lingers

WASHINGTON, Oct. 9 (UPI) — Federal employee union leaders and members say being furloughed or still working, but without pay, has created personal hardships as the government sits largely idle during the second week of a shutdown.

And for many, the shutdown over funding has deepened concerns about the long-term erosion of the federal workforce. Agencies already operating with limited staffing could face additional strain as employees decide public service is not worth the stress and leave.

“It’s my opinion that we have functionally been in a shutdown, or at least a partial shutdown, for eight months now,” said James Kirwan, legislative affairs director of the National Labor Relations Board Union.

“Since January, one-eighth of the federal workforce is gone. That’s over 300,000 federal workers who were either fired or pressured to take the deferred resignation program. As a result, a lot of programs are dealing with much smaller capacities.”

Kirwan, who is furloughed, spends his days meeting with congressional representatives to advocate for federal worker protections in future budgets. The National Labor Relations Board, where he works overseeing private-sector union disputes, is almost entirely shuttered.

“I think 99.8% of the National Labor Relations Board is furloughed,” he said. “If you are an employee claiming you’ve been fired because of anti-union discrimination, there’s nothing you can do right now. There’s no legal mechanism at your disposal to get your job back.”

Kirwan said he remains committed to his role at the NLRB, but fears for the future of federal service, noting that while government jobs have never been the highest paying, they historically offered stability, union protections and flexibility. But now these benefits are eroding as collective bargaining agreements lapse and layoffs continue.

“Twenty percent of the federal workforce is GS-7 or below, which basically means that they make less than $30,000 or $35,000 a year. We’re talking upward of 200,000 federal employees,” he said.

“For them, not receiving a paycheck is potentially devastating because it means that they have to take out more credit card debt, loans — things that can put them in financial jeopardy.”

While Kirwan is grounded in Washington, others feel the effects of the shutdown across the country.

James Jones, based in Boone, N.C., a representative of Local 446 with the American Federation of Government Employees, works for the National Park Service. He said the shutdown hit at one of the worst possible times — the fall season in the Blue Ridge Mountains.

“It’s the fall color season. Our park gets very busy during this time of year, probably the busiest time of the year for us. We don’t have enough maintenance folks to really keep up with the amount of traffic that is coming into the park each day,” he said.

Jones told UPI that one or two Park Service workers visit the parks each day to clean the bathrooms and take out trash, but it’s not enough. With parks remaining open without proper staffing, he said a bigger mess will await them when they eventually return — if they do.

“We work for Americans, we serve the American public, and the longer we’re out of work, the larger the toll it’s going to take on these public services,” Jones said.

An Army veteran, Jones has been through several shutdowns and shared frustrations regarding the constant political gridlock and its wear on morale.

“It kind of makes me angry because I’d rather be at work. Not just collecting a paycheck, but I’m pretty committed to the National Park Service and its ideas and mission, and I’d like to be there doing my job,” he said.

He added that the frustrations lie deeper than just financial uncertainty, but it affects other means of living, as well.

“It’s not just the back pay, it’s all your benefits. It’s the longer the shutdown lasts, we’re losing annual leave, we’re losing sick leave, we’re losing retirement benefits, our health care premiums aren’t being paid,” Jones said.

While in Chicago at the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, Colin Smalley, president of the International Federation of Professional and Technical Engineers Local 777, described a similar sense of exhaustion. Even before the shutdown, he said, agencies were grappling with what he called a “brain drain.”

“We have people who are in their field, people in the design of a project from 20 to 25 years ago, and they still are around to inspect these federal projects. We do levees, flood control, reservoirs and other things that protect our communities,” he said.

Smalley added: “We have people who have that long-reaching expertise and institutional knowledge who are walking out the door, and that really puts a stress on our ability to deliver the project.”

Despite assurances that workers wouldn’t be expected to handle more work to compensate for staffing losses, Smalley said they are still under pressure to meet the same deadlines with fewer people.

