Hungarys

A slow, boozy bus tour of Hungary’s secret vineyards | Travel

The 90-minute train journey south-west from Budapest to the spa town of Balatonfüred unveils a landscape that segues from gritty industrial compounds to long sweeps of golden sunflowers and fields of pale grain. The carriage is pleasingly retro, with thick velour upholstery; windows that open, awkwardly, with a stiff metal lever; and a bushy eyebrowed conductor replete with ticket machine slung over his shoulder.

But the real retromania is yet to come. Arriving at Balatonfüred station, I board a 1984 DAF bus, painted an almost audacious shade of green. From the open-air rear, I take in the view over Lake Balaton, central Europe’s largest freshwater lake, often referred to as the “Hungarian Sea”.

A spa resort town since the late 18th century, Balatonfüred is a popular place for sailing and swimming, while the hilly countryside to the north is great for mountain bikers and hikers. It’s also home to hundreds of wineries, many of which have traditionally been difficult to access – especially without a car. The bus I’m on – the hop-on, hop-off 46° Balaton Borbusz that launched this summer – has changed all this, by taking visitors on day trips to local vineyards.

It’s the brainchild of Virág Szabó, who has spent summers in the region since childhood. “The idea first came to me when I was travelling in South Africa, on the vintage wine tram that runs between Stellenbosch and Franschhoek,” she says. “I couldn’t believe that nobody had thought to do something similar here.” The 46° moniker is a reference to the fact that this area occupies the same latitude as Bordeaux, Burgundy and the Rhône.

She found the bus in the Netherlands and, by May this year, had signed up 22 wineries along two distinct routes – one focused on better-known growers and the other on more remote ones. Since then, seven more have joined and many more are eager to get involved. “I have three criteria. Is the wine good? Are there nice views? And is the winery able to offer some form of hospitality?” she says. Many of the wineries are family-owned and run, with no previous thought of opening up to visitors. Very little of Hungary’s wine is marketed, and only around one-third is exported. Less still has it ever been the stuff of tourism.

Vineyards on the shore of Lake Balaton. Photograph: Bernadett Pogacsas-Simon/Alamy

The bus departs Balatonfüred about every two hours from 11am, with the final drop-off at 9pm and the option to visit four wineries. Guests can either choose these in advance or pick en route – and, if the bus returns for you and two hours have flashed by before you’re ready, you can simply ask to be collected two hours later. While tourism in Hungary is booming, with Budapest the country’s primary draw, the Borbusz hopes to lure visitors further afield, offering an alternative insight into the country – and the chance to meet local people. Originally, it was planned to run only until September – but will now operate until mid-October, thanks to its early popularity.

Our first stop is Mórocz Pince (“pince” is the Hungarian for “cellar”), reached via a moderately steep, rocky path from the main road. Founded by former musician Tamás Mórocz, it produces between 4,000 and 5,000 bottles each year, with traminer and merlot rosé among its specialities. “During Soviet times, the emphasis was on quantity, for exporting to eastern bloc countries, rather than quality,” he says. “Fortunately, that’s no longer the case.”

Although just 38, Mórocz has been making wine for 15 years. “I wanted to approach it differently,” he says. “In a way that was lighthearted, irreverent and down to earth.” One way he’s achieved this is through his labels, with each vintage given a different theme. The 2025 bottles show photos, taken from family albums, of his grandfather, who introduced him to wine. “He died in 2012, so he doesn’t know he’s famous,” says Mórocz, with a smile. Over charcuterie platters on the terrace, with rows of vines and the expanse of the lake as a backdrop, it feels less like a tasting, and more like we’re drinking and chatting with friends – and the wine is delicious.

