being discussed over their heads. We have a firm saying in Greenland, ‘Nothing about Greenland, without Greenland.’”

She said most Greenlanders “wish for more self-determination, including independence” but also want to “strengthen cooperation with our partners” in security and business development as long as it is based on “mutual respect and recognition of our right to self-determination.”

Chemnitz denied a claim by Trump that Greenland is “covered with Russian and Chinese ships all over the place.”

Greenland is “a long-standing ally and partner to the U.S. and we have a shared interest in stability, security, and responsible cooperation in the Arctic,” she said. “There is an agreement with the U.S. that gives them access to have bases in Greenland if needed.”

France’s President Emmanuel Macron has denounced the “law of the strongest” that is making people “wonder if Greenland will be invaded.”

In a speech to French ambassadors at the Elysee presidential palace on Thursday, Macron said: “It’s the greatest disorder, the law of the strongest, and everyday people wonder whether Greenland will be invaded, whether Canada will be under the threat of becoming the 51st state [of the United States] or whether Taiwan is to be further circled.”

He pointed to an “increasingly dysfunctional” world where great powers, including the U.S and China, have “a real temptation to divide the world amongst themselves.”

The United States is “gradually turning away from some of its allies and freeing itself from the international rules,” Macron said.

Surveillance operations for the U.S.

The leaders of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Spain and the U.K. joined Denmark’s Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen on Tuesday in defending Greenland’s sovereignty in the wake of Trump’s comments about Greenland, which is part of the NATO military alliance.

After Vance’s visit to Greenland last year, Danish Foreign Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen published a video detailing the 1951 defense agreement between Denmark and the U.S.. Since 1945, the American military presence in Greenland has decreased from thousands of soldiers over 17 bases and installations on the island, Rasmussen said, to the remote Pituffik Space Base in the northwest with some 200 soldiers today. The base supports missile warning, missile defense and space surveillance operations for the U.S. and NATO.

The 1951 agreement “offers ample opportunity for the United States to have a much stronger military presence in Greenland,” Rasmussen said. “If that is what you wish, then let us discuss it.”

‘Military defense of Greenland’

Last year, Denmark’s parliament approved a bill to allow U.S. military bases on Danish soil. The legislation widens a previous military agreement, made in 2023 with the Biden administration, where U.S. troops had broad access to Danish air bases in the Scandinavian country.

Denmark is also moving to strengthen its military presence around Greenland and in the wider North Atlantic.

Last year, the government announced a 14.6 billion-kroner ($2.3 billion) agreement with parties including the governments of Greenland and the Faroe Islands, another self-governing territory of Denmark, to “improve capabilities for surveillance and maintaining sovereignty in the region.”

Madhani and Ciobanu write for the Associated Press. AP writers Seung Min Kim, Konstantin Toropin in Washington and Sylvie Corbet in Paris contributed to this report.

George Gorton, who is managing Gov. Pete Wilson’s reelection campaign, doesn’t worry about the future.

The 47-year-old political consultant’s state of calm is partly a result of recent poll numbers that show Wilson ahead of his challenger, state Treasurer Kathleen Brown. But truth be known, Gorton says, he hasn’t really worried since 1985, when he hooked up with an Asian monk called Buddhadassa, learned to meditate and succeeded, for the first time, in silencing his mind.

Yes, that’s right. Wilson’s most trusted campaign adviser–the man who has repeatedly sought to discredit Brown this year by linking her to the “Moonbeam” reputation of her brother Jerry Brown–has a mantra. And if not for advice he sought from a Tibetan guru known as the 47th Reincarnation of the Precious Destroyer of Illusions, Gorton says he might not be running Wilson’s reelection bid at all.

The revelation is surprising coming from a man who is described by those who know him as one of the most driven, go-for-the-jugular consultants in California politics. Many say that he is responsible for some of Wilson’s harshest campaign rhetoric and that he is willing to do virtually whatever it takes to win. After 24 years in politics, the bearded, twice-divorced Republican has a tough-guy image–not a mystical one.