Although he expressed frustration with political leadership, he said this crisis has only deepened his commitment to the work.

“This whole episode is reinforcing my commitment to public service,” he said. “It reinforces the way I feel about serving my own communities. … My biggest fear is a slow descent into loss — of expertise, resources and the sense of common good that holds us together.”

Winning tip: ebike tour of Sardinia’s west coast

We explored Sardinia’s wild west coast by ebike with Bosa Bike Experience, who had us whizzing up into vertiginous mountain villages with views of the sparkling azure sea, then back down in time for mirto spritz at a sunset bar right on the seafront. Then back into Bosa’s maze of colourful cobbled streets for delicious Sardinian specialities like seafood fregola, smoked ricotta and wine from local vines grown on volcanic soil. The nearby beaches were perfect – some family-friendly, others wild and deserted.
Emma

A spectacular Italian hotel beneath Sorrento’s cliffs

One of my favourite autumn escapes is the Hotel Admiral (doubles from about £140 B&B) snuggled into the cliff face of Sorrento. I would spend my mornings here dozing on warm black sand and swimming in the sea, pleasantly warm after having had summer to heat up. At about two o’clock, the sun retreats behind the cliffs, leaving afternoons for wandering a network of shady passages and rickety stairways that lead to charming restaurants and shops. Come evening, lambent orange lamplight cloaks the village in sleepy romance while wine taverns murmur Italian music. And, ever-present across the bay is looming, magnificent Vesuvius.
Catrina Conway

Cycling in the golden light of Tuscany

Lucca is a perfect late summer escape, bathed in golden Tuscan light and alive with cultural charm. Its tree-lined Renaissance walls invite leisurely bike rides, while the car-free old town offers tranquil strolls through winding alleys and piazzas. In September, the city glows during the Luminara di Santa Croce, a candlelit procession that transforms Lucca into a living artwork. Markets brim with seasonal produce, and nearby vineyards begin their harvest. Whether you’re savouring buccellato in a shaded cafe or climbing Torre Guinigi for rooftop views to the Apennines, Lucca blends serenity, history and sensory delight. It’s ideal for those seeking warmth without the crowds.
Catherine Taylor

The party boats have left Formentera – but not the sunshine

Ibiza’s quieter sister, Formentera, is bliss once the August party boats depart. By early September the heat has mellowed, but the sea still feels like silk. Hire a bike at La Savina, pedal along pine-scented lanes to the dazzling sands of Platja de ses Illetes, then linger over sunset paella at a chiringuito (beach bar) as flamingos swoop across the nearby salt flats. With most day-trippers gone, even the island’s lone lighthouse at La Mola feels yours alone, and off-season ferry deals from Ibiza make this pocket-sized paradise surprisingly gentle on the wallet.
Azeem

A French B&B that has the Lot

For a gentle late-summer escape, head to Le Relais du Chien Bleu (doubles from €80 a night), a hidden B&B on the Lot-Aveyron border. Set in a 19th-century townhouse, it serves superb vegan dishes (yes, in France!) made from local market produce. Stroll down to the Lot River, nibble figs straight from the trees, and wander the medieval streets of Capdenac-Le-Haut, while the nearby railway town of Capdenac adds historic charm. With fewer crowds and warm, attentive hosts, this is the perfect spot to savour the relaxed rhythms of rural southern France as summer eases into autumn.
Liam

Ancient island trails scented with thyme, Greece

For a blissful late-season escape, head to the Cyclades island of Sifnos a few hours on a ferry from Piraeus, Athens’ main port. The summer crowds have faded, but the sun still warms the quiet beaches and whitewashed villages. Enjoy fresh seafood at harbour tavernas, hike ancient trails scented with wild thyme, and join locals at gentle evening festivals. With lower prices and a slower pace, Sifnos reveals its authentic charm – perfect for unwinding before autumn truly arrives.
Sandra

