Groups

The race pitting a candidate endorsed by President Donald Trump against Congressman Thomas Massie, a rare Republican critic of Israel, has become the most expensive House of Representatives primary contest in the history of the United States.

The avalanche of spending, totalling more than $34m by Monday, according to official records, highlights the significance of the elections that could oust one of the few Republican opponents to the war with Iran.

In the final stretch of the campaign ahead of Tuesday’s vote, Massie has sought to highlight the oversized role of pro-Israel groups – including the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) – in the race.

He said the election will be a “referendum on foreign policy” and whether pro-Israel lobby groups will be able to “bully” members of Congress.

“You can tell that I’m ahead in the polls, and they’re desperate,” Massie told ABC News on Sunday.

“That’s why they’re sending the secretary of war to my district tomorrow. That’s why the president’s losing sleep and tweeting about this. That’s why AIPAC has dumped another $3m into my race this weekend.”

Trump has been incessantly bashing Massie on social media, and in an unusual move, Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth has travelled to Kentucky to campaign for Ed Gallrein, the Navy SEAL veteran challenging the congressman.

Massie has been critical of the unconditional US military aid to Israel and of the country’s abuses in Gaza and Lebanon. He has also helped spearhead the push for the release of government files related to the late sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

The money

Despite the intensity of the race, the candidates have not raised record amounts of money themselves.

The bulk of the spending, more than $25.8m, has come from outside groups, known as super political action committees (super PACs).

Super PACs are usually used by special interest groups to spend heavily to oppose or support a candidate without the constraints of legal limits on direct campaign contributions.

Pro-Israel groups and donors have played a central role in the flood of funds and ads directed against Massie, with three groups linked to them spending more than $15.5m in the race, Federal Election Commission (FEC) data shows.

United Democracy Project (UDP), AIPAC’s election arm, has spent more than $4.1m.

The RJC Victory Fund, which is affiliated with the Republican Jewish Coalition, came in with around $3.9m.

MAGA KY has been the largest spender, at $7.5m.

The PAC’s finances have not been made fully public. But available records show that one of the group’s top funders is Paul Singer, a pro-Israel billionaire investor who has also made the largest individual donation to UDP over the past year – $2.5m.

MAGA KY also received funds from Preserve America PAC, a group linked to Israeli-American megadonor Miriam Adelson.

Details of the finances of Preserve America PAC remain unclear for this election cycle. But Adelson donated $106m to the PAC in 2024 to help elect Trump as president.

Trump has openly admitted that Adelson and her late husband Sheldon Adelson have influenced his Middle East policies.

Before the race in Kentucky’s Fourth Congressional District, the most expensive House primary was the 2024 election that ousted then-Democratic Congressman Jamaal Bowman, in which pro-Israel groups, including AIPAC, were also the largest spenders.

The third most expensive primary also involved AIPAC and its pro-Israel allies, who succeeded in helping defeat progressive Congresswoman Cori Bush in 2024.

The Trump factor

Beyond the millions of dollars in pro-Israel spending, Massie needs to survive another potent force in Republican politics – Trump’s wrath.

The US president has all but purged the party of lawmakers who have disagreed with him on major issues.

Most recently, Senator Bill Cassidy – who voted to convict Trump after the January 6, 2021, US Capitol riot – lost his primary to a challenger backed by the US president.

Trump is actively campaigning against Massie. In less than 24 hours between Sunday and Monday, the US president fired off three social media posts berating the congressman, calling him “weak”, “pathetic” and a “bum”.

“The worst Congressman in the long and storied history of the Republican Party is Thomas Massie,” Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform on Monday. “He is an obstructionist and a fool. Vote him out of office tomorrow, Tuesday. It will be a great day for America!”

However, Massie appears to have a few advantages that other Republican dissidents lacked.

Over the years, the congressman has built a reputation as a combative, principled libertarian and has gained popularity among right-wing commentators.

His campaign directly raised $5.5m, significantly more than Gallrein’s $3.1m, while also receiving outside support from pro-gun rights and libertarian PACs.

Massie has also been endorsed by some of his Republican colleagues, including Congresswoman Lauren Boebert, an outspoken right-wing lawmaker.

And due to the involvement of pro-Israel groups, Massie’s supporters are arguing that the race is not all about Trump, who remains popular amongst Republican voters.

“Why does Trump hate Massie? Is the congressman a secret liberal? Not at all,” right-wing commentator Tucker Carlson said in his newsletter on Monday.

“Unlike nearly everyone else in the Republican Party, Massie has refused to go along with the White House’s abandonment of the America First principles that got the president elected. He is one of the few honest people in politics. Everyone who cares about our country should root for him.”

Protesters have demanded the resignation of President Rodrigo Paz, who was elected on a platform of economic reform.

Demonstrators, led by mining groups and rural unions, have clashed with law enforcement in Bolivia as tensions simmer over the country’s economic crisis, the worst in decades.

On Thursday, small explosions were heard in the midst of the protest in La Paz, credited to miners setting off small sticks of dynamite. Some protesters were reported as attempting to breach the presidential palace.

The unrest follows weeks of road blockades, as miners, farmers, teachers and rural workers express frustration over the country’s ongoing economic turmoil.

Bolivia used to be a major exporter of natural gas, but in recent years, its reserves began to shrivel, and its production has plummeted. Now, rather than being a fuel exporter, it has become a net importer, reliant on oil and natural gas from abroad.

The collapse of the natural gas industry has been coupled with dwindling supplies of foreign currency in the country. The result has been soaring inflation, supply shortages and higher prices.

Bolivians have experienced long lines for fuel, and hospitals have reported a lack of basic supplies like oxygen and medication.

Centre-right leader Rodrigo Paz was elected in October last year in part on a promise to address the economic tailspin.

His victory marked a political sea change in Bolivia. For much of the past two decades, except for a brief period in 2019, the country has been governed by the Movement Towards Socialism (MAS).

The decline of MAS has been credited, in part, to the uproar over the economy.

But on Thursday, Paz likewise faced calls from protesters for his resignation, just as his MAS predecessor, Luis Arce, had.

Earlier in the day, a group of 20 miners were invited to the presidential palace to meet with Paz and discuss their demands, according to the Reuters news agency.

Ahead of the meeting, Economy Minister Jose Gabriel Espinoza said his government was “open to dialogue”.

Among the issues reportedly discussed were fuel subsidies, welfare benefits and changes to an agrarian reform measure, Law 1720, that was repealed on Wednesday after outcry.

Still, officials have refused demands that Paz step down. “The president is not going to resign,” Mauricio Zamora, the minister of public works, services and housing, said earlier this month.

Some of Paz’s allies have blamed the unrest on former President Evo Morales, a former trade union leader who continues to draw popular support in Bolivia’s rural areas.

Morales, who led Bolivia from 2006 to 2019, previously supported protests against Paz’s predecessor Arce, after splitting from MAS.

He is also the subject of an arrest warrant: Morales has been accused of statutory rape and was held in contempt of court for failing to show up to a hearing last week.

A prolific social media user, Morales posted multiple times on Thursday about the protests, accusing the government of using him as a scapegoat. He also echoed calls for officials to address the shortages of food, fuel and other basic supplies.

“They believe that the thousands of Bolivians currently protesting — in the streets and on the roads — are merely obeying a single individual,” Morales wrote in one post.

“The outraged are driven by their social conscience and their fury against a government that, from day one, betrayed its constituents and the nation.”

WASHINGTON — The head of the Food and Drug Administration, Dr. Marty Makary, is resigning after a rocky tenure that drew months of complaints from health industry executives, anti-abortion activists, vaping lobbyists and other allies of President Trump.

He steps down after just over a year leading the powerful health regulatory agency, according to a White House official who was not authorized to speak before an announcement expected Tuesday and requested anonymity.

Kyle Diamantas, the agency’s chief for foods, will take over as acting commissioner, the official said. Diamantas is an attorney with personal ties to Donald Trump Jr.

A surgeon and health researcher, Makary came to prominence among Republicans as an outspoken critic of COVID-19 health measures during the pandemic when he frequently appeared on Fox News.

But he struggled to manage the FDA’s bureaucracy and failed to win the confidence of its staff after mass layoffs, leadership changes and a series of controversies in which the agency’s scientific principles appeared to be overridden by political interests, including those of Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.

The FDA commissioner, as the leader of an agency that regulates billions of dollars in consumer goods and medicines, is often required to juggle competing priorities that straddle science and politics.

Makary faced a unique challenge in balancing calls by Trump and other Republicans to cut red tape at the FDA, while also tending to Kennedy’s interest in scrutinizing the safety of vaccines, drugs and food additives.

Virtually all of the FDA’s senior career officials resigned, retired or were forced out in the first year of the second-term Trump administration, leading to a steady stream of leaks and negative stories in the media cataloging low morale, dysfunction and frustration among staff.

Makary’s handpicked deputy, Dr. Vinay Prasad, was pushed out of the agency twice in less than a year for running afoul of specialty drugmakers and groups for patients with rare diseases. Makary appeared poised to weather the controversy, despite an ongoing pressure campaign calling on Trump to fire him.

Recent months brought fresh criticisms from other interest groups that the White House considers key to Republican chances in November elections.

Anti-abortion groups have criticized Makary for allegedly slow-walking an internal review of the abortion pill mifepristone, which has been on the market for 25 years but remains a target for conservative activists.

Vaping executives told Trump that Makary was blocking approval of their products, including new flavored e-cigarettes seen as crucial to the industry’s survival.

Last week, the agency abruptly changed course on vaping: authorizing the first fruit-flavored products and issuing guidelines that loosened marketing for major manufacturers. But it wasn’t enough to keep Makary in the job.

A permanent replacement for FDA commissioner will need to be nominated by Trump and confirmed by a majority vote in the Senate.

Faster drug reviews are overshadowed

As a former regular on Fox News, Makary was aggressive about promoting his accomplishments on cable television and podcasts and in online opinion pieces.

More than a half-dozen initiatives from Makary aimed to speed up or streamline FDA drug reviews, including dropping certain study requirements, incorporating artificial intelligence into drug evaluations and offering expedited reviews to medicines that support “national interests.”

But pharmaceutical executives rely on the predictability and consistency of FDA decisions, even more than speedy reviews. Makary’s efforts on drug reviews were overshadowed by internal conflicts and upheavals that created headaches for drugmakers, investors and patients.

A number of specialty drugmakers studying therapies for rare or hard-to-treat diseases said they received rejection letters or requests to run additional studies for drugs that previously had been given the go-ahead by FDA staff. Those drugs were primarily overseen by Prasad, who stepped down for a second time from his role as FDA’s vaccine and biotech chief in April.

Vaccine moves denounced

Prasad repeatedly overruled vaccine staffers to restrict eligibility for new COVID shots. In February, Prasad initially refused to even consider Moderna’s mRNA shot for flu. The FDA was forced to reverse itