holding

Two days after passing through the Strait of Gibraltar en route to the Caribbean, the aircraft carrier USS Gerald R. Ford has not moved significantly from a position just west of Morocco in North Africa, the Navy confirmed to us Thursday. The flattop and elements of its strike group were ordered by President Donald Trump to join the ongoing enhanced counter-narcotics mission in the region, but it is unclear if plans have changed.

The relatively static position of the Ford and at least two of its escorts comes as reports are emerging that the Trump administration has decided, for now, not to carry out land strikes against Venezuela. It is unknown at the moment if there is a correlation, and the possibility remains that the carrier could still soon sail westward. We have reached out to the White House for clarification.

The Trump administration on Wednesday told Congress it is holding off for now on strikes inside Venezuela out of concern over the legal authority to do so, CNN reported on Thursday. The briefing was conducted by Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and an official from the White House’s Office of Legal Counsel, the network reported, citing sources familiar with the events.

Lawmakers were told that the authority given to suspected drug boats did not apply to land strikes, the network noted. So far, nearly 70 people have been killed in at least 16 publicly known attacks on vessels allegedly smuggling drugs in the Caribbean and Pacific. The most recent acknowledged strike took place on Tuesday. The strikes have garnered heavy criticism for being extrajudicial and carried out without Congressional authorization.

Today, at the direction of President Trump, the Department of War carried out a lethal kinetic strike on a vessel operated by a Designated Terrorist Organization (DTO).

Intelligence confirmed that the vessel was involved in illicit narcotics smuggling, transiting along a known… pic.twitter.com/OsQuHrYLMp

— Secretary of War Pete Hegseth (@SecWar) November 5, 2025

Asked if the administration is indeed opting against land attacks on Venezuela, at least for now, the White House gave us the following response:

“President Trump was elected with a resounding mandate to take on the cartels and stop the scourge of narcoterrorism from killing Americans,” a White House official told us. “The President continues to take actions consistent with his responsibility to protect Americans and pursuant to his constitutional authority. All actions comply fully with the law of armed conflict.” 

CNN’s reporting came after a Wall Street Journal story on Wednesday stating that President Donald Trump “recently expressed reservations to top aides about launching military action to oust Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.”

Trump feared that strikes might not force Maduro to step down, the newspaper noted. Though ostensibly begun as an effort to stem the flow of drugs, it has grown into a massive show of military force aimed partially at Maduro.

The administration is considering three main options for dealing with Maduro, The New York Times reported earlier this week. They include stepping up economic pressure on Venezuela, supporting that nation’s opposition while boosting the U.S. military presence to add pressure on the Venezuelan leader, and initiating airstrikes or covert operations aimed at government and military facilities and personnel.

However, the goal is in flux, administration officials acknowledge, according to the Journal. Meanwhile, Trump has also delivered mixed messages, saying he doubts there will be an attack but that Maduro must go.

What is clear is that there is a massive U.S. military presence in the Caribbean, which includes at least eight surface warships, a special operations mothership, a nuclear-powered fast attack submarine, F-35B stealth fighters, AC-130 gunships, airlifters, MQ-9 Reaper drones and more than 10,000 troops.

The Ford was supposed to join that force, but if the administration is content for now to hit boats suspected of carrying drugs, it might not make sense to move the carrier and escort ships more than 3,600 miles west, especially as there is high demand elsewhere for American naval presence, including in Europe, where the supercarrier just came from.

The issue of wear and tear on the force is something that the Pentagon will have to evaluate as it decides which assets to keep and which to pull from the Caribbean. Navy vessels began arriving in the region in late August and at some point, they will need relief. That could mean bringing in ships, possibly from other regions. The same can be said for aircraft units and personnel deployed around the region for the operation. Those forces can only remain spun-up for so long, or the operation needs to be adapted for a long-term enhanced presence. This could very well be underway already, although we have not confirmed this as being the case. However, being so close to the U.S. mainland reduces some of those concerns, especially for rotating units in and out.

Regardless of Trump’s intentions, the U.S. military presence continues to endure in the region. Thursday afternoon, two more B-52H strategic bombers flew near the coast of Venezuela, according to online flight trackers. These bomber flights have become something of a routine at this point. In addition, the San Antonio class amphibious transport dock ship USS Fort Lauderdale is once again back in the Caribbean after a pitstop in Florida for routine maintenance.

At 5 p.m., the U.S. Senate is scheduled to hold a floor vote on a bipartisan war powers resolution that would block the use of the U.S. Armed Forces to engage in hostilities within or against Venezuela, unless that action has been authorized by Congress. A similar measure failed several weeks ago and it remains to be seen if news that the administration is holding off on striking Venezuela will move the needle on that resolution.

Meanwhile, we will continue to monitor the progress of the Ford and the U.S. military presence arrayed against Maduro and provide updates when warranted.

Update: 6:07 PM Eastern –

The Senate bipartisan war powers resolution was voted down by a vote of 51 to 49.

Contact the author: [email protected] 

WASHINGTON — President Trump made sure during his visit to Asia this week to praise regional allies who have backed his push to bring about a permanent end to the Israel-Hamas war.

As he handed out plaudits, Trump appeared to go out of his way to name-check one leader in particular — Indonesia’s Prabowo Subianto — for his help in Gaza.

“I want to thank Malaysia and Brunei as well as my friend, President Prabowo of Indonesia, for their incredible support of these efforts to secure the new day for the Middle East,” Trump told leaders at the Assn. of Southeast Nations summit in Malaysia, using only the Indonesian president’s first name. “It really is a new day.”

In the weeks since Israel and Hamas agreed to a fragile ceasefire and hostage deal, Indonesia, which boasts the biggest Muslim population in the world, has emerged as an intriguing partner to a White House keen on making peace in the Middle East a defining legacy of his presidency.

Trump has said that a priority tied to that plan, if the fragile ceasefire can hold, is building on his first-term Abraham Accords effort that forged diplomatic and commercial ties between Israel and the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Morocco.

White House officials believe that a permanent peace agreement in Gaza could pave the way for Indonesia as well as Saudi Arabia — the largest Arab economy and the birthplace of Islam — to normalize ties with Israel, according to a senior administration official who briefed reporters on the condition of anonymity.

For his part, Subianto has shown eagerness to build a relationship with Trump and expand his nation’s global influence.

Earlier in October, at a gathering in Egypt to mark the ceasefire, Subianto was caught on a hot mic talking to the U.S. leader about a Trump family business venture. He appeared to ask Trump to set up a meeting with the president’s son Eric, the executive vice president of the Trump Organization, which has two real estate projects underway in Indonesia.

But Indonesia, much like Saudi Arabia, has publicly maintained it can’t move forward on normalizing relations with Israel until there’s a clear pathway set for a Palestinian state.

“Any vision related to Israel must begin with the recognition of Palestinian independence and sovereignty,” said Indonesian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Yvonne Mewengkang.

Could Trump’s dealmaking pave the way?

There may be a reason for the administration to be hopeful that the ceasefire deal has created an opening for Indonesia to soften its position. The White House might also have some cards it could play as it pitches Subianto.

Jakarta badly wants to join the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and Trump’s backing would be pivotal. Indonesia views joining the 38-member OECD as an opportunity to raise Indonesia’s international profile, access new markets, and attract investment from other organization members.

Greater U.S. investment in Indonesia’s rare earths industry could also be inviting to Jakarta, which boasts a top-20 world economy.

Indonesia has set its sights on dominating the global nickel market, and is already responsible for about half of the metal used around the world. Demand has skyrocketed as automakers need it for electric vehicle batteries and clean electricity projects that require larger batteries.

“Trump’s transactional dealmaking opens up possibilities that otherwise might not exist,” said Daniel Shapiro, a former top State Department official who worked on Israel-Indonesia normalization efforts during the Biden administration. “If the Indonesians have something they’re seeking from the United States — whether it’s in the realm of tariff relief, other types of trade arrangements, or security arrangements — this could represent an opportunity.”

