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Elections take place weeks after foiled coup attempt that shook the country.

Voters in Benin are casting ballots to select members of parliament and local representatives, just weeks after a failed coup attempt by army mutineers.

President Patrice Talon’s governing coalition is projected to strengthen its already powerful position in Sunday’s elections, with the main opposition Democrats party barred from the local polls.

The streets of economic capital Cotonou were calm as polling stations opened at 7am local time (06:00 GMT) on Sunday, according to the AFP news agency. Polls are scheduled to close at 5pm (16:00 GMT).

“I’m coming to vote early so I don’t have to deal with the midday crowds after church,” restaurateur Adeline Sonon, 32, told AFP after casting her ballot.

The single-round legislative polls will elect 109 members of the National Assembly, where Talon’s three-party bloc hopes to strengthen its majority.

The Democrats, contesting only the parliamentary races, risk ceding ground to the ruling coalition, which currently holds 81 seats.

Some observers say the opposition may lose all 28 seats, given the current electoral law requiring parties to gather support from 20 percent of registered voters in each of the country’s 24 voting districts to stand for parliament.

The elections come weeks after a deadly coup attempt by soldiers on December 7, which was thwarted in a matter of hours by the military, with support from neighbouring Nigeria.

The campaign unfolded without large rallies, with most parties opting for grassroots strategies like door-to-door canvassing.

“All measures have been taken to guarantee a free, transparent and secure vote. No political ambition can justify violence or endanger national unity,” head of the electoral commission, Sacca Lafia, said on Saturday.

The legislative elections are set to define the political landscape ahead of April’s presidential poll, with the opposition struck off the ballot.

While Talon, 67, who is nearing the end of his second five-year term, is barred from running in April’s elections, his hand-picked successor, Finance Minister Romuald Wadagni, is a strong favourite to win.

Talon has presided over strong economic development across his nearly a decade in power, but critics accuse him of restricting political opposition and basic rights.

CARACAS, Venezuela — At the White House, President Trump vows American intervention in Venezuela will pour billions of dollars into the country’s infrastructure, revive its once-thriving oil industry and eventually deliver a new age of prosperity to the Latin American nation.

Here at a sprawling street market in the capital, though, utility worker Ana Calderón simply wishes she could afford the ingredients to make a pot of soup.

“Food is incredibly expensive,” says Calderón, noting rapidly rising prices that have celery selling for twice as much as just a few weeks ago and two pounds of meat going for more than $10, or 25 times the country’s monthly minimum wage. “Everything is so expensive.”

Venezuelans digesting news of the United States’ brazen capture of former President Nicolás Maduro are hearing grandiose promises of future economic prowess even as they live through the crippling economic realities of today.

“They know that the outlook has significantly changed but they don’t see it yet on the ground. What they’re seeing is repression. They’re seeing a lot of confusion,” says Luisa Palacios, a Venezuelan-born economist and former oil executive who is a research scholar at the Center on Global Energy Policy at Columbia University. “People are hopeful and expecting that things are going to change but that doesn’t mean that things are going to change right now.”

Whatever hope exists over the possibility of U.S. involvement improving Venezuela’s economy is paired with the crushing daily truths most here live. People typically work two, three or more jobs just to survive, and still cupboards and refrigerators are nearly bare. Children go to bed early to avoid the pang of hunger; parents choose between filling a prescription and buying groceries. An estimated eight in 10 people live in poverty.

It has led millions to flee the country for elsewhere.

Those who remain are concentrated in Venezuela’s cities, including its capital, Caracas, where the street market in the Catia neighborhood once was so busy that shoppers bumped into one another and dodged oncoming traffic. But as prices have climbed in recent days, locals have increasingly stayed away from the market stalls, reducing the chaos to a relative hush.

Neila Roa, carrying her 5-month-old baby, sells packs of cigarettes to passersby, having to monitor daily fluctuations in currency to adjust the price.

“Inflation and more inflation and devaluation,” Roa says. “It’s out of control.”

Roa could not believe the news of Maduro’s capture. Now, she wonders what will come of it. She thinks it would take “a miracle” to fix Venezuela’s economy.

“What we don’t know is whether the change is for better or for worse,” she says. “We’re in a state of uncertainty. We have to see how good it can be, and how much it can contribute to our lives.”

Trump has said the U.S. will distribute some of the proceeds from the sale of Venezuelan oil back to its population. But that commitment so far largely appears to be focused on America’s interests in extracting more oil from Venezuela, selling more U.S.-made goods to the country and repairing the electricity grid.

The White House is hosting a meeting Friday with U.S. oil company executives to discuss Venezuela, which the Trump administration has been pressuring to open its vast-but-struggling oil industry more widely to American investment and know-how. In an interview with the New York Times, Trump acknowledged that reviving the country’s oil industry would take years.

“The oil will take a while,” he said.

Venezuela has the world’s largest proven oil reserves. The country’s economy depends on them.

Maduro’s predecessor, the fiery Hugo Chávez, elected in 1998, expanded social services, including housing and education, thanks to the country’s oil bonanza, which generated revenues estimated at some $981 billion between 1999 and 2011 as crude prices soared. But corruption, a decline in oil production and economic policies led to a crisis that became evident in 2012.

Chávez appointed Maduro as his successor before dying of cancer in 2013. The country’s political, social and economic crisis, entangled with plummeting oil production and prices, marked the entirety of Maduro’s presidency. Millions were pushed into poverty. The middle class virtually disappeared. And more than 7.7 million people left their homeland.

Albert Williams, an economist at Nova Southeastern University, says returning the energy sector to its heyday would have a dramatic spillover effect in a country in which oil is the dominant industry, sparking the opening of restaurants, stores and other businesses. What’s unknown, he says, is whether such a revitalization happens, how long it would take and how a government built by Maduro will adjust to the change in power.

“That’s the billion-dollar question,” Williams says. “But if you improve the oil industry, you improve the country.”

The International Monetary Fund estimates Venezuela’s inflation rate is a staggering 682%, the highest of any country for which it has data. That has sent the cost of food beyond what many can afford.

Many public sector workers survive on roughly $160 per month, while the average private sector employee earned about $237 last year. Venezuela’s monthly minimum wage of 130 bolivars, or $0.40, has not increased since 2022, putting it well below the United Nations’ measure of extreme poverty of $2.15 a day.

The currency crisis led Maduro to declare an “economic emergency” in April.

Usha Haley, a Wichita State University economist who studies emerging markets, says for those hurting the most, there is no immediate sign of change.

“Short-term, most Venezuelans will probably not feel any economic relief,” she says. “A single oil sale will not fix the country’s rampant inflation and currency collapse. Jobs, prices and exchange rates will probably not shift quickly.”

In a country that has seen as much strife as Venezuela has in recent years, locals are accustomed to doing what they have to in order to get through the day, so much so that many utter the same expression

“Resolver,” they say in Spanish, or “figure it out,” shorthand for the jury-rigged nature of life here, in which every transaction, from boarding a bus to buying a child’s medicine, involves a delicate calculation.

Here at the market, the smell of fish, fresh onions and car exhaust combine. Calderon, making her way through, faces freshly skyrocketing prices, saying “the difference is huge,” as the country’s official currency has rapidly declined against its unofficial one, the U.S. dollar.

Unable to afford all the ingredients for her soup, she left with a bunch of celery but no meat.

Cano and Sedensky write for the Associated Press. Sedensky reported from New York. AP writer Josh Boak in Washington contributed to this report.

A local in Lanzarote has been left confused by the weather warnings for Storm Francis, which is expected to bring strong gusts, heavy thunderstorms and even snow to the Canary Islands

Tourists planning trips to the Canary Islands have been cautioned about Storm Francis, which was forecast to bring powerful winds, torrential thunderstorms and even snowfall to the area.