But Gorton, whose early career was tarnished by Watergate, says he is misunderstood. To hear him tell it, he is on a search for truth–a search that in December, 1992, led him to the Che Waung monastery in Nepal to meet the Tibetan wise man.

“I was asking him about whether or not I should do this campaign. I said, ‘I’m very torn,’ ” Gorton said, recalling how the guru threw the moe –a fortune-telling ritual–three times before giving his answer. Then, through an interpreter, he told Gorton: “It doesn’t matter what you do because your life is going to change dramatically in two years anyway.”

Sitting in his office, where a large photo of his four-year-old son, A.J., and a framed batik of Siddhartha hang on the wall, Gorton said he is readying himself for the prophesy to come true this December. He has sold Direct Communication, the successful telemarketing firm that helped make him a millionaire. And win or lose, after the Nov. 8 election he is considering chucking politics altogether.

“I want to be open to anything,” he said. “It’s not that I don’t like what I do. I do. But it is sort of a warrior’s profession. And I’m heading into a period in my life where I may want to be . . . more of a healer than a warrior.”

Gorton’s thoughts of quitting come precisely as his talents are being widely recognized. This campaign has been grueling. In May, 1993, the incumbent was 23 points behind. A recent Times poll put Wilson nine points ahead, and even Democrats say Gorton deserves credit for deciding on a campaign message and sticking to it.

“One of the things that consultants for incumbents often forget is that you have the ability to integrate into your campaign what’s happening in government,” said Bill Cavala, a consultant to Assembly Speaker Willie Brown (D-San Francisco). “George made sure (to do that). . . . Last month, every day (Wilson) signed a little package of legislation, that shows the governor is on top of something. . . . It’s a good campaign. It’s focused. I’ve seen few do it as well.”

Gorton’s relationship with Wilson is unusually close and, as a result, the role he plays in the campaign is unlike that of many political consultants. Part of that is a result of how long they’ve known each other. Gorton has played key roles in Wilson’s five statewide campaigns and was manager of three.

Brown hired her current campaign chairman, Clint Reilly, just seven months ago. The contrasts don’t end there. Reilly’s style is to be in control of everything: His firm not only presides over campaign strategy but also produces the television commercials and designs Brown’s campaign mailers.

Gorton has a more modest role and a gentler touch. The rhetoric of Wilson’s campaign may be harsh at times, but Gorton-the-manager resembles less a dictator than a chairman of the board. Some say his greatest talent is encouraging fruitful debate. And he does it for $20,000 a month (Reilly’s firm will make at least $1 million from the race).

Larry Thomas, a longtime Wilson adviser who is senior counsel to the 1994 campaign, calls Gorton “a person who prefers consensus to giving orders.” Sometimes, Gorton–who has been known to spend months trekking in the Himalayas and who once, years ago, experimented briefly with Scientology–will use his unconventional experiences to try to draw out his staff.

“He might say in a meeting, ‘This is something I learned in est training,’ ” Don Sipple, Wilson’s media consultant, said with a laugh. “This is not a guy who has incense burning in his house and has a Nehru jacket on and then slips into a Brooks Brothers suit and Hermes tie to come to work. This is not a dual life. It is one.”

To understand Gorton is to understand Wilson’s cohesive team of advisers–and the loss they suffered in 1991. In June of that year, Otto Bos, Wilson’s 47-year-old director of communications, died suddenly of a heart attack. A Wilson confidant for 14 years, Bos also was a perfect partner for Gorton–smooth when Gorton was blunt, deliberative when Gorton was decisive.

They had worked together since 1982, when Gorton managed Wilson’s bid for the U.S. Senate and Bos was press secretary. By Wilson’s 1990 campaign for governor–their third race together–”(George) and Otto were larger than the sum of their parts,” Thomas said.

The sudden death of Bos tore a ragged hole in Wilson’s inner circle, which also includes Chief of Staff Bob White and pollster Richard Dresner.