Indonesia pledged troops and helped with Trump’s 20-point plan

Indonesian officials were among a small group of leaders from Muslim and Arab nations whom the White House used as a sounding board to help the administration fine-tune Trump’s 20-point ceasefire and hostage proposal. And Trump at this week’s summit in Malaysia again conferred with Subianto and other leaders about U.S.-led efforts to maintain the ceasefire in Gaza, according to a White House official who was not authorized to comment publicly about the private leaders’ conversation.

And Subianto, at the annual gathering of world leaders at the U.N. General Assembly days before the ceasefire agreement was reached, pledged 20,000 Indonesian troops for a prospective U.N. peacekeeping mission in Gaza. In the remarks, Subianto reiterated his country’s call for “an independent Palestine” but underscored the need to “recognize and guarantee the safety and security of Israel.”

Rabbi Marc Schneier, a president for the interfaith group Foundation for Ethnic Understanding and an advocate of the Abraham Accords effort, said Subianto’s pledge for troops and his rhetoric about Israel suggest that the Indonesian leader could be primed to make the leap.

“Yes, he’s talking about a Palestinian state, but he’s also being clear that he wants a Palestinian state that does not come at the expense of a Jewish state,” Schneier said. “That’s what gives me hope.”

Indonesia’s historic backing of Palestinian state

Trump met with Subianto and other leaders soon after the U.N. remarks, and seemed as impressed with the Indonesian president’s style as he was with the pledge to a peacekeeping mission. Trump said he particularly enjoyed watching Subianto “banging on that table” in his U.N. speech.

But Subianto is likely to face deep skepticism from the Indonesian public on Israel normalization efforts.

Indonesian leaders, dating to the Republic’s first president, Sukarno, have sought to burnish an image of “a country that leads the fight against world colonialism,” said Dina Sulaeman, a scholar at Padjadjaran University in Bandung, Indonesia. The country had a protracted struggle for independence, freeing itself from Dutch colonial rule in its late 1940s revolution.

Indonesian leaders’ historical support for Palestinian statehood is also at odds with the current government in Israel, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, which remains adamantly opposed to a two-state solution.

“So, if Indonesia suddenly wants to join the Abraham Accords and normalize Israel’s occupation of Palestine, the good image that the Indonesian government has built … over decades will collapse,” Sulaeman said.

The Trump administration had talks with the Indonesians about joining the Abraham Accords in its first term. The Biden administration, which tried to pick up on the normalization effort, also had “serious talks” with the Indonesians, Shapiro said.

Shapiro said he was directly involved in talks between the Biden administration and senior Indonesian officials about using a November 2023 state visit by then Indonesian President Joko Widodo to offer preliminary announcements “about moving forward” on a normalization effort. But the Hamas Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel scuttled the effort.

“My judgment is there is good possibility, assuming the ceasefire holds,” Shapiro said of Trump’s chances of getting Jakarta to sign the accords. “How and when that deal can begin to take shape — that remains to be seen.”

Madhani and Tarigan write for the Associated Press. Tarigan reported from Jakarta.

What happened

According to a filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission dated October 17, 2025, investment management company Capricorn Fund Managers Ltd established a new position in Waystar (WAY 0.46%), acquiring 505,122 shares. The estimated transaction value, based on the average closing price during the third quarter of 2025, was approximately $19.15 million. This addition brings the fund’s total reported positions to 59 at quarter-end.

What else to know

The new position in Waystar accounts for 6.4% of Capricorn Fund Managers’ 13F reportable assets under management. The stock is now the fund’s largest holding by reported market value.

The fund’s top holdings after the filing are:

• WAY: $19.15 million (6.4% of AUM)
• TARS: $14.26 million (4.8% of AUM)
• MSFT: $14.15 million (4.8% of AUM)
• VERA: $13.10 million (4.4% of AUM)
• REAL: $12.64 million (4.2% of AUM)

As of October 16, 2025, shares of Waystar were priced at $36.81, up 34% over the one-year period, outperforming the S&P 500 by 20 percentage points during the same timeframe.

Company overview

Company snapshot

Waystar provides a cloud-based software platform for healthcare payments, including solutions for financial clearance, patient financial care, claims and payment management, denial prevention and recovery, revenue capture, and analytics.

IMAGE SOURCE: GETTY IMAGES.

The company serves healthcare organizations as its primary customers, targeting providers seeking to optimize revenue cycle management and payment processes.

Waystar was founded in 2017 and is headquartered in Lehi, Utah, working in the technology sector with approximately 1,500 employees. The company operates at scale in the healthcare technology industry, focusing on streamlining payment processes for healthcare providers through its cloud-based platform.

Foolish take

Capricorn Fund Managers’ new position in Waystar stock merits attention for a few reasons. The investment management company not only deemed Waystar a valuable addition to its portfolio, but the purchase was so big, the stock catapulted to the top of its holdings.

Investing in Waystar makes sense. The business boasts some compelling qualities. It has grown revenue every quarter for the past two years, and the trend continues in 2025.

In Q2, Waystar’s sales rose 15% year over year to $270.7 million. The company expects to hit $1 billion in revenue this year, up from $944 million in 2024.

Waystar also had a solid balance sheet exiting Q2. Total assets were $4.7 billion compared to total liabilities of $1.5 billion. It does have over $1 billion in debt, but the company is slowly paying this down.

The consistent sales growth Waystar is experiencing, and its forward price-to-earnings ratio of about 25, which is reasonable for a fast-growing tech company, explains Capricorn Fund Managers’ big buy of Waystar stock. These factors make the stock a worthwhile investment for the long haul.

Glossary

13F reportable assets under management: The total value of securities a fund must disclose quarterly to the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) on Form 13F.

Stake: The ownership interest or investment a fund or individual holds in a company.

Initiated position: When an investor or fund purchases shares of a company for the first time.

Assets under management (AUM): The total market value of investments managed by a fund or investment firm.

Quarter-end: The last day of a fiscal quarter, used for financial reporting and portfolio snapshots.

Outperforming: Achieving a higher return or growth rate compared to a benchmark or index.

Cloud-based platform: Software and services delivered over the internet rather than installed locally on computers.

Revenue cycle management: The process healthcare providers use to track patient care revenue from appointment to final payment.

Denial prevention and recovery: Strategies to reduce and resolve rejected insurance claims in healthcare billing.

Market value: The current worth of an asset or holding based on the latest market price.

Healthcare payments: Financial transactions related to medical services, including billing, claims, and reimbursements.

TTM: The 12-month period ending with the most recent quarterly report.

BYD (BYDDY -1.09%) produces far more vehicles than Tesla. But you wouldn’t be able to tell based on stock prices alone. The Chinese electric vehicle maker’s market cap is around $990 billion, while U.S.-based Tesla is valued at more than $1.3 trillion.

Part of the valuation gap is explained by BYD’s recent struggles. Shares are down 20% in value since May. Tesla stock, meanwhile, has gained more than 40% in value over that time period. Is this your chance to buy BYD at a rare discount?

There’s no doubt that shares look compelling. But there are two critical factors to consider before jumping in.

1. Warren Buffett changed his mind about BYD

Legendary investor Warren Buffett was one of the first major investors in BYD. He first acquired shares 17 years ago, paying $230 million for a 10% stake in the business. It wasn’t actually Buffett that spotted the opportunity, but rather his longtime business partner, Charlie Munger.

Earlier in its history, BYD was focused on battery technology. Through vertical integration and affordable labor in China, the company was able to keep costs low, leading to major customer wins. It launched its first vehicles in 2003, gradually expanding its portfolio to include two of the most popular EVs in the world. This year, analysts expect the company to produce more EVs than Tesla, making it the number one EV maker worldwide.

Over the last 17 years, Buffett has made more than 2,000% on his original investment. This year, however, he liquidated his entire position. Why? Even though it has massive scale, BYD is still primarily a Chinese company. Around 80% of its sales are domestic, a reality that creates two critical headwinds.