We continue on, and some of the group jump off at another winery, Balogh, just down the hill from Mórocz. But Szabó has told me about the charismatic owner of Gazdag Pince, and I’m keen to meet him, so I remain on the bus for another 15 minutes as we pass neatly combed vineyards and pretty villages. “We only make wines that we want to drink,” says Gábor Gazdag, welcoming us to his winery. “I used to play badminton, but then I got too fat, and I started worrying about being bored in retirement. I wasn’t interested in hunting, fishing or collecting stamps – but I like wine, so I bought this land. It’s a hobby for me.”

Wine tasting at the Mórocz Pince vineyard. Photograph: Sarah Rodrigues

For Gazdag, this may be a way to stave off lethargy in older age; for János Fogl, at next door’s Madaras Pince, “it’s my life”. Szabó tells me that Fogl – who has been making wine since 1994 – is a genius, cross-breeding grapes to create unique varieties that shouldn’t work in this region. Shaded under a vine-tangled trellis, we start with a cherry liqueur before moving on to a dizzying selection of wines. Each time I think we’re finished, Fogl shuffles off to his cellar and produces another bottle.

Music spills from the Borbusz speakers as we travel back, picking up passengers – couples and groups of friends – from other wineries along the way. Everyone is in an unmistakably ebullient mood; this will almost certainly turn to somnolence later.

The next day, floating in the warm, shallow waters of the lake, I watch families playing ballgames and the slow glide of sailboats. Novices wobble uncertainly on paddleboards; the more experienced strike confidently away from the shore. It’s hard to imagine that this was once undesirable marshland, and that the older buildings in Balatonfüred were constructed to face away from it. Thanks to large-scale civil engineering, the lake reinvented itself; now, the area’s wineries, with the help of the 46° Balaton Borbusz, seem poised to do the same – opening up their terraces, and their stories, to new generations of visitors.

The trip was provided by Visit Balaton 365 and 46°Balaton Borbusz. A full day ticket on the 46°Balaton Borbusz is €42

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Hungary’s Business Elite Faces New Reality After Viktor Orban’s Exit

Hungary’s corporate landscape is undergoing its most significant transformation in decades as businesses that flourished under former Prime Minister Viktor Orban adjust to a new political order led by Prime Minister Péter Magyar. Companies that once benefited from close ties to the previous government are now restructuring their operations, while investors and foreign firms are watching for signs of a more competitive business environment.

The shift follows Magyar’s decisive election victory in April, ending Orban’s 16 year rule and ushering in an administration that has pledged to curb political favoritism, increase transparency in public procurement, and align Hungary more closely with European Union governance standards.

Construction Giants Shift Strategy

One of the clearest signs of the changing business climate comes from Market Építő, one of Hungary’s largest construction firms, which has historically secured major government backed infrastructure projects, including football stadiums.

Chief Executive Sandor Scheer said the company is preparing for a future less dependent on large public contracts.

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“We are preparing for a shift where, instead of large scale projects, we will have a higher volume of smaller scale projects, and housing and infrastructure construction will become dominant,” Scheer told Reuters.

The company, which has been linked to Orban ally Istvan Garancsi, generated roughly one quarter of its revenue from public contracts during the previous administration.

End of the Crony Capitalism Model?

For years, Orban’s political allies built powerful business empires through access to state spending, public tenders, and favorable regulations across sectors including construction, banking, telecommunications, and real estate.

Analysts believe companies that relied heavily on government infrastructure spending now face the greatest risks.

Daniel Hegedus, Deputy Director of Berlin’s Institute for European Politics, said construction and road building companies closely tied to Orban’s political network could struggle to survive as contracts become more competitive.

Some firms, analysts warn, may disappear entirely if they fail to adapt to a marketplace where political connections carry less influence.

Government Pushes Transparency Reforms

Prime Minister Magyar has moved quickly to introduce anti corruption legislation designed to satisfy long standing European Union concerns over Hungary’s procurement system.

A 2024 OECD survey found Hungary had an unusually high number of single bidder public procurement contracts, while research by Hungarian anti corruption think tank CRCB concluded there was clear evidence of political favoritism in state tenders during the Orban era.