However, one resident in Lanzarote has expressed bewilderment over these alerts. Mr Travelon has shared a TikTok video showing the actual conditions on the island at present.

Whilst there have been slightly breezy spells in the popular resort, the weather is far from the severe conditions anticipated. So the expat, filmed standing on the beach beneath clear blue skies, questioned: “Where’s this storm Francis? Because it hasn’t arrived yet in Lanzarote.”

The Lanzarote resident was sporting sunglasses while delivering his update. And despite wearing a fleece, he didn’t require a heavy winter coat.

His video went on: “It was meant to arrive New Year’s Day, we were meant to be seeing the new year in with a storm. Seas looking a little bit choppy, there’s a red flag up there saying ‘do not swim’ and I certainly wouldn’t be getting in that today. But is the storm here… it’s about 14 degrees!”

The holidaymaker then swept his camera across the island, giving viewers a glimpse of the conditions on January 2. He went on: “It is definitely a little bit breezy and the sun is coming up just over there.

“The trees are blowing so we’ve definitely got some sort of medium storm on the way, but they did say it’s possibly going to pass quite quickly. Will it be a pool day today? I doubt it. But that dark cloud is looking like it might start raining.”

The climate in Lanzarote appears considerably more pleasant than what we’re currently experiencing back home in Britain – but that doesn’t mean it won’t change.

There remains a possibility the storm could arrive later today, so tourists are still being told to exercise caution over the next few days.

Consequently, Spain’s meteorological agency AEMET has urged travellers bound for the Canary Islands to stay informed about weather updates.

AEMET stated: “Due to the high level of uncertainty regarding the evolving situation and the potential impact on outdoor activities in the coming days, close monitoring of forecast updates is recommended.

“Today, Storm Francis is expected to affect the Canary Islands, bringing southwesterly winds to coastal areas with very strong gusts, as well as locally heavy and persistent thunderstorms that will move from west to east throughout the day and into the early hours of tomorrow.

“Strong winds will persist in exposed areas and mid-altitude zones until the middle of the 3rd. On the Iberian Peninsula, after a few days of relative stability with scattered showers in the Cantabrian region and the western third of the peninsula, increased instability is likely from the 3rd onwards in areas of the southern and southeastern thirds, with showers that could be locally heavy and persistent in areas of the Gulf of Cádiz, the Strait of Gibraltar, the Costa del Sol, and Cabo de La Nao.

“On the 4th and 5th, the potential interaction with the cold air mass could bring snowfall to mid- to low-lying elevations in the southeastern quadrant of the Iberian Peninsula, with the highest probability and accumulations expected in the eastern Iberian System, the eastern part of the southern plateau, the mountain ranges of the Valencian Community, and the area around the Baetic System. It is possible that snowfall will extend, with less intensity, to other areas of the Iberian System, the central peninsula, and the northeastern third of the peninsula. Additionally, snow showers are expected at mid-elevations in the Cantabrian area.

“From the 6th onwards, the most likely scenario is that precipitation will decrease in intensity and extent in southern areas, although it could still be locally heavy in the Strait of Gibraltar and Melilla, while snowfall will become restricted to mountainous areas, especially in the northern third of the peninsula.”

SANTA MONICA — Derek Shearer is in the big leagues now, but he cut his political teeth in Santa Monica.

Shearer, a top economic adviser to Democratic presidential nominee Bill Clinton, was a planning commissioner in Santa Monica for five years. He credits the city with teaching him about politics and about what an activist government can do.

Now busy with the Clinton campaign, Shearer can be found churning out memos, fielding press calls, lunching with Clinton supporters and doing a hundred other tasks necessary to run the campaign in California. He has been on leave since June from his position as a public policy professor at Occidental College.