First, the Chinese economy has been gradually slowing. Last year, GDP in the country grew by just 5% — one of the lowest figures in decades. Accordingly, BYD’s domestic sales have struggled in 2025, leading to a sales forecast cut by management.

Second, the Chinese government has a heavy influence on BYD. The company has received significant financial support from the government over the years. But that generosity may be ending. BYD failed an audit this summer, which may force it to repay more than $50 million in subsidies. The Chinese government’s involvement in the auto industry has ramped up this year, with the ultimate results still uncertain.

Buffett hasn’t yet commented on his stake sale. But with rising political uncertainty and a shaky domestic market, it appears as if the Oracle of Omaha has had enough with this long-term position.

Image source: Getty Images.

2. Don’t compare BYD to Tesla

Due to China’s sluggish GDP and falling population growth, it will be difficult for BYD’s sales to maintain historical growth rates over the long term without expanding international sales aggressively. Increasing regulatory oversight may complicate efforts to do so, but BYD is making moves to shift its focus away from China.

A recent deal with Uber Technologies, for instance, attempts to make its vehicles more accessible to drivers in Europe and Latin America. The deal also paves the way for BYD to help power Uber’s robotaxi division in certain parts of the world.

On the surface, now looks like a compelling time to pick up BYD shares. While challenges exist, the company has an impressive manufacturing base, with the ability to sell cars at a price point that few competitors can match at scale. Its recent Uber deal, meanwhile, gives it exposure to the robotaxi market, which could eventually be worth more than $5 trillion globally.

Add in that shares trade at roughly 1 times sales versus Tesla’s valuation of nearly 17 times sales, and it’s not hard to get excited. Here’s the problem: BYD isn’t Tesla. Tesla, for instance, has a leading position in the robotaxi market, making it far more than a simple auto manufacturer. BYD’s position in the market is simply as a supplier to operators like Uber.

Is BYD stock a buy today? Patient investors comfortable with Chinese regulatory uncertainty may think so. But the valuation gap between BYD and Tesla shouldn’t be a motivating factor. These are two very different businesses.

WASHINGTON — Senate Democrats are poised for the 10th time Thursday to reject a stopgap spending bill that would reopen the government, insisting they won’t back away from demands that Congress take up healthcare benefits.

The repetition of votes on the funding bill has become a daily drumbeat in Congress, underscoring how intractable the situation has become. It has been at times the only item on the agenda for the Senate floor, while House Republicans have left Washington altogether. The standoff has lasted over two weeks, leaving hundreds of thousands of federal workers furloughed, even more without a guaranteed payday and Congress essentially paralyzed.

“Every day that goes by, there are more and more Americans who are getting smaller and smaller paychecks,” said Senate Majority Leader John Thune, adding that there have been thousands of flight delays across the country as well.

Thune, a South Dakota Republican, again and again has tried to pressure Democrats to break from their strategy of voting against the stopgap funding bill. It hasn’t worked. And while some bipartisan talks have been ongoing about potential compromises on healthcare, they haven’t produced any meaningful progress toward reopening the government. Thune has also offered to hold a later vote on extending subsidies for health plans offered under Affordable Care Act marketplaces, but said he would not “guarantee a result or an outcome.”

Democrats say they won’t budge until they get a guarantee on extending the tax credits for the health plans. They warn that millions of Americans who buy their own health insurance — such as small business owners, farmers and contractors — will see large increases when premium prices go out in the coming weeks. Looking ahead to a Nov. 1 deadline in most states, they think voters will demand that Republicans enter into serious negotiations.

“The ACA crisis is looming over everyone’s head, and yet Republicans seem ready to let people’s premiums spike,” said Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer in a floor speech.

Still, Thune was also trying a different tack Thursday with a vote to proceed to appropriations bills — a move that could grease the Senate’s gears into some action or just deepen the divide between the two parties.

A deadline for subsidies on health plans

Democrats have rallied around their priorities on healthcare as they hold out against voting for a Republican bill that would reopen the government. Yet they also warn that the time to strike a deal to prevent large increases for many health plans is drawing short.

When they controlled Congress during the pandemic, Democrats boosted subsidies for Affordable Care Act health plans. It pushed enrollment under President Obama’s signature healthcare law to new levels and drove the rate of uninsured people to a historic low. Nearly 24 million people currently get their health insurance from subsidized marketplaces, according to healthcare research nonprofit KFF.

Democrats — and some Republicans — are worried that many of those people will forgo insurance if the price rises dramatically. While the tax credits don’t expire until next year, health insurers will soon send out notices of the price increases. In most states, they go out Nov. 1.

Sen. Patty Murray, the top Democrat on the Senate Appropriations Committee, said she has heard from “families who are absolutely panicking about their premiums that are doubling.”

“They are small business owners who are having to think about abandoning the job they love to get employer-sponsored healthcare elsewhere or just forgoing coverage altogether,” she added.

Murray also said that if many people decide to leave their health plan, it could have an effect across medical insurance because the pool of people under health plans will shrink. That could result in higher prices across the board, she said.

Some Republicans have acknowledged that the expiration of the tax credits could be a problem and floated potential compromises to address it, but there is hardly a consensus among the GOP.

House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) this week called the COVID-era subsidies a “boondoggle,” adding that “when you subsidize the healthcare system and you pay insurance companies more, the prices increase.”

President Trump has said he would “like to see a deal done for great healthcare,” but has not meaningfully weighed in on the debate. And Thune has insisted that Democrats first vote to reopen the government before entering any negotiations on healthcare.

If Congress were to engage in negotiations on significant changes to healthcare, it would likely take weeks, if not longer, to work out a compromise.

Votes on appropriations bills

Meanwhile, Senate Republicans are setting up a vote Thursday to proceed to a bill to fund the Defense Department and several other areas of government. This would turn the Senate to Thune’s priority of working through spending bills and potentially pave the way to paying salaries for troops, though the House would eventually need to come back to Washington to vote for a final bill negotiated between the two chambers.

It could also put a crack in Democrats’ resolve. Thune said Thursday, “If they want to stop the defense bill, I don’t think it’s very good optics for them.”

It wasn’t clear whether Democrats would give the support needed to advance the bills. They discussed the idea at their luncheon Wednesday and emerged saying they wanted to review the Republican proposal and make sure it included appropriations that are priorities for them.

While the votes will not bring the Senate any closer to an immediate fix for the government shutdown, it could at least turn their attention to issues where there is some bipartisan agreement.

Still, there was a growing sense on Capitol Hill that an end to the stasis is nowhere in sight.

“So many of you have asked all of us, how will it end?” said House Speaker Johnson. “We have no idea.”

Groves and Jalonick write for the Associated Press.

Ausbil Investment Management Ltd disclosed a purchase of approximately $4.31 million in NextEra Energy (NEE -0.50%) shares, according to an SEC filing for the period ended September 30, 2025.

What Happened

According to a filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission dated October 08, 2025, Ausbil increased its position in NextEra Energy by 58,977 shares during the quarter. The fund held 140,270 shares, worth $11.04 million as of quarter-end.

What Else to Know

Fund bought shares, bringing its NextEra Energy stake to 5.9% of reportable AUM

Top holdings after the filing:

• NEE: $11.04 million (5.9% of AUM) as of September 30, 2025
• NSC: $10.08 million (5.4% of AUM) as of September 30, 2025
• CSX: $10.06 million (5.4% of AUM) as of September 30, 2025
• LNG: $7.71 million (4.1% of AUM) as of September 30, 2025
• ES: $7.32 million (3.9% of AUM) as of September 30, 2025

As of October 8, 2025, shares were priced at $84.04, up 4.4% in the past year, underperforming the S&P 500 by 10.65 percentage points over the same period.

Company Overview

Company Snapshot

NextEra Energy generates, transmits, and distributes electric power through wind, solar, nuclear, coal, and natural gas facilities, with a growing portfolio in renewable energy and battery storage projects.

The company operates a regulated utility business and develops long-term contracted clean energy assets, earning revenue primarily from electricity sales and energy infrastructure services.