Wander Roman ruins in Portugal’s Alentejo

The Alentejo basks in golden light well into late September and October. The region stretches from cork oak forests to wild Atlantic beaches, with daytime temperatures still hovering above 20C. In the whitewashed town of Évora, Roman ruins and quiet plazas invite slow wandering. Farther west, the coastline near Vila Nova de Milfontes offers warm surf and near-empty sands. Alentejo is languid and sun-drenched, a secret escape where summer lingers and time seems to pause.
Matthew Healy

Take the Tarragona train in Spain

Tarragona is really easy to reach by Eurostar, TGV, then local train from Barcelona. Self-catering accommodation in the old city centre is within apartment buildings that may well incorporate the ancient city walls or the foundations of the Roman circus and mean you can experience living like a local with narrow communal staircases and markets on your doorstep. Outdoor tables at restaurants are delightful well into autumn and the waves at the beach are still warm. Entrance to the amphitheatre is only €5 (beat that Rome!) where you can see surviving painted wall plaster.
Amy

Agritourism amid Ottoman splendour in Albania

The Unesco-listed town of Berat, nicknamed the “town of a thousand windows”, not only offers amazing places to see such as castles, Ottoman-era houses, museums and so on, but also it’s a perfect place for agritourism. If you want to experience harvesting fruits such as grapes and figs (Alpeta is one of the many vineyards and farms offering agritourism), then September is an ideal time to visit.
Gentian Agalliu

Stay on a rewilded nature reserve, south-west France

The sleepy woods of south-west France are wonderful for a late summer break. Stay near Limoges at Le Moulin de Pensol (gîtes from €60 a night), run as a nature reserve with plenty of rewilded land. Mushrooms take over from butterflies as the main September attraction, with the advantage that they stay still for photos. I walked miles along golden, leaf-lined trails in the Périgord-Limousin natural regional park. The annual chestnut festival at Dournazac completed the autumn package.
Rachel

WASHINGTON — It happened once before: a chaotic, contested, anger-plagued election that haunts American politics to this day.

The vote was a virtual tie. Recounts were demanded–then rejected. Increasingly distrustful camps warred over absentee ballots and the vagaries of voter intent. A Republican secretary of state came under fire. Controversy spilled over into the courts.

And in the end, when the Democratic-controlled U.S. House refused to seat the certified Republican winner from southwest Indiana, political relations took a long plunge into partisan bitterness–the sort of animus that threatens whoever ends up in the White House next year.

“When it was over, the buildings were still standing but the foundations were cracked,” recalled John J. Pitney Jr., a political scientist and Capitol Hill aide during the controversy of 1984-85. “It really changed the level of mutual animosity and the atmosphere of the House–to this day.”

“Indiana 8” (the disputed election was in the state’s 8th Congressional District) became a gut-wrenching GOP battle cry, an early milestone in the nation’s journey toward divisive, bitter politics that is now reflected in everything from the climate in the capital to razor-thin margins in elections across the country.

A Troubling Lesson on Tainted Elections

Indeed, in the eerie parallels between today’s presidential election and its Indiana predecessor, some see a warning for Texas Gov. George W. Bush and Vice President Al Gore: A result tainted with even the appearance of bias–however accurate the result may be–can trigger reactions that are destructive, long-lasting and unpredictable.

“People have to realize that these disputes have consequences. And what was true about one congressional district would be greatly magnified in a presidential race,” warned former Rep. Lee H. Hamilton, an Indiana Democrat who heads the Smithsonian Institution’s Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.

Although little known, the tortured tale of Indiana’s “Bloody 8” remains seared in the memory of many politicians.

At first, in the early hours after the Nov. 6, 1984, election, it appeared that incumbent Rep. Frank McCloskey, a Democrat, had eked out a victory by 72 votes. But it was quickly discovered that two precincts had counted ballots twice, skewing the result in favor of the former Bloomington mayor.