The Santa Monica resident spends half his time on the road trying to get across to the electorate Clinton’s economic manifesto, which he helped craft along with Rhode Island businessman Ira Magaziner and Harvard economist Robert Reich. The booklet-length document outlines Clinton’s economic plan and is credited with helping revive the lagging Clinton campaign in June.

An old friend of Clinton, Shearer said the plan incorporates few of his own original ideas. “I don’t try to push my solutions” on the candidate, he said. Instead, he advises Clinton on a range of subjects, helping the candidate find information and expertise.

“Derek is the kind of person that thinks you should bring a lot of people together to discuss an issue,” said Manuel Pastor, an economics professor at Occidental and a fellow at the college’s International and Public Affairs Center, which Shearer directs.

But Shearer is a believer in the Clinton message.

“The core message is not that we need better tinkering with the Federal Reserve or we need to tinker a bit with this or that tax rate,” Shearer said. “It’s that there are structural problems in the economy. We need to deal with the institutions in the society, a lot of which are run down or decayed or not running very well.”

He points to SMASH, the alternative public school his children attended in Santa Monica, as an example of the country’s decaying infrastructure. Built in the 1930s, the school is “crumbling,” Shearer said.

Shearer and Clinton met in the late ‘60s when Shearer was working as a free-lance journalist in London and Clinton was on a Rhodes scholarship at Oxford. Both shared an opposition to the Vietnam War and a passionate interest in government. The two men, both 45, have remained friends since.

Shearer said that when they met Clinton was much the same as he is today–”a natural politician” and unrelentingly gregarious.

When Clinton visited Shearer’s home during the California primary, he stood out in the middle of the street and talked to neighbors, Shearer recalled.

And during an impromptu visit to the Venice beach boardwalk, Clinton took the opportunity to talk policy with roller-skaters. He attracted such a large crowd in a bookstore that he eventually had to make a quick getaway out the back door, Shearer said.

“He’s very at ease with people and always has been,” he said.

Even during the lowest points of the Clinton campaign–when charges of marital infidelity were flying–Shearer never lost faith in his chosen candidate.

And he had been there before. “I had been involved in the (Gary) Hart campaign four years before. I had always felt that Hart should not have withdrawn, that the American people want to hear about issues,” Shearer said. He felt the same way about Clinton.

Shearer has taught at UCLA, Tufts University in Massachusetts and the UC Santa Barbara. He moved to Occidental in 1981 and now directs its public policy program.

He tries to bring his zest for real world politics to the classroom, teaching about “how policy really gets made.” His students learn to deal with bureaucracies, write up policy decisions and even craft public relations brochures.

Shearer said he often invites journalists, campaign consultants and local politicians to talk to students, along with nationally known figures such as consumer advocate Ralph Nader and economist John Kenneth Galbraith.

By most accounts, Shearer is more liberal than Clinton. In fact, the Orange County Register in an Aug. 4 editorial singled out Shearer as evidence of the Clinton campaign’s leanings to the left.

But Shearer rejects the “liberal” label in favor of “progressive.”

“What being a progressive means is that you believe that government can make a difference in people’s lives,” he said.

To Shearer, the city in which he lives offers an example.

Smart planning and wise public investment have given Santa Monica its place in the sun, he said. He pointed to the Third Street Promenade–and the decision to zone it to encourage movie theaters to move to the area–as an example of good planning. The theaters attract lots of customers who patronize other businesses on the walkway, he said.

Although Santa Monica is touted by travel writers and urban planners alike as a pleasant and livable community, elections have always been contentious. Because of his experiences here, he is unfazed by the bruising presidential race.

Shearer recalled personal attacks when he ran on a reform slate in Santa Monica in 1981. When his wife, Ruth Goldway, served as mayor in the early ‘80s, she received death threats and had to have police protection, he said.