The reforms are also intended to unlock billions of euros in suspended European Union funding that has been tied to improvements in governance and transparency.

Markets React to Political Transition

Investors have already responded to the changing political landscape.

Several companies widely viewed as benefiting from their proximity to the previous government have experienced significant share price declines since Magyar’s election.

Among those affected are construction and energy group Opus Global, real estate developer Appeninn, telecommunications company 4iG, and MBH Bank.

The declines contrast with a broader rally in Hungary’s stock market, reflecting optimism that a more transparent business environment could attract greater international investment.

Companies Defend Their Business Models

Despite the uncertainty, businesses linked to the previous administration reject suggestions that their success depended solely on political connections.

Market Építő says its financial strength and diversified operations provide long term stability regardless of political change.

Road construction giant Duna Aszfalt, whose owner became one of Hungary’s wealthiest businessmen during Orban’s tenure, also expressed confidence in its future.

The company stated that it had successfully competed against international firms even before Hungary’s democratic transition in 1990 and remained prepared for a more competitive marketplace.

Meanwhile, telecommunications firm 4iG denied benefiting from political favoritism, while MBH Bank said its procurement practices fully complied with both Hungarian and European Union regulations.

Review of Previous Government Contracts

The Magyar administration has also begun reviewing spending commitments approved under the previous government.

One early decision was to suspend an extension of a southern Hungarian highway and request that Duna Aszfalt repay funds received before the election for the project.

The move signals a broader willingness to scrutinize public contracts awarded during Orban’s administration and reassess government spending priorities.

Foreign Investors Could Benefit

Political analysts believe the reforms could reshape Hungary’s investment climate by creating more opportunities for international firms that previously struggled to compete with politically connected domestic companies.

Greater transparency in public procurement, combined with stronger oversight, may improve investor confidence and encourage new foreign investment into sectors previously dominated by companies with close government ties.

However, the transition is also expected to produce significant disruption as businesses adapt to a competitive environment driven more by market forces than political relationships.

What Comes Next

Hungary is entering a new phase in which political change is reshaping corporate power as much as government itself. Companies built around privileged access to state contracts now face growing pressure to compete in a more transparent marketplace, while new reforms seek to restore confidence among investors and European partners.

Whether these changes produce lasting economic modernization or simply redistribute political influence will depend on the implementation of Magyar’s reform agenda. For Hungary’s business elite, however, the era of relying on political proximity for commercial success appears to be drawing to a close.

With information from Reuters.

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Hungary’s parliament votes to oust president in latest anti-Orban move | Civil Rights News

Hungarian parliament passes amendment that would remove President Sulyok, appointed under ex-Prime Minister Viktor Orban.

Hungary’s parliament has approved a constitutional amendment to remove President Tamas Sulyok from his largely ceremonial position, the latest move to dismantle the power of figures associated with former Prime Minister Viktor Orban.

The measure, passed on Monday with 139 votes in favour and only six opposing, would immediately bring an end to Sulyok’s term in office and pave the way for parliament to elect a new president.

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Hungarians voted out the right-wing nationalist Orban in April, with new Prime Minister Peter Magyar’s Tisza Party winning in a landslide. The election result ended 16 years of power for Orban’s Fidesz party, which had come to dominate many aspects of the country.

Since Magyar’s victory, he has sought to erode that power, including by removing the current president. The constitutional amendment also introduces a series of judicial reforms, creates a body to investigate alleged financial abuses under the previous government, and imposes a 12-year term limit on lawmakers.

Sulyok now has five days to sign the constitutional amendment passed by parliament. Magyar has said that parliament will launch an impeachment procedure against Sulyok if he does not sign it.

The president and other members of Fidesz boycotted Monday’s parliamentary session.

