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Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso – Captain Ibrahim Traore, a 38-year-old army officer who seized power in a 2022 coup, has become one of Africa’s most recognisable leaders, hailed by supporters as a symbol of sovereignty and resistance to foreign influence.

But while his image has grown across the continent, his rule has also been marked by increasing restrictions on political activity, persistent insecurity and questions over whether his message of national renewal can translate into lasting change.

In April, Traore told Burkinabe people to “forget about democracy”, arguing that the country was in a revolutionary phase rather than a democratic one. The remark came after his government extended the military-led transition and dissolved political parties, signalling that a return to civilian rule was no longer an immediate priority.

The contrast between Traore’s growing international reputation and the realities inside Burkina Faso has become one of the defining questions of his presidency.

Burkina Faso has been at the centre of the Sahel’s security crisis for nearly a decade, with armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and ISIL (ISIS) expanding across large parts of the country and overwhelming successive governments.

Why has Traore become so popular?

Traore’s appeal extends well beyond Burkina Faso because he has tapped into wider frustration across parts of Africa over foreign military intervention, economic dependence and political elites seen as disconnected from citizens.

Since taking power in a coup in September 2022, he has expelled French troops, strengthened ties with Russia, promoted local industry and agriculture, and presented economic self-reliance as a national priority. His government has joined other military-led governments in the Sahel region moving away from traditional Western security partnerships.

His speeches frequently invoke the legacy of former revolutionary leader Thomas Sankara, who ruled Burkina Faso from 1983 until his assassination in 1987 and who remains a symbol of anti-imperialism and self-reliance across Africa.

Supporters argue that Traore has restored national pride and challenged a system in which Burkina Faso remained politically and economically dependent on external powers.

“What’s happening in Burkina Faso is a genuine decoupling of legitimacy from performance,” Kabir Adamu, a security analyst and founder of Beacon Consulting Limited in Nigeria, told Al Jazeera. “Traore has restructured the security architecture around sovereignty rather than efficacy.”

Adamu said measures such as the creation of the Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland, Burkina Faso’s withdrawal from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and closer security ties with Russia have resonated with a population exhausted by years of foreign-backed military efforts that failed to stop the spread of armed groups.

A Burkinabe diplomat based in Ghana, who requested anonymity because they were not authorised to speak publicly, said Traore’s appeal reflects a desire among some citizens for a leader who appears less influenced by external powers.

“I have followed the speeches of Western leaders for decades,” the diplomat told Al Jazeera. “Traore is the first leader in years who looks like he isn’t reading from their script.”

The diplomat said some supporters view criticism from Western governments as evidence that Burkina Faso’s attempt to pursue a more independent path challenges established relationships.

What has changed under his government?

Traore has sought to turn his sovereignty message into policy, with his government prioritising local production, state control of strategic sectors and reduced dependence on foreign partners.

Officials say Burkina Faso has increased investment in agriculture, particularly in staple crops such as rice and maize, while encouraging local manufacturing and processing industries. The government has also promoted infrastructure projects and sought greater national involvement in strategic economic sectors.

Supporters argue that these measures are laying the foundations for greater economic independence and ensuring that national resources are directed towards domestic development rather than external interests.

The government has also expanded the Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland programme, a government-backed civilian force created to support the military in areas where the state has struggled to maintain security.

Has security improved?

This remains the central test of Traore’s presidency.

He came to power promising to reverse the deterioration in security that had plagued Burkina Faso for years. Successive governments struggled to contain armed groups linked to al-Qaeda and ISIL (ISIS) that expanded across the Sahel following instability in neighbouring Mali.

Since 2022, the military has intensified operations across the country and repeatedly announced the recapture of towns and strategic positions. Government officials say security has improved in several areas and that the state has regained ground previously controlled by armed groups.

“Traore’s presidency is ultimately judged by whether security has improved,” Mustapha Bature Sallama told Al Jazeera. He is a private investigator and security and intelligence specialist from Ghana who is based near the Ghana–Burkina Faso border.

Sallama said Burkina Faso continues to face serious threats from armed groups linked to Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), al-Qaeda’s affiliate in the Sahel, and ISIL’s West Africa Province (ISWAP), with millions of people requiring humanitarian assistance, more than two million displaced and limited independent verification of official security claims.

He added that Burkina Faso and Ghana maintain intelligence cooperation to monitor cross-border threats and prevent the spread of armed group violence into the region.

Despite government claims of progress, Burkina Faso remains one of the countries most affected by armed group violence. Attacks continue across multiple regions, civilians are regularly killed and humanitarian organisations report that millions of people require assistance.

More than two million people remain displaced and access to many affected areas is limited. Independent verification of military claims has also become increasingly difficult as access for journalists, researchers and humanitarian groups has narrowed.

What about political freedoms?

Traore’s government has increasingly moved beyond a military transition towards a broader consolidation of power.

In January, authorities dissolved political parties and suspended political activities, arguing that they fuelled division during a period of national crisis. The move followed an earlier extension of the military transition, effectively postponing a return to electoral politics.

The tightening of state control has also extended beyond politics. Last month, Traore publicly declared that “the battle has begun” against Muslim scholars he accused of promoting religious extremism, following the adoption of a new Religious Freedoms Law and the arrest of several prominent Sunni clerics.

The confrontation was significant because many Muslim leaders had previously been viewed as part of Traore’s support base. Critics warned that the measures risked weakening religious independence and freedom of expression, while authorities argued that extraordinary steps were necessary during a national security emergency.

Rights groups have also raised concerns over restrictions affecting political parties, journalists and civil society organisations.

So does the record match the reputation?