Shearer made the leap from local politics to the national scene quite some time ago. In fact, it seems as if the Yale graduate was destined for a role in government. His office at Occidental is full of photographs of himself with well-known political figures, among them Sen. Alan Cranston and, of course, Clinton. One black-and-white photo shows Shearer’s journalist father interviewing Lyndon Johnson.

Shearer served on the board of directors for the National Consumer Cooperative Bank during the Carter Administration, and in the 1970s, he was an economic adviser to Jerry Brown.

But Shearer refused to speculate about the role he would play in a Clinton administration.

“I’ve learned . . . that you don’t plan your life around the outcomes of campaigns,” he said.

It’s opening night at Scotland’s newest community pub, Oakbank Inn, which sits on the Holy Loch in the village of Sandbank, Argyll. It’s a clear, cold night, and the inn couldn’t look more welcoming: a cosy glow from within the historic building, the Cowal hills beyond. The Christmas lights are twinkling, the glasses are charged and there’s a palpable sense of goodwill, cheer, and plenty of pride in the air. By 6pm, it’s buzzing. Locals are already propping up the bar as a stylish woman sweeps in and bags the last table. She is Debbie Rycroft, a local haberdasher. “A pint in my own local,” she smiles happily, relishing a toast with her husband and equally dapper 19-year-old son.

First-night hiccups are limited to a wonky nozzle and a brief worry about a small radiator leak. “How many people to fix a heater?” quips someone as a line of concerned faces survey the scene. Almost immediately, a punter walks in with a radiator key. All sorted. Someone orders a Guinness; the bartender pulls it off. A two-part pour, pitchblack perfection with a balanced, creamy top. Good things come to those who wait? Well, this one’s been three years in the making.

The Oakbank, a landmark building at the heart of Sandbank for the last 160 years, closed at the end of 2022, like so many businesses that struggled in the wake of the Covid pandemic. Next came the closure of the nearby Holy Loch inn. The village was left without a pub – a huge loss for a rural community.

A group of locals got together in early 2023, formed a committee, chaired by Sue McKillop, and began the long slog to buy the Oakbank. “It’s been an uphill struggle,” says Ian MacNaughton, another founding committee member. “I just didn’t think the hill would be so steep!” Now retired, MacNaughton remembers sneaking into the Oakbank for a pint, aged 16. These days he’s learning about compliance laws. “We must do everything right.”

After an initial rejection, their persistence finally paid off last December with the award of a Scottish Land grant just shy of £150,000, covering most of the purchase price. In January, McKillop advertised shares, raising more than £23,000 and an “inspiring amount of enthusiasm” from locals. By April this year, they had the keys. It’s been nonstop ever since up until opening night last Saturday, she says.

While the shares didn’t reach the £90,000 target, people have contributed “thousands of volunteer hours” to get the place ready, Dawn Petherick tells me. They shifted and updated the bar, now an airy sky blue, while the old wood burner’s still there but “needing work”. Another one for the list. And Petherick’s list is long. She is Oakbank’s development officer, a fixed-term post funded by the initial grant, and, like everyone else involved, she’s been busy all year.

The Oakbank has been running pop-ups, workshops and charity mornings during the refurbishment. More events are being added all the time. “Whatever the community wants – knitting groups, book clubs, exhibitions, ‘sober nights’ – it should be a hub more than a pub,” says Petherick. “Somewhere to alleviate social isolation.”

And that is needed more than ever. Yet another local pub, the Strone Inn across the bay, is set to close at the end of the year. Like many local business owners, Stephen Mitchell is supportive of the Oakbank project. “Fair play to them,” he says. “It’s taken them three years, so it’s a real result.” But, he warns, “the hard work starts now as things are really tough”.

McKillop agrees. “It’s exciting but a wee bit scary,” she says. “We are under no illusions as to the challenges that lie ahead. Like any pub venue, we will need to keep innovating in order to survive.” But she can take comfort from recent figures; community pubs are doing well. According to the charity Plunkett UK, community-owned businesses are “highly resilient”, with a five-year survival rate of 98%.