It serves about 11 million people through roughly 5.7 million customer accounts on the east and lower west coasts of Florida as of December 31, 2021.

NextEra Energy, Inc. is a leading North American utility and renewable energy provider with significant scale and a diversified generation portfolio. Its strategic focus on renewables and grid modernization positions it as a key player in the transition to sustainable energy.

Foolish Take

Ausbil Investment Management’s decision to acquire more than $4.3 million worth of NextEra Energy stock looks like a big bet on a stock that has underperformed the benchmark S&P 500 over the last year. Bear in mind, following this purchase, NextEra Energy is now Ausbil’s largest single position. The stock now represents nearly 6% of its total AUM, meaning the portfolio managers have strong conviction in NextEra’s potential.

Nevertheless, NextEra’s three-year performance isn’t anything to write home about. Shares have generated a three-year total return of only 18%, which equates to a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 5.8%. Meanwhile, the S&P 500 has generated a total return of 90% over that same period and a CAGR of 23.8%.

In other words, this is a notable buy, as it shows at least one large institutional money manager is making a significant bet on NextEra stock. Given the company’s key role within the North American utility industry and its focus on renewables and sustainable energy, investors who are seeking exposure to the utility sector may be well served by giving NextEra stock a closer look.

That said, NextEra’s chronic underperformance versus the S&P 500 should also be taken into account. No institutional move should ever be the sole reason for buying or selling a stock, and while this move is significant, NextEra stock still has much to prove.

Glossary

13F reportable AUM: Assets under management reported by institutional investment managers on SEC Form 13F, covering certain U.S. securities.
Dividend Yield: Annual dividends per share divided by the share price, expressed as a percentage.
Regulated utility: A utility company whose rates and operations are overseen by government agencies to protect consumers.
Long-term contracted clean energy assets: Renewable energy projects with multi-year agreements to sell electricity at set prices.
Grid modernization: Upgrading electric power infrastructure to improve reliability, efficiency, and support for renewable energy.
Battery storage projects: Facilities that store electricity for later use, helping balance supply and demand on the grid.
Stake: The ownership interest or shareholding an investor holds in a company.
Trailing the S&P 500: Underperforming the S&P 500 index over a specified period.
TTM: The 12-month period ending with the most recent quarterly report.
Quarter-end: The last day of a fiscal quarter, used for financial reporting and valuation.
Contracted revenue: Income guaranteed by signed agreements, often over multiple years.

SANTIAGO, Chile, Sept. 4 (UPI) — Chilean holding company Cencosud (Centros Comerciales Sudamericanos) announced it has acquired full ownership of premium supermarket chain The Fresh Market after purchasing the remaining 33% stake held by investment fund AP VIII Pomegranate Holding.

The sale was valued at $295 million, according to a filing Cencosud made with Chile’s Financial Market Commission, the country’s financial regulator.

The Fresh Market was founded in 1982 by Ray and Beverly Berry in Greensboro, N.C., and specializes in high-quality fresh and healthy products, baked goods, prepared foods, floral arrangements and other items. The chain operates 172 stores in 22 states, mainly in Florida, North Carolina, Virginia and Georgia.

In 2022, Cencosud purchased a 67% stake in the company for $676 million, marking the Chilean retailer’s entry into the U.S. market.

“We are very pleased to have reached this agreement, which marks an important milestone in our strategy to strengthen Cencosud’s presence in the U.S. market,” Cencosud CEO Rodrigo Larraín said in announcing the full acquisition of the supermarket chain.

“The supermarket business in the United States has shown positive performance and is entering a new stage of growth that excites us greatly,” he said, adding that the acquisition will allow the company to accelerate integration of the chain into its operations.

Cencosud, one of Latin America’s largest retailers, was founded in 1963 by Horst Paulmann. His family remains the majority shareholder in the holding company, which operates supermarkets, home improvement stores, department stores, shopping centers and financial services.

The company operates in six countries: Chile, Argentina, Peru, Colombia, Brazil and the United States. In the United States, it has focused only on the supermarket segment, which grew 12.8% in sales in 2024 thanks to store expansion and online sales.

Claudio Pizarro, a researcher at the Center for Retail Studies in the Department of Industrial Engineering at the University of Chile, said Cencosud’s latest move underscores the Chilean supermarket operator’s strategy to expand in the U.S. market.

“The United States is the largest supermarket market — it’s where Walmart started, and today it is the global leader. The performance of The Fresh Market has been very positive and shows strong growth potential,” he said.

He added that 80% of Cencosud’s revenue comes from its supermarket business, where it has developed its own private-label products, such as Cuisine & Co.

“It is an increasingly important and distinctive asset in its supermarket business,” Pizarro said.

With the full acquisition of The Fresh Market, Cencosud aims to become a major global player in the supermarket sector, said Jorge Berríos, academic director of the finance program at the University of Chile’s School of Economics.

“Cencosud is a company with a strong presence in Latin America. Its natural path was to pursue expansion into the United States and become a global player through a niche supermarket, where it has found a significant opportunity,” Berrios said.

“Today, people want to buy quality food, and they are willing to pay for that service,” je added.

China and the United States have once again reached a crossroads in their relationship over bilateral trade issues. On April 2025, the US increased number of tariffs on Chinese imports under its “Liberation Day” policy, imposing duties of up to 145% on various Chinese products. Particularly on electronics, steel-based appliances, and chemicals. China on the other hand put a ban on exporting rare earth metals to the US. These measures disrupted supply chains in the U.S. as the U.S. market is heavily dependent on Chinese imports and the policy on tariffs increased costs for both nations. The US and other developed nations have put in great efforts to promote free trade practices but in recent times protectionist policies seem reversing all those efforts. International trade regimes were created to resolve issues related to trade conflicts but due to America’s unilateral approach, those regimes like WTO seem so fragile that they do not play any significant role in resolving trade related issues.  China is making efforts to implement the Geneva trade consensus. The Geneva trade consensus, which is an agreement to reduce trade barriers and restore supply chain trust, was hailed as a milestone. Nonetheless, the key question on everyone’s mind remains whether the United States will honour its commitments or revert to its conventional backchannel manoeuvres

Following the Geneva talks and subsequent meetings that were held in London on July 4, 2025, China’s Ministry of Commerce confirmed that the nation would accelerate approvals for rare earth exports, along with reviewing applications for other controlled materials that are according to domestic law. Rare earth elements are crucial for many sectors that the US depends upon, such as Electronics, defense, and clean energy. China is not only continuing to export these materials, but they are doing so despite years of tariffs, trade restrictions, and political tensions with Washington.

The United States agreed that it would remove trade restrictions that have been damaging to Chinese companies. However, the United States has not been holding up its end of the bargain. Chinese experts claim that the US continues to “send signals that undermine economic cooperation”. This raises doubts as to whether the United States is willing to honour its deal.

This was made evident when the Chinese Ministry of Commerce announced, following the London meetings, that both parties had reached an agreement to move faster in translating consensus into policy. China did just that almost immediately, speeding up a number of rare earth export applications. The US has been slow on follow-through, taking few steps toward eliminating restraints that were to be removed weeks earlier. For Chinese trade officials, the distance between words and deeds on the American side is growing too glaring to be ignored.

This isn’t new for America. In 2018, the United States introduced tariffs worth billions of dollars on Chinese goods. They justified it with vague claims of trade imbalances and national security. However, in the aftermath, the results were crystal clear. Prices didn’t just go up for American consumers, but businesses on both sides of the Pacific Ocean suffered. The US Bureau of Economic Analysis even reported that the American Economy has shrunk slightly in the first quarter of this year due to US foreign policy towards China.

This economic downturn was not a coincidence. It was caused by built-up tensions, shattered supply lines, and a vicious cycle of sanctions and counter-sanctions. Experts in China consider that if the United States keeps going this way, the repercussions will become even worse for its internal economy. Some American producers who rely on secure access to Chinese rare earths and parts are already experiencing higher costs and delays in production. This became evident when China temporarily restricted rare-earth magnet exports, forcing global manufacturers to seek alternative sources and deal with sharply increased costs.