Sweeping away the old order

The parliament elected Sulyok, a former chief of the Constitutional Court of Hungary, in February 2024. He was nominated to replace Katalin Novak, who resigned after pardoning a man convicted of covering up child sexual abuse.

But days after Magyar’s centre-right Tisza Party won a two-thirds parliamentary super-majority in April, the new prime minister declared Sulyok “unworthy to embody the unity of the Hungarian nation” and demanded that he leave office once the new government was formed.

In June, after the deadline to resign had passed, Magyar branded the president a “puppet” of Orban and promised to strip him and other holdovers from office by constitutional means. Weeks later, he unveiled a reform programme, dubbed “Operation Cleansing Fire”, which seeks to install a new constitution, purge state institutions and establish an anticorruption office.

While the presidency is a largely symbolic post, it is empowered to approve laws and can refer them to the Constitutional Court for review, raising fears that Sulyok might use his presidential powers to stymie Tisza’s ambitious reform agenda.

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Hungary’s PM launches drive to free country from Orban’s ‘mafia’ | Politics News

The raft of proposed changes includes a new constitution and anti-corruption office, and the ousting of the president.

Hungary’s Prime Minister Peter Magyar has launched a wide-ranging reform drive aimed at pulling the state out of the captivity into which it was forced by former Prime Minister Viktor Orban.

In a fiery speech to parliament on Monday, Magyar announced a raft of economic, political and legal measures dubbed “Operation Cleansing Fire”. The plan will see the Tisza Party government install a new constitution, purge the country’s institutions, establish a new anti-corruption office, and unseat the president.

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“We will free our country from the captivity of the political and economic mafia that has ruled for the past 16 years,” Magyar said.

Magyar took office in April, unseating the former prime minister after 16 years of rule. Orban’s Fidesz party had spent that time using its majority to seize control of virtually every lever of power in Hungary. It was also accused of organising systemic corruption, pushing Hungary closer to Russia, and sowing discord within the European Union.

Tisza now faces a daunting task to untangle that web, to rid Hungary of corruption and to remove key Orban allies throughout the power pyramid.

The proposed changes are part of a reform race for Magyar’s government. Using Tisza’s constitutional majority, he is pushing to fulfil a deal with the EU to implement reforms that would unlock a total of 16.4 billion euros ($19bn) in funds – frozen due to rule of law concerns during Orban’s reign – by the end of August.

Key to that drive is the removal of President Tamas Sulyok. Magyar has called on the head of state – appointed by Orban – to resign, and on Monday proposed a constitutional amendment for his removal.

The president of Hungary has few formal powers, but can slow the adoption of legislation by returning it to parliament or forwarding it to the Constitutional Court.

Sulyok has maintained he had no political agenda. Fidesz lawmaker Gergely Gulyas called Magyar’s speech on Monday “slanderous and appalling”.

Magyar’s plans would see the election of a new president, for a maximum of five years, if Sulyok is removed.

A constitutional review, complete with public discussions, would, meanwhile, kick off in September and be subject to a referendum.

Other changes would set an age limit of 70 for judges at the Constitutional Court, forcing Orban ally Peter Polt to retire as head judge, and limit lawmakers’ terms to 12 years.

Citing figures that corruption has cost Hungarians 8 to 10 percent of gross domestic product in recent years, Magyar vowed that Hungary’s top talent would field the new anti-corruption authority.

“The best police officers, the best investigators and the best experts will work for this agency,” Magyar said.

Earlier this month, the Hungarian parliament passed a constitutional amendment limiting prime ministerial terms to eight years, effectively preventing Orban from returning in the future.

MPs also voted to scrap a provision underlying the establishment of the so-called Sovereignty Protection Office, which was created in 2023 to protect Hungary from “foreign influence” and was used to investigate critics of Orban.

Closing the office was among the priorities that rights group Human Rights Watch recommended in April, alongside “moving quickly to meet the rule of law milestones” required for the EU funds, including judicial independence and anti-corruption safeguards.

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