“We’re delighted that the Oakbank Community Inn is opening under community ownership,” says James Alcock, Plunkett UK’s chief executive. “We see time and again how saving local assets like village pubs protects vital services and social spaces, helping to reduce isolation and strengthen communities.”

Future plans include refurbishing accommodation upstairs, a studio/gallery space in the adjoining cottage and renovating the commercial kitchen. In a nice piece of alchemy, the pub sits opposite Sandbank’s community-owned garden, so its polytunnels and raised beds will be nurturing hyper-local vegetables destined for that kitchen.

But the best thing about the Oakbank is the bit you see last. At the back of the bar, big glass doors offer views across the Holy Loch. It’s inaccessible now, but outside the doors, a grassy verge leads to the Holy Loch marina below. It has its own regulars hauling out on the slipway – giant Atlantic grey seals. With neighbours like that, you can see why McKillop has ambitious plans. “We’re going to rebuild the rotten deck and make a bridge to connect to the marina,” she says.

That should please boat-owners Tony, Rob and Alan, enjoying a pint beside the bar. “Sailors don’t like going places where you can’t go to a pub,” says Rob. “And Sandbank’s had absolutely nothing to offer.”

“Hang on,” offers Tony. “It’s got a lot of history.”

But Rob’s having none of it. “You can’t drink a pint of history.”

Saturday, Dec. 13, 2025, was meant to be a pivotal civic exercise across Borno State, northeastern Nigeria, as residents were expected to elect chairpersons and councillors responsible for local development, basic services, and community representation. Instead, what unfolded across parts of the state bore little resemblance to a functioning democratic process.

Umar Ali, a resident of Gamboru in Maiduguri, stepped out that morning expecting to vote, but could not locate any polling unit nearby. “We thought it was just a delay, but there was no election activity at all,” he said. 

His experience was replicated across the city and other neighbouring council wards. HumAngle observed that many polling units listed by the Borno State Independent Electoral Commission (BOSIEC) were deserted, with neither officials nor voters in sight. In locations where officials were present, there was only a handful of voters, often confined to near-empty compounds.

An exception was Ajari II polling unit in Mafa Ward, where Borno State Governor Babagana Zulum cast his vote, which recorded a higher turnout than most other locations observed.

In several neighbourhoods, residents watched the day pass from outside their homes or went about their chores. Conversations revealed frustration, distrust, and a widespread perception that the outcome had already been predetermined.

“This is not an election. It is a selection,” said Musa Ali, who declined to approach the polling unit closest to his house. He accused the government of determining the results in advance. “They already know what they are doing,” he argued. 

For many residents, the only indication that an election was taking place was the restriction of movement imposed across the state. “If not for the ban, you would not even know voting is going on,” said 22-year-old Fatima Alai. 

On some of the empty streets, children and even young adults turned it into football fields. 

Borno State has over 2.5 million registered voters, with about 2.4 million Permanent Voter Cards collected, as of February 2023. Yet participation in local government elections remains low. It is unclear how many people voted in the Dec. 13 elections. However, this trend is not unique to Borno or even to the current election cycle.

Across Nigeria, turnout in local government elections is consistently lower than in national polls. Analysts and residents alike attribute this to weak service delivery at the council level, the routine imposition of candidates by political parties, and the limited credibility of state-run electoral commissions. For many citizens, local elections appear disconnected from accountability or tangible improvements in daily life.

Malpractice in plain sight

Beyond voter apathy, HumAngle observed troubling procedural violations at multiple polling units. At a polling unit in Bulama Kachallah II, in Maiduguri, HumAngle observed electoral officials stamping ballot papers and depositing them into the ballot box in the absence of voters. This continued between 9:00 a.m. and 1:00 p.m., when we left the unit. 