Nonetheless, China continues to uphold its commitment to cooperation by welcoming American businesses into its country. At the recent Summer Davos forum in Tianjin, US companies showed great interest in the Chinese market. US exhibitors expected at the China International Supply Chain Expo have risen by 15%. These businesses know that trade with China is an opportunity, not a threat.

Chinese authorities claim, US participation is not an accident. Politicians in Washington may be posturing for the press. But American companies know China provides a fertile ground for business ventures. Some companies have gone so far as to say that they feel safer conducting business in China than in other markets due to China’s commitment to consistency, long-term planning, and open-door policy.

Beijing is urging Washington to “meet China halfway”. While China continues to follow through on the Geneva consensus. China isn’t being diplomatic. This is a genuine call for mutually beneficial cooperation. China is a country that bases its actions on international cooperation and being predictable.

Chinese policy experts also pointed out that China has nothing to gain from half-hearted agreements. Their support for the Geneva consensus is driven by practical concerns rather than political motives. They want predictability in trade, reliability in export channels, and fairness in economic ties. All of these require the United States to take initiative.

However, meaningful cooperation requires mutual effort from both parties.

If the United States continues to delay, it will not only risk damaging its relationship with China. They will end up eroding their credibility as a global economic leader. In today’s globalized world, where supply chains cross borders and economies are tied at the waist. Trust goes beyond mere goodwill. It’s strategic capital. And as of right now, China is the one building that capital.

Recent developments support this. Chinese authorities have simplified rare earth licensing and established a transparent application process, welcoming oversight from foreign businesses. Meanwhile, American trade policy continues to operate in grey zones. Many Chinese companies are experiencing unjustified scrutiny or barriers when entering the US market, even in sectors not linked to national security.

China consistently honors its commitments and provides stability to its partners. They are positioning themselves as a more dependable partner in Global trade. The US, in contrast, risks isolating itself through backtracking and hesitating. When trust is lost, partnerships will suffer, investments will slow down, and influence will fade.

There have been reports that last year saw foreign direct investment in China from European and Asian nations hold steady. But here is what is surprising: US investments have been slow-moving, not due to issues with China, but because Washington has been sending out confusing signals. That is costing American businesses their edge in one of the most critical markets in the world.

To keep that from happening, Washington must match China’s seriousness.

The Geneva consensus, as Chinese officials insist, was never an empty headline to start with. It was a structural change in trade relations, one that increases transparency and real outcomes. China is already living by that. The US has to either join this new direction or be left behind.

And there is a larger context here as well. With the world facing economic instability, no country can do it alone. China is indicating that it’s willing to contribute to global recovery and sustainable development. But it won’t do it if the US keeps putting obstacles in its path.

The window of co‑operation is open, but it will not remain open indefinitely. China’s message is unambiguously clear: We are delivering. Now it’s your turn.

EXCLUSIVE: Four members of the Love Is Blind UK season 2 cast have opened up about the ‘trauma’ of reliving their wedding days.

*Warning – this article contains spoilers for Love Is Blind UK season 2.*

Season 2 of Love Is Blind UK has now come to an end, with the explosive reunion episode on Sunday night revealing which marriages have lasted months on from when the cameras stopped rolling.

In the Netflix show’s season 2 finale, we saw three couples tie the knot: Kieran and Megan, Billy and Ashleigh and Kal and Sarover.

Meanwhile, Bardha made the difficult decision to turn down Jed at the altar, and Katisha chose to walk away from her relationship with Javen ahead of their wedding day.

In the reunion, it was revealed that just one couple – Kieran and Megan – have stayed together, while the other two pairs called it quits months after filming had wrapped.

In an exclusive interview, four stars from Love Is Blind UK season 2 sat down to speak about their experience on the Netflix show, including the emotional ordeal of watching their wedding episodes back after their relationships had ended.

Admitting it felt like they were ‘living double the trauma’, Ashleigh began: Can we just talk about when we watched the weddings together? Because that was like…”

“That was horrible,” Katisha confirmed, as Ashleigh continued: “We were all curled up on one bed sobbing. Fetal [position], intertwined, all four of us just sobbing.”

Bardha then expanded: “It was really hard to watch, I think. And we didn’t realise how we were going to react.”

However, she went on to highlight the bond they had formed with one another, adding: “It was just so nice to have each other and support each other through that. Like, I don’t think I could have watched that alone.”

“We cried for each other,” Sarover reflected sadly, adding that they were “holding each other so tight”.

Looking back at their time on the show, Ashleigh elaborated: “This is real lives, this is real human beings.

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“We really got married, we really went through break ups and it’s been difficult, you know, with comments as well.

“You have to cancel that outside noise because we’ve been on a journey for a year where we’ve not been able to talk about it. So, we’re actually living double the trauma now.”

Sarover concluded: “It’s really bittersweet to watch it back because I really feel like we were all so in love during the filming and it’s bittersweet memories because of what happens later. It’s a tough watch.”

Meanwhile, Kieran and Megan were all smiles as they confirmed their marriage was still “all smooth sailing”.

They are the third lasting marriage to come out of Love Is Blind UK, as season 1 also saw Nicole and Benaiah and Bobby and Jasmine tie the knot, while former married pair Steven and Sabrina have also sadly parted ways.

Love Is Blind UK season 2 is available to stream now, exclusively on Netflix.

In April 2025, the Human Rights Court in Kenya issued an unprecedented ruling that it has the jurisdiction to hear a case about harmful content on one of Meta’s platforms. The lawsuit was filed in 2022 by Abraham Meareg, the son of an Ethiopian academic who was murdered after he was doxxed and threatened on Facebook, Fisseha Tekle, an Ethiopian human rights activist, who was also doxxed and threatened on Facebook, and Katiba Institute, a Kenyan non-profit that defends constitutionalism. They maintain that Facebook’s algorithm design and its content moderation decisions made in Kenya resulted in harm done to two of the claimants, fuelled the conflict in Ethiopia and led to widespread human rights violations within and outside Kenya.

The content in question falls outside the protected categories of speech under Article 33 of the Constitution of Kenya and includes propaganda for war, incitement to violence, hate speech and advocacy of hatred that constitutes ethnic incitement, vilification of others, incitement to cause harm and discrimination.

Key to the Kenyan case is the question whether Meta, a US-based corporation, can financially benefit from unconstitutional content and whether there is a positive duty on the corporation to take down unconstitutional content that also violates its Community Standards.

In affirming the Kenyan court’s jurisdiction in the case, the judge was emphatic that the Constitution of Kenya allows a Kenyan court to adjudicate over Meta’s acts or omissions regarding content posted on the Facebook platform that may impact the observance of human rights within and outside Kenya.

The Kenyan decision signals a paradigm shift towards platform liability where judges determine liability by solely asking the question: Do platform decisions observe and uphold human rights?

The ultimate goal of the Bill of Rights, a common feature in African constitutions, is to uphold and protect the inherent dignity of all people. Kenya’s Bill of Rights, for example, has as its sole mission to preserve the dignity of individuals and communities and to promote social justice and the realisation of the potential of all human beings. The supremacy of the Constitution also guarantees that, should there be safe harbour provisions in the laws of that country, they would not be a sufficient liability shield for platforms if their business decisions do not ultimately uphold human rights.

That a case on algorithm amplification has passed the jurisdiction hearing stage in Kenya is a testament that human rights law and constitutionality offer an opportunity for those who have suffered harm as a result of social media content to seek redress.

Up to this point, the idea that a social media platform can be held accountable for content on its platform has been dissuaded by the blanket immunity offered under Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act in the US, and to a lesser extent, the principle of non-liability in the European Union, with the necessary exceptions detailed in various laws.

For example, Section 230 was one of the reasons a district judge in California cited in her ruling to dismiss a case filed by Myanmar refugees in a similar claim that Meta had failed to curb hate speech that fuelled the Rohingya genocide.