“But with Otto’s death, George emerged,” said Stuart K. Spencer, a veteran Republican political consultant. “In terms of the Wilson operation, George had maybe been Otto’s equal, but he had not been No. 1. No doubt in my mind that George is now No. 1.”

Not everyone thinks that is a good thing. One Republican consultant said that “without Otto Bos, there’s very few people to restrain George.” (Though this person added, “His handling of Kathleen Brown has been masterful.”)

Joe Scott, a corporate and political consultant who has worked in several nonpartisan campaigns, blamed Gorton for what he calls Wilson’s “shrill” discussion of Proposition 187, the ballot measure that seeks to deny state benefits such as public schooling and non-emergency health care to illegal immigrants.

“(Gorton) appeals to the attack dog part of Pete,” Scott said. Without Gorton, he added, “I don’t think (Wilson) would have been so shrill on Proposition 187, blowing past the reality and using it to scapegoat immigrants.”

But Gorton’s admirers say he is only doing what it takes to win.

“The conventional wisdom would be: ‘You’re the incumbent. You defend. We’ll throw the spears, you catch them,’ ” said Bill Lowery, a Washington lobbyist, former San Diego congressman and one of Gorton’s best friends. “Guess what? George Gorton doesn’t buy off on that simplistic paradigm. Neither does Pete. . . . Did (the campaign) get a little shrill at times? Yes. But it wasn’t their choice. They’re not going to lay back and let Pete be defined by an opponent or the media. That’s what winners are all about.”

Gorton’s political involvement began in the 1960s, when he was president of the Aztec College Republicans at San Diego State University. After a brief stint as a high school math teacher, he worked as youth director for New York conservative James Buckley’s winning U.S. Senate campaign.

Gorton came back to San Diego to do the same youth mobilization work for a state assemblyman who was about to run for mayor: Wilson. Then, President Richard M. Nixon came calling.

“It was the first year that 18-year-olds had the vote, and (Nixon) was very concerned about it,” said Gorton, recalling how Nixon’s deputy campaign manager, Jeb Magruder, flew to San Diego to recruit him to be national college director for the Committee to Reelect the President, commonly known as CREEP. “I said, ‘You’re kidding. I’m just a kid from San Diego.’ ”

Soon, the kid from San Diego was getting his picture taken in the Oval Office (today, the photo hangs in a frame on his office wall). But Watergate was about to break, and so was Gorton’s fledgling career.

Gorton had hired a college student named Ted Brill to spy on a group of Quakers conducting a peace vigil outside the White House. Gorton says he paid Brill with a personal check because Magruder told him Brill’s life would be threatened if he were named in campaign finance reports.

Bob Woodward, the reporter for the Washington Post, found out about Brill, who reportedly said he had been told to set up the Quakers for a drug arrest–a contention Gorton denies. According to Woodward, Brill also suggested that he was not the only paid spy–an allegation that led to a Post editorial that decried the Republicans’ “kiddie spy corps.”

Then, as now, Gorton said there was no band of spies. Gorton was never tried or convicted of any Watergate offense, and he says the only impropriety involved his payments to Brill.

“It was a campaign reporting violation, which wasn’t my fault. And it wasn’t a big deal–we didn’t get fined for it,” he said. Still, Gorton was fired. And things would only get worse.

As Gorton was looking for work, he gave out the phone number of a friend at Republican Party headquarters to ensure he didn’t miss prospective employers’ calls. That led to more news stories that said the Republican National Committee was helping find jobs for people implicated in Watergate. And that prompted then-Republican Party Chairman George Bush to call a news conference to banish Gorton from the party headquarters and bar him from working again in Republican campaigns.

“It was a miserable time. I certainly realized that (while) I was terribly loyal . . . no one was loyal to me,” Gorton says today. “But Watergate did a real interesting thing for me. It made me realize that I was responsible for my own life–how I live it, what I put into it, what I get out of it.”