Traore’s rise has been built on a powerful message: that Burkina Faso should have greater control over its security, resources and political direction.

For many supporters, he represents a generation of African leaders willing to challenge former colonial powers, reject Western security frameworks and demand greater control over national resources. In a region where frustration with foreign intervention has been growing, that message has resonated strongly.

But the strength of Traore’s image has also created a difficult test: whether symbolic victories can translate into improvements in people’s daily lives.

If the measure is sovereignty, political messaging and the ability to inspire supporters, Traore has achieved remarkable influence in a short period and become one of Africa’s most recognisable political figures.

If the measure is security, humanitarian conditions and political freedoms inside Burkina Faso, the picture is far more complicated. Armed violence continues, displacement remains widespread and questions remain over whether military rule can deliver lasting stability.

Traore has proved highly effective at turning sovereignty into a powerful political message. The question now is whether that message can deliver the security and justice that many Burkinabe people expect.

“We are proud to see a leader who stands up to the West and wears our traditional clothes. That pride is real,” a youth leader in Ouagadougou, who requested anonymity because of concerns for their safety, told Al Jazeera.

“But pride doesn’t feed a family, and it doesn’t protect a village. We want Captain Traore to be a symbol of strength, but we also need him to be a symbol of safety and justice here at home.”

JOHANNESBURG — Globally celebrated South African jazz icon Abdullah Ibrahim has died at age 91, his family announced in a statement Monday.

Ibrahim, formerly known as Dollar Brand, passed away peacefully in Germany following a short illness, surrounded by loved ones, the statement issued on behalf of his family said.

As one of South Africa’s most respected jazz figures, he famously played at Nelson Mandela’s 1994 presidential inauguration. Mandela referred to Ibrahim as “our Mozart.”

His final public concert in South Africa took place at the Cape Town International Jazz Festival in March, when he once again captivated audiences with the musical skill that defined his career.

Paying tribute to her partner, Dr. Marina Umari said he “passed away peacefully with South Africa and its people in his heart.”

“His love for his country never wavered, no matter where in the world he found himself,” she said.

His family said that even though his life is over, his influence and voice would continue to resonate around the world.

South African President Cyril Ramaphosa paid tribute to the musician, praising his contribution to the anti-apartheid struggle and acknowledging his lasting impact through music.

“Today our nation mourns the passing of an international icon and global citizen whose profound creations honored the South Africa that shaped his political commitment and musical brilliance,” said Ramaphosa.

Born Adolph Johannes Brand in Cape Town on Oct. 9, 1934, Ibrahim rose to international prominence as a pianist, composer and bandleader. With a career spanning more than seven decades, he forged a unique blend of jazz and South African musical traditions, making him a cultural ambassador whose music struck a chord with listeners worldwide.

Ibrahim’s mother Rachel Brand was mixed-race and under the apartheid system he was classified as “colored,” which afforded him certain social privileges that were denied Black South Africans. He was raised by grandparents and was told Rachel was his sister, only learning the truth in adulthood. Influenced by his grandmother and mother playing piano at the AME Church in Kensington, a Cape Town suburb, Irbrahim began piano lessons at age 7 and made his professional debut at 15.

In 1959 and 1960, he played with saxophonists Kippie Moeketsi and Mackay Davashe, trumpeter Hugh Masekela, trombonist Jonas Gwangwa, bassist Johnny Gertze and drummer Makaya Ntshoko in the Jazz Epistles. The group recorded the first full-length jazz LP by Black South African musicians, “Jazz Epistle — Verse 1.” The South African government began targeting jazz groups as part of increasing state repression, and following the Sharpeville massacre in March 1960, the Jazz Epistles broke up.

During this time, Ibrahim met jazz singer Sathima Bea Benjamin and the pair moved to Europe. The following year, in Zurich, Switzerland, Benjamin convinced Duke Ellington to come see Ibrahim perform with the Dollar Brand Trio. Impressed, Ellington helped arrange a recording session with Reprise Records, later released as “Duke Ellington presents The Dollar Brand Trio.”

In 1965, Ibrahim and Benjamin married and moved to New York. He played at the Newport Jazz Festival and toured throughout the U.S. In addition to playing with, and, on occasion, leading the Duke Ellington Orchestra, Ibrahim interacted with such musicians as Don Cherry, Ornette Coleman, John Coltrane and Pharoah Sanders, and was influenced by the Black Power movement, incorporating African elements into his jazz. His compositions also reflected the influence of Ellington and Thelonious Monk.

The musician returned briefly to Cape Town in 1968 and converted to Islam, changing his name from Dollar Brand to Abdullah Ibrahim. As an expatriate, he toured the world for decades, appearing at major venues and working with classical orchestras in Europe. His composition “Mannenberg” became noteworthy as an anthem of South Africa’s anti-apartheid movement.

In 2009, Ibrahim received an honorary doctorate in music from Wits University and the Order of Ikhamanga, a prestigious civilian award, from former President Jacob Zuma in the same year.

Ibrahim was named a Jazz Master by the National Endowment for the Arts in 2019.

Alan Winde, the mayor of the Western Cape, where Ibrahim’s hometown is located, honored the performer and commended him for capturing South Africa’s cultural richness and history in his music.

“South Africa has lost a legend,” Winde said. “Abdullah Ibrahim represented everything that makes South Africa and the Western Cape so remarkable. His music told the story of our unique cultural diversity and past.”

Ibrahim is survived by Umari; his son, Tsakwe, a musician; and his daughter, Tsidi, a rapper who goes by Jean Grae.

According to his family, Ibrahim will be laid to rest in the German state of Bavaria, where he lived.

Gumede writes for the Associated Press.