The aspiration for platform accountability was further dampened by the US Supreme Court decision in Twitter v Taamneh, in which it ruled against plaintiffs who sought to establish that social media platforms carry responsibility for content posted on them.

The immunity offered to platforms has come at a high cost, especially for victims of harm in places where platforms do not have physical offices.

This is why a decision like the one by the Kenyan courts is a welcome development; it restores hope that victims of platform harm have an alternative route to recourse, one that refocuses human rights into the core of the discussion on platform accountability.

The justification for safe harbour provisions like Section 230 has always been to protect “nascent” technologies from being smothered by the multiplicity of suits. However, by now, the dominant social media platforms are neither nascent nor in need of protection. They have both the monetary and technical wherewithal to prioritise people over profits, but choose not to.

As the Kenyan cases cascade through the judicial process, there is cautious optimism that constitutional and human rights law that has taken root in African countries can offer a necessary reprieve for platform arrogance.

Mercy Mutemi represents Fisseha Tekle in the case outlined in the article. 

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

The Hind Rajab Foundation is using Israeli soldiers’ own social media footage as evidence for war crimes investigations. Al Jazeera’s Hind Touissate spoke to its founder to explain how dozens of complaints have been filed in more than 10 countries, targeting Israeli military personnel.

Taiwan’s opposition Kuomintang (KMT) party is in a moment of crisis as nearly two-thirds of its legislators risk losing their posts through a mass referendum.

Starting this weekend, voters across 31 districts in Taiwan will weigh in on whether they want to keep or remove their members of parliament.

The “Great Recall”, as it has been dubbed locally, is the largest vote of its kind in Taiwan’s history and, depending on the results, could cost the KMT its majority coalition in the country’s legislature.

The outcome will set the tone for Taiwan’s domestic politics for the next three years and also shape the ability of President William Lai Ching-te’s government to act on key issues, such as defence spending.

When will the recall election take place?

On Saturday, eligible voters can participate in recall votes for 24 KMT legislators, followed by a second round of voting for seven KMT legislators in late August.

The recall has been called following a wave of successful petition campaigns earlier this year. Under Taiwan’s election laws, organisers must secure signatures from 10 percent of a district’s registered voters to hold a recall vote.

For a recall vote to succeed, 25 percent of registered voters in each district must participate, and the recall must receive more votes in favour than against.

If voters choose to recall a legislator, a by-election must be held within three months.

The KMT’s traditional stronghold is in the north of the country and notably around the capital city of Taipei, but recall votes will be held across Taiwan this weekend.

The KMT won 52 out of 113 seats in the legislature in 2024, and with the Taiwan People’s Party and two independent legislators, holds a 62-seat majority coalition.

That coalition has been strong enough to block the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which holds 51 seats, and stall the agenda of the country’s DPP President Lai during his first year in office.

Can the recall succeed?

Taiwan typically has high voter turnout during major elections, but recall votes are much more of a wildcard, said Lev Nachman, an expert in Taiwanese politics at National Taiwan University.

“Our prior experience should tell us that these should not pass. However, we’ve never seen mobilisation work like this at recalls before,” he told Al Jazeera, citing the widespread involvement of common people. “We are in a bit of unprecedented times.”

Ho Chih-yung, KMT member and former party spokesperson, told Al Jazeera the recall campaign had created a “national election-like atmosphere” that would test the mobilisation and engagement of Taiwan’s major political parties.

The weather could also tip the scales, he said, as a tropical storm is passing north of Taiwan, and the bad weather may discourage the KMT’s older voter base from going out to vote.

Why is the recall vote international news?

The vote will determine if Lai will be a lame-duck president for the next three years, and whether he has the ability to carry out key defence and foreign policy initiatives, Nachman said.

“Unfortunately, it’s a really big deal because every question that foreign policy people have is contingent upon whether these recalls are successful or not successful,” he said.

The issue carries global significance due to Taiwan’s contested political status and the threat of a future conflict involving China in the Taiwan Strait.

“The classic Taiwan problem is that it’s not just that society is split, it’s that society is split, and the clock is ticking about whether or not there’s going to be a war over this place,” he added.

“Everything here is infinitely more existential.”

Why are voters targeting the KMT?

Despite its success in the last election, picking up 14 seats, the KMT has angered voters and even alienated traditional supporters by trying to expand legislative powers and targeting President Lai’s budget.

The KMT majority in the legislature was able to freeze or cut 207.5 billion New Taiwan dollars (then worth $6.3bn) from Lai’s 2025 budget – impacting everything from Taiwan’s submarine and drone programmes to its Council of Indigenous Peoples.

The budget fight was headline news across Taiwan, but it piqued international interest when the KMT targeted $3.1bn in defence spending.

Brian Hoie, a non-resident fellow at the University of Nottingham’s Taiwan Research Hub and a frequent commentator on Taiwanese politics, said some of the cuts angered a cross-section of voters and groups traditionally aligned with the KMT, such as farmers and Indigenous voters.

“The KMT has done very badly and angered all these random demographics by cutting the budget,” he said.

“That was just very unstrategic,” he added.

What about the China factor?

The KMT is one of the oldest political parties in Asia, but a generational divide over Taiwan’s relationship with China is challenging its longstanding position in Taiwanese politics. Some voters believe that the party has been co-opted by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in Beijing.

The CCP has threatened to one day annex Taiwan by peace or by force, and Taiwan’s two main political parties offer different approaches for how to respond to Beijing’s threat.

President Lai’s DPP has taken a more outspoken approach by advocating for Taiwan on the international stage and ramping up defence spending, while the KMT follows a more conciliatory approach that favours ongoing dialogue with China.

Fears surrounding China have in the past unseated some of the KMT’s most prominent members, such as party whip Fu Kun-chi, who controversially led a delegation of lawmakers to Beijing last year at a time of significant political tension in the Taiwan Strait.

What does the KMT say?

Party member and former KMT spokesperson Ho said the recall supporters were abusing a system designed to remove individuals deemed unfit for holding their posts for serious reasons, such as corruption.

“This ‘mass recall’ campaign is not driven by the individual performance of KMT legislators, but is instead a blanket attempt to unseat opposition lawmakers across the board,” Ho said.

“To advance this effort, the DPP has deliberately framed the KMT as ‘pro-China’ and accused it of ‘selling out Taiwan’, a tactic designed to inflame ideological divisions and mobilise its base through fear and hostility, thereby increasing the likelihood that the recall votes will pass,” he said.

A senior KMT party member also told Al Jazeera that voters may be looking for an outlet for their frustrations amid a rising cost of living and the economic stress resulting from United States President Donald Trump’s trade war and threat of tariffs on Taiwan.

Trump has threatened to impose tariffs of up to 32 percent on the island-nation’s export-driven economy. Over the past six months, the New Taiwan dollar has appreciated 11 percent, impacting the bottom line of thousands of small and medium domestic manufacturers who must compete with foreign goods becoming cheaper for Taiwan’s consumers as their dollars go further in terms of spending power.

Australia’s flagship carrier says it believes a ‘significant’ amount of personal data was stolen in a cyberattack.

Qantas is investigating a major cyberattack after hackers accessed a system holding personal data belonging to 6 million customers, Australia’s flagship airline has said.

Qantas took “immediate steps” to secure its systems after detecting “unusual activity” on a third-party platform on Monday, the airline said on Wednesday.

The airline is investigating the amount of data that was stolen, but it expects that it will be “significant”, Qantas said in a statement.

The affected data includes customers’ names, email addresses, phone numbers, birth dates and frequent flyer numbers, but not credit card details, personal financial information or passport details, according to the airline.

Qantas said it had put additional security measures in place, and notified the police, the Australian Cyber Security Centre and the Office of the Australian Information Commissioner.

Qantas Group Chief Executive Officer Vanessa Hudson offered an apology to customers over the breach.

“Our customers trust us with their personal information and we take that responsibility seriously,” Hudson said.

“We are contacting our customers today and our focus is on providing them with the necessary support.”

The data breach comes as Qantas is working to rebuild its reputation following a series of controversies during the COVID-19 pandemic, including revelations that it sold tickets for thousands of cancelled flights and lobbied against a bid by Qatar Airways to operate more flights to Europe.

Qantas earned its lowest-ever spot in last year’s World Airline Awards by Skytrax, falling from 17th to 24th place, before climbing 10 spots in the 2025 ranking.

Hudson’s predecessor, Alan Joyce, stepped down two months ahead of his scheduled retirement in 2023, while acknowledging the need for the airline “to move ahead with its renewal as a priority”.

Last week, the FBI in the United States said that a cybercriminal group known as Scattered Spider had expanded its targets to include airlines.

The FBI said the hacking group often impersonates employees or contractors to deploy ransomware and steal sensitive data for extortion purposes.

IT is a scenario we’ve all witnessed – or perhaps even lived through ourselves.

Boy meets girl. Boy cheats on girl. Girl tells friends they’re definitely over. Girl secretly thinks she can change boy. Girl takes boy back. Boy doesn’t change.

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You can change the genders whichever way around, but regardless, we’re about half way through this storyline so far with Love Island‘s Helena and Harry.

The couple were over before they began because of the footballer’s wandering eye, with Helena moaning about being made to look like a mug.

She appeared to have conveniently forgotten however, about running to the Hideaway with Harry while he was coupled up with Shakira – just 56 hours after meeting.

Despite an intimate night in the boudoir, Harry then snogged saucy sexpot Yasmin behind Helena’s back before ending up back with Shakira again.

Through tears last night, Harry admitted to having regrets about ‘cheating’ on Helena, who has barely been able to look at him since.

But before Helena could take him back, she was whisked away for a sleepover with bombshell Giorgio.

He’s not the air stewardesses’ usual type, but he’s the perfect distraction to stop Helena reuniting with Harry.

I have no doubt Helena will end up back with Harry in a storyline set to rumble on this series, but I’m here to warn her that holding out for him will RUIN her career.

Aside from her obvious similarities to Love Island legend Olivia Attwood, Helena’s got the potential to be a stand-out star of the series thanks to her hilarious wit and bombshell beauty.

She had the villa in hysterics when, during a game of Spin the Bottle, she dared ex Harry “to go home”.

But if she doesn’t stick to her guns and stay far away from Harry, she’s going to come across more like pushover Chloe Burrows who kept going back for Toby Aromolaran than brave Liberty Poole who dumped Jake Cornish and left the villa on her own accord.

By proving she knows her worth and can resist Harry’s temptation, Helena will secure herself an army of female fans they can look up to.

She’ll be able to capitalise on this by landing lucrative deals with empowering female brands instead of facing heartbreak once they’re out the villa when Harry inevitably cheats.

I say this because a leopard never changes its spots – and if he’s already untrustworthy while living 24/7 under the same roof, then I don’t hold out much hope.

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My assumption is also based on what Harry told me before going into Love Island.

While the 30-year-old was in isolation days before the series launch, Harry’s ex said he dumped her for Love Island – despite claiming he was going to Bali for the summer.

When I confronted him about this, Harry played Mr Innocent.

“Oh that sounds so terrible, wow,” he exclaimed.

“No, we were casually dating and I told her I was going away for the summer and we left it there. I didn’t ‘dump’ anyone.”

In fact, Harry went on to rubbish the idea he was as much of a “player” in dating as he was on the pitch.

“I think that is the reputation footballers get, but I can only be myself and that’s not who I am,” Harry insisted to me.

“I’m not a player.

“I’m 30. I’ve got a mullet. I’m ready for something serious.”

As he said this, with a twinkle in his eye and dimple in his smile, it was difficult not to fall for Harry’s charm.

But Helena needs to be strong and resist – or face being played by a player who has no intention of settling down.

SAN DIEGO — Fernando Tatis Jr. sat in front of his locker late Monday night, assessing his San Diego Padres in the wake of an extra-inning loss to the Dodgers. He did not have much to say, but he did not have to say much.

“We can still play better,” he said. “It’s that simple.”

Tatis reached base three times Monday, but his OPS is 78 points below his career average. The Padres dropped the highly anticipated opener of the season series of baseball’s best rivalry by one run, but their most productive and healthy starting pitcher got hit hard, one of their relievers threw away a comebacker, one of their outfielders misread a line drive, and their shortstop lost a pop fly in the twilight.

Yet, after all that, the Padres (37-28) awoke Tuesday nine games over .500 and two games out of first place in the National League West. At this point last season, the Padres were one game under .500 and eight games out of first place.

The Padres rallied to clinch a postseason spot and came within one game of eliminating the Dodgers in the first round of the playoffs. Then came winter, with the Padres going into hibernation as the Dodgers signed most of the free world.

The Padres did not win the winter, by choice. That did not endear them to their fans, particularly not after the Dodgers took home a championship trophy because no one could beat L.A. in October.

There was a preseason fan fest in San Diego. It was decidedly not festive.

“I don’t think we were ever bad,” Padres pitcher Joe Musgrove said. “People see the additions of big name players for a lot of money and think that directly correlates to the ability to win.”

That is true for fans, and truer still for major league owners operating in markets far smaller than San Diego, refusing to spend and then pointing fingers at the Dodgers. The Padres earned a playoff payoff last season, and they have sold out 27 of 31 home dates so far this season.

San Diego’s Jackson Merrill celebrates after hitting an run-scoring double against the Dodgers in the 10th inning Monday.

(Orlando Ramirez / Associated Press)

“I don’t think the fans are wrong for feeling how they felt,” Musgrove said. “That’s just a natural, knee-jerk reaction to seeing everyone move and you not move.”

The Padres lost Tanner Scott, Jurickson Profar and Ha-Seong Kim over the winter. They lost Juan Soto, Blake Snell and Josh Hader the previous winter.

That would frighten any fan base.

The Padres traded Soto and got two New York Yankees relievers — Michael King and Randy Vasquez — that now start in San Diego. The Padres replaced Soto in the outfield with a minor league shortstop, Jackson Merrill, who should have been the NL rookie of the year.

They didn’t use Scott as a closer when they traded for him; Robert Suarez closed then and closes now. Gavin Sheets, signed to a minor league contract, has 11 home runs, more than anyone on the team besides Tatis.

The top four batters in the San Diego lineup — Tatis, Luis Arraez, Manny Machado and Merrill — can hold their own against the Dodgers’ quartet of Shohei Ohtani, Mookie Betts, Freddie Freeman and Teoscar Hernández.

Utilityman Tyler Wade scoffed at the winter notion that the Padres might not fare as well this season.

“Look around our room, man,” Wade said. “We’ve got a super-talented bunch. We basically have the same team as last year — minus a couple of key pieces, obviously.”

The Padres’ catchers have a negative WAR. So do their left fielders, and their .248 on-base percentage is the lowest among any team’s left fielders.

The Angels’ Taylor Ward would be a nice fit here. A.J. Preller, the Padres’ president of baseball operations, is the rare executive who trades actual prospects. He’ll make the Padres better in the seven weeks between now and the trading deadline.

Said Musgrove: “The people in this room felt extremely confident in the staff, and in the belief that we have in A.J. to put a good product on the field and make adjustments as necessary throughout the year.”

What might distinguish the Padres from the Dodgers this season — and vice versa — is how many starting pitchers return from the injured list, and how effective they can be.

The Dodgers have Snell, Roki Sasaki, Tyler Glasnow and Tony Gonsolin on the injured list. The Padres have King, Musgrove and Yu Darvish on the injured list.

Darvish has yet to pitch this season but has resumed throwing bullpen sessions. King is expected to miss several weeks because of a pinched nerve. Musgrove, who had Tommy John surgery last October, is not expected to rejoin the rotation this season but is hopeful he can pitch in relief in the postseason, if the Padres get there.

The Dodgers’ relievers have thrown the most innings in the league. Both the Dodgers and Padres’ starters rank among the bottom five in innings pitched. The relievers for both teams are pitching very well, but too often.