At age 26, he returned to San Diego believing he would never work in politics again. He earned minimum wage at a bank. He gave tours of the city. He even promoted a friend’s record album, trying to convince radio stations to play “The Mike Curb Congregation Sings Winnie the Pooh.” (Curb would later become lieutenant governor).

But soon, Gorton was back, first as assistant finance director for the state Republican Party, then as finance director and then as an independent consultant. And he kept in close touch with Wilson, working on his unsuccessful bid for governor in 1978.

The first campaign Gorton actually managed was Lowery’s bid for Congress in 1980. “We were down 34 points in February and ended up winning by 10–that’s pretty Herculean,” recalls Lowery, who said that even then, Gorton had a tactic he still employs today: “Marshal the resources till the end and make them count. George is a stickler for that.”

He has certainly followed that strategy in the 1994 race. During the summer, when Brown was hammering Wilson with several ads about California’s failing economy, Gorton did not match her blow for blow. It would have been a waste, he said.

Many believe the 1994 election is a turning point for Gorton. Particularly if Wilson is reelected, they say, Gorton’s talents will probably be much in demand among Republicans who seek the presidency in 1996. The question is: After so many years in Wilson’s circle, does Gorton truly want to work for anyone else?

“He is going to have to make a decision after this campaign,” said Spencer, the political consultant. “If Pete Wilson decides to run for the presidency, George has got a horse there. But if Pete decides, ‘I’m gonna stay as governor,’ George is going to have to decide: ‘Am I going to make the next step and find another candidate?’ ”

“There are any number of presidential campaigns that would be tickled to have George on their team,” said Sipple, the media consultant. “But there would be a using dimension of that, and it would get away from the family dimension (of the Wilson operation). My hunch is that’s what George is all about. He is not a mercenary.”

After the election, Gorton plans to take a good long rest. For starters, he will travel to Asia and Africa. After that, he’s not so sure.

Lowery, the lobbyist, says Gorton “is at a fork in the road. One path could be the predictable: to be involved in ’96 (presidential politics) in a key way. The second path would be to find a new challenge. I don’t know which one he’s going to take. I don’t think he knows.”

Rob Reiner, a writer, director, producer, actor and political activist whose career in Hollywood spanned more than six decades and included some of the most iconic titles in movie history, was found dead Sunday with his wife, Michele Singer Reiner, at the home they shared in Brentwood. He was 78.

“It is with profound sorrow that we announce the tragic passing of Michele and Rob Reiner,” a spokesperson for the family said in a statement Sunday. “We are heartbroken by this sudden loss, and we ask for privacy during this unbelievably difficult time.”

Reiner will be remembered as the director of the seminal 1980s rom-com “When Harry Met Sally,” the actor whose character “Meathead” faced off regularly against Archie Bunker, and the political activist who backed early childhood programs in California and railed loudly for years against President Trump.

The oldest child of comedian Carl Reiner and singer Estelle Reiner, Robert Reiner was born March 6, 1947, in the Bronx, N.Y. Raised by a father who won 11 Primetime Emmys and a Grammy in addition to the Mark Twain Prize for American Humor, Rob Reiner attended Beverly Hills High School and studied film at UCLA. He then went to work in Hollywood as an actor and writer before moving on to directing and producing.

Reiner’s writing credits in the 1960s included “The Smothers Brothers Comedy Hour,” “The Glen Campbell Goodtime Hour” and the TV movie “Where the Girls Are.” In the 1970s, he wrote several episodes of “All in the Family” as well as the Primetime Emmy Awards telecast in 1978 and episodes of “The Tonight Show Starring Johnny Carson.”

Reiner married Penny Marshall, star of TV’s “Laverne & Shirley,” in 1971 and adopted Tracy, the daughter Marshall had from a previous marriage. Reiner and Marshall divorced in 1981.

He wrote for the first “Comic Relief,” hosted by Robin Williams, Billy Crystal and Whoopi Goldberg. That and the dozen “Comic Relief” telethons that followed raised awareness and money to fight poverty in the U.S. and elsewhere.