Five weeks later, to the shock of Democrats, Indiana’s Republican secretary of state certified Republican Richard McIntyre as the winner by 34 votes. McIntyre’s margin grew to 418 in a January recount, when officials tossed out 4,800 ballots for a range of technical reasons that were judged by differing standards in the district’s 15 counties.

On Capitol Hill, however, the Democratic-controlled House questioned the findings and created a three member panel–two Democrats and one Republican–to recommend which man should be seated in Congress.

Seeking a process that would withstand scrutiny, task force members hired auditors from the government’s General Accounting Office. But Republicans complained that Democrats were stealing the election and employing a sham process to do it.

“If he is denied his seat, then any certified candidate . . . is open to political attack,” Rep. Bill Thomas of California, the Republican on the task force, complained at the time.

Quickly, the task force ran into pivotal disputes over which absentee ballots should be accepted and which should be rejected. In succeeding weeks, Republicans tried to seat McIntyre on several occasions, once launching a surprise vote when many Democrats were out of town. But the majority party always managed to prevail.

Increasingly frustrated Republicans unveiled aggressive guerrilla tactics, forcing roll-call votes on minor matters, blistering the podium with motions to adjourn and on at least one occasion keeping the House in session all night.

On May 1, six months after the election, the task force ruled that Democrat McCloskey had won the race by four votes. The House quickly endorsed the panel’s finding.

The party-line vote became a watershed in a new era of partisan feuding, even prompting the strange spectacle of Republican lawmakers singing “We Shall Overcome” as they stormed out of the House.

In an interview this week, Rep. Leon E. Panetta, the Carmel Valley Democrat who was chairman of the task force, cited the difficulty of bringing a disputed election to a satisfying conclusion: “The lessons are that, no matter what process is agreed upon, when it comes down to a very close vote, it leaves some very deep feelings that are not easily overcome.”

But, he said, the House vote to seat McCloskey would have been more broadly accepted if the task force had included an equal number of Democrats and Republicans and if there had been consensus in the finding: “If the committee leans partisan, either Republican or Democratic, then it will always be viewed as a partisan result.”

Before the Indiana battle, the Republican Party was largely split between a pragmatic old-guard, personified by House Minority Leader Robert H. Michel of Illinois, and a growing band of Young Turks, headed by Newt Gingrich of Georgia. The Gingrich troops had been seeking a much more confrontational approach, with the aim of capturing control of the House.

“Indiana 8” gave the mavericks the ammunition they needed to push the old guard aside. “Following the McIntyre incident, 95% of the Republicans came to the conclusion that the only way we were going to get the kind of attention we deserved was to win the majority,” said former Rep. Robert S. Walker, a Pennsylvania Republican who was a ringleader of the younger group.

‘A Transformational Episode’ for GOP

In the era that followed, Democrats and Republicans no longer belonged to different branches of the same insiders’ club. Instead, they belonged to warring clans.

“It was a transformational episode for Republicans,” said Dan Meyer, a longtime aide to Gingrich. “There was a sense across the board that seat was stolen. It gave legitimacy to the efforts of the [Gingrich] crowd. The Democratic leadership, in the eyes of even the older Republican members, lost some legitimacy.”

Recalling Indiana, some experts warned that today’s presidential election conflict could sow lasting seeds of partisan mistrust because both sides have cast doubt effectively on the legitimacy of their opponent’s claim to victory. But today’s stakes are much higher.

“When you have one-third or more of the country looking at the other candidate as illegitimate, that does not bode well for the president uniting the country,” said Eric M. Uslaner, a professor of government and politics at the University of Maryland, alluding to polls that point to such divisions.

But in an interview, the winner of the ill-starred Indiana election expressed surprising optimism that today’s furor will blow over without dramatic consequences. “I don’t think we’re into a perpetual, acrimonious quagmire,” said McCloskey, now an attorney in Bloomington.

Still, it was with vehemence that he expressed the words that raise the blood pressure of many Republicans even 15 years later: “I won it fairly.”