Ultimately, lest the bullpen arms become injured and/or ineffective, the manager said, “We’re going to need some depth out of some starters.” (The manager was the Padres’ Mike Shildt, but it could just as easily have been the Dodgers’ Dave Roberts.)

And, amid all the hype and analysis surrounding the Dodgers and Padres, there is one little wrinkle: The Dodgers lead the NL West, but the team in second place is not the Padres. It’s the San Francisco Giants. Did someone say rivalry?

Rahm said afterwards that his late demise was a “tough pill to swallow” but the fact he got himself in the mix on the final day will do a lot to dispel the discussion about a drop-off in his results at majors since his switch to LIV at the end of 2023.

His best finish in 2024 was a tie for seventh at The Open but, until this week, he had not been a realistic contender in any of the five majors since leaving the PGA Tour.

On Saturday, he insisted there was no correlation between his major form and LIV move, and at Quail Hollow he demonstrated why he should never be discounted as a challenger for golf’s biggest prizes.

Aiming to become the first Spaniard to win the US PGA Championship in its 107th edition, he started with seven solid pars, before exploding into life with birdies on the eighth, 10th and 11th to tie the lead.

After Scheffler pulled clear again, he narrowly missed chances to re-ascend the top of the leaderboard down the back nine, before his title bid slipped away in dramatic fashion.

“There’s been a lot of good happening this week and a lot of positive feelings to take for the rest of the year,” the 2023 Masters and 2021 US Open winner Rahm added.

“I think it’s the first time I’ve been in position to win a major that close and haven’t done it. The only times I think I’ve been in the lead in a major on a Sunday, I’ve been able to close it out.”

At the start of play, a host of players hoped to shoot low to pressurise the world number one, but their challenges never materialised.

Nowhere more so was that exemplified than on the par-four first. Of the final eight players to head out, Rahm made par but the other seven, including Scheffler, all carded a five.

Perennial major contender DeChambeau played well once again but was unable to build sustained momentum during his one-under 70.

“It’s another top five and I’m always proud to top five in a major,” DeChambeau said.

“I feel like I’m playing good when I’m doing that but it’s disappointing not to get the job done because that’s what I came here to do.”

Starting almost four hours before the final group, English had almost finished his round by the time the leaders set off and his 65 – the lowest round on Sunday – secured his best finish at a major.

Bertolt Brecht wrote that, in the dark times, there will also be singing. In Susanna Kwan’s debut novel, she asks whether those songs may be sung if there are no choirs to sing them. Choirs require community, and the role of community during environmental disaster is one of the themes that runs through this thoughtful novel about art, creation and the ways we care for one another.

Bo is a 40ish woman living in a San Francisco high-rise in the mid-21st century. The city is underwater after being swamped by the rising Pacific Ocean and incessant rain. But the city continues to exist. Those who have not fled inhabit the upper floors of skyscraper apartment blocks. Bo’s cousins have lined up work opportunities for her in Canada, but when the novel begins, she is insistent on staying. What keeps her there is grief; two years before, her mother disappeared during a storm. Bo clings to the hope that one day she will be reunited with her.

Like Bo before the rains, Kwan is an artist and she conveys what goes missing in her character’s life after environmental disaster: In the perpetual rain there are no longer seasons. And without seasons, there are no holidays or festivals to mark the changes in the year. Bo marks time with her twice-weekly visit to the rooftop markets, where merchants sell food they’ve grown or had brought in by boat. But it’s also where she scans the bulletin boards filled with photos of the missing and lost in search of her mother.

Kwan’s novel hones in on the ways that isolation and boredom sap vital parts of ourselves. The book captures America’s recent history: 2020 and isolating in our apartments and houses while outside, the dead piled up in freezer vans and mass graves. The ways that anxiety and loneliness caused many to turn inward, to make what was happening personal, as if no one else was affected. The loss of community and empathy for others drowned in the waves of fear, uncertainty, and for many, anger. Bo herself struggles with her individual feelings of frustration and grief, but then reminds herself that she hasn’t been singled out for bad fortune.

“What made her special in the long human history of crisis and displacement?” Bo wonders. “She had followed reports of heat waves that never subsided, outbreaks of anthrax and smallpox and malaria, continents dried to deserts, genocidal regimes, military blockades at borders that prevented passage to hundreds of thousands of people with nowhere to go, children drowning at sea. And yet the matter of her own privileged leaving felt extraordinary and without precedent, even as she registered this delusion.”

Before her mother disappeared, Bo worked constantly as an illustrator and painter, a source of joy that sustained her. But after her mom dies — and it is clear that her mother has most likely been washed out to sea — she is paralyzed. “Art, she’d come to feel, served no purpose in a time like this. It belonged to another world, one she’d left behind.” Grief has grayed-out her love for colorful creation.

One day, a neighbor slips a note under her door. It is a request that Bo come help out Mia with household chores. Mia lives alone, and at age 129, is struggling.

Bo has supported herself in the constricted economy as a caregiver. Many of those in the high-rises are the elderly, in some cases abandoned by their fleeing children, but sometimes just too fragile to be moved. By 2050, people are living past 100 and living to 130 isn’t rare. But 130-year-old elders have elderly children and even elderly grandchildren. Weaker bonds with third- and fourth-generation descendants has left many to look after themselves.

Bo is the daughter of Chinese immigrants; Mia came from China with her parents. Mia’s daughter and further descendants live thousands of miles away. Caring for Mia reminds Bo of the time she spent with her mother when they made frequent treks to check in on family elders, a way of paying respect, her mom told her when Bo was a child.

In Mia’s apartment, the two women begin to bond in the kitchen. Bo prepares food while Mia tells stories of her life in San Francisco. She had been born in the 1920s, not that long after the earthquake and devastating fire that leveled the city in 1906. Mia’s life parallels the growth of San Francisco and her memories of how the city changed through the decades in the 20th century intrigues Bo. So much was lost, first in the wave of explosive population growth and wealth, but when the rains came, entire parts of the city disappeared, their histories swallowed by the relentless rise of the Pacific.

Bo’s memories have already been dulled by perpetual grayness. But hanging out with Mia loosens something inside of Bo, and she notices that her senses can serve as “time machines,” and give her access to her own past. There are obvious reminders — a photograph — but songs are especially evocative even before she recognizes the tune. “A song provided passage from the present station back to a place and time, distinct and palpable. The trip was quick, a sled tearing down a luge track, the body sensing its arrival before the mind could register the journey.”

Bo’s occasional lover is a man who visits San Francisco as part of his job working in natural resources. He spends much of the time counting and cataloging what species remain, or what is about to be lost. When he arrives back in town after she has started working for Mia, Bo finds that her growing sense of purpose, her desire to return to art-making, is motivated by a similar impulse.

She wants to catalog Mia’s experiences, her memories of the city that no longer exists. In their long conversations, Mia summons images and histories of places that Bo never knew existed. Inspired by Mia, Bo goes to the city’s archive and searches for the photographs, newspaper articles, blueprints, maps and other ways that the now-missing city documented its existence.

For Mia’s approaching 130th birthday, which Bo senses will be her employer’s last, she decides that she will use her skills as an artist to bring the old city back to life one more time — a gift for her employer, but also a means by which Bo can recapture the wild energy that is creation.

Survivalists preparing for an imagined catastrophic future hoard food and supplies and stock up on guns to “protect” themselves from those in need. But as Kwan shows, such visions of the future are the refractions of nihilism and the American belief that individual survival and success is due solely to individual effort. But that’s never been the case. What preserves human life — even a life in horrific circumstances — are relationships of caring and cooperation. Community built on taking care of each other is the only way that we will thrive. The networks we build to support others eventually becomes the social safety net we will ourselves need.

In dark times, the songs that will comfort us will not be the cacophony of individual voices wailing their grief. The darkness will be lifted by the harmonies of those who recognize each other’s humanity.

Berry is a writer and critic living in Oregon.