“This Is Spinal Tap” in 1984 further established Reiner’s comedic sensibilities in the American milieu. His work took a dramatic turn when he directed the 1986 adaptation of Stephen King’s novella “Stand by Me,” which starred Wil Wheaton, River Phoenix, Corey Feldman and Jerry O’Connell, but he returned to comedy with 1987’s “The Princess Bride” starring Cary Elwes, Robin Wright and Mandy Patinkin. Also in 1987, he co-founded production company Castle Rock Entertainment.

Then he directed what would emerge as one of the most beloved rom-coms ever — “When Harry Met Sally,” starring Crystal and Meg Ryan.

On the set of the movie he met photographer Michele Singer and the two married in 1989, the year the film came out. They went on to have three children, Jake, Nick and Romy, born in 1991, 1993 and 1997, respectively.

Reiner was finally nominated for a best picture Academy Award in 1994 for “A Few Good Men,” starring Jack Nicholson and Tom Cruise, though the movie lost out that year to Clint Eastwood’s Western “Unforgiven.”

Reiner’s work had sweeping cultural impacts. Three of his movies, “When Harry Met Sally,” “The Princess Bride” and “This is Spinal Tap,” are on the National Film Registry. The phrase “up to eleven,” coined in “This Is Spinal Tap” during an improvised sequence between Reiner and Christopher Guest, is in the Oxford English Dictionary.

“It’s weird that something that we just threw off like that suddenly becomes part of the lexicon of our lives,” Reiner said on NPR’s “Fresh Air” in September. “It’s very strange how these things have taken root.”

In 2015, Reiner was the producer on “Being Charlie,” a drama based on his family’s struggles while son Nick was addicted to hard drugs and rotating in and out of rehabs and homelessness.

“It was very, very hard going through it the first time, with these painful and difficult highs and lows,” Reiner told The Times in 2015. “And then making the movie dredged it all up again.”

Growing up, Reiner balanced conflicting feelings about his relationship with his own father, who was someone he strongly admired. But he also felt as though his father didn’t fully know him. That dichotomy inspired a scene in “Stand by Me” when Gordie declares his father hates him.

“Loving your father and looking up to your father doesn’t necessarily mean you’re feeling that back,” Reiner said on “Fresh Air” in September, recalling how writing that scene made him cry. Reiner, added, however, that he had two “great guides” in his life, his father, who died in 2020, and “All in the Family” creator Norman Lear.

Reiner was a writer on “The 40th Kennedy Center Honors” in 2017, capping a career that included myriad variety show writing credits. “Spinal Tap II: The End Continues,” which he directed, was his final project as a scribe. “Spinal Tap at Stonehenge: The Final Finale,” due out in 2026, was his final directing credit.

Reiner was nominated five times for supporting actor Emmys for his “All in the Family” work, winning in 1974 and 1978. He was up for two Emmys in 2024 for the documentary “Albert Brooks: Defending My Life.”

A staunch liberal, Reiner also emerged as a force in California politics and child welfare and education issues, and campaigned for presidential candidates including former Vice President Al Gore, endorsed former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton for president and spoke up for President Biden’s reelection. Reiner was also an unapologetic critic of President Trump.

He campaigned in California against tobacco use and in 1998 saw the passage of Proposition 10, which called for a tax on tobacco products to be spent on early childhood programs. Reiner became chairman of the First 5 California Children and Families Commission in January 1999. He resigned in March 2006 amid accusations that the commission had used tax money to boost his campaign for the ultimately unsuccessful Proposition 82, which would have raised income taxes on wealthy Californians to pay for preschool for 4-year-olds. An audit later concluded that he and the commission had not violated state law.

“Rob Reiner has always put California’s kids first, and I thank him for the great work he has done over the last seven years,” then-Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger said in a statement at the time. “Because of Rob’s efforts, California has become a national leader in providing early childhood health and education services for our youngest children and their families.”

Times editor Brittany Levine Beckman contributed to this report.