A similar scene played out at another polling unit in nearby Bulama Kachallah I. BOSIEC officials wearing identification tags, alongside unidentified individuals, openly filled out ballot papers and inserted them into the boxes. 

When approached, a party agent who was present at the scene told HumAngle, “Ba ruwan ka,” meaning, “It is none of your business.”

Despite these irregularities, BOSIEC Chairperson Tahiru Shettima maintained that the process met democratic standards. “I think the commission has done its best and the election was free, fair, inclusive, and transparent,” he said. 

Two days after the exercise, BOSIEC announced that the ruling APC won all 27 chairpersonship seats in the state. The election was contested by six political parties, including the New Nigeria People’s Party, Social Democratic Party, Labour Party, and People’s Redemption Party.

Notably absent was the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), the state’s leading opposition force. In the days leading up to the election, the PDP formally boycotted the process, citing concerns about the legitimacy and fairness of the electoral process, the high costs associated with the expression-of-interest and nomination forms, and a lack of trust in BOSIEC’s capacity to conduct credible elections.

The African Democratic Congress (ADC), a national opposition coalition, was also missing from the ballot. A member of the party, who asked not to be named, claimed that “the state government had been a big challenge”. He said that when the party attempted to launch its Borno State chapter in November, security operatives disrupted the event, alleging that the government had not been notified. According to him, this interference contributed to the ADC’s absence from the December local council election.

The electoral commission rejected these criticisms. Shettima said BOSIEC had consulted with stakeholders, including political parties, on logistics and nomination fees, and insisted that participation was voluntary. “We cannot force any political party to take part in the election,” he told journalists.

Public reactions on social media, meanwhile, suggested a contrasting reality to official claims. Tanko Wabba, a Facebook user, wrote: “We didn’t see the election [ballot] box in our street,” reflecting frustration over missing polling units and highlighting a gap between official claims and citizens’ experiences.

Weakened local governance 

For more than a decade, local council elections were not held in Borno State due to the Boko Haram insurgency. During that period, councils were administered by caretaker committees appointed by the state government. Elections resumed in 2020, with another round held in January 2024. 

While those elections were described by the media as largely peaceful, turnout was characterised as average at best. Analysts cited voter fatigue, lingering security concerns, and persistent doubts about the relevance and autonomy of local councils.

Under Nigeria’s Constitution, local governments constitute the third tier of government, operating under the state’s supervision. Democratically elected councils are mandated to manage basic services such as roads, markets, sanitation, health clinics, business and vehicle licensing, local fees, education, and support for agriculture and health in coordination with the state.

Executive authority at the local level rests with the chairperson and vice chairperson, who implement council policies through supervisory councillors and the civil service. In practice, however, councils often have limited autonomy. State governments frequently override their authority by appointing caretaker committees—often ruling party loyalists—and retaining control of local government finances through joint state–local government accounts.

Autonomy debates and unresolved tensions

In July 2024, Nigeria’s Supreme Court ordered that allocations from the federation account meant for lo­cal governments must be disbursed to them directly, rather than the joint account created by the state government. The court restrained governors from collecting, withholding, or tampering with these funds, declaring such actions unconstitutional, null, and void.

The Minister of State for Defence, Bello Mohammed Matawalle, welcomed the ruling, saying it would allow local governments to manage their own finances, strengthen accountability to voters, and improve service delivery and development.

However, the Nigerian Governors’ Forum opposed the decision. The governors argued that full local government autonomy does not align with Nigeria’s federal structure and said the ruling failed to address longstanding issues of weak administration and executive excesses at the council level.

“The desire for decentralisation must be backed by a commitment to delegate resources, power, and tasks to local-level governance structures that are democratic and largely independent of central government,” said Victor Adetula, a Professor of Political Science at the University of Jos.

Against this backdrop of contested authority and fragile credibility, the conduct of Borno’s local government elections raises deeper questions—not just about electoral integrity, but about whether local democracy in the state can meaningfully deliver the governance and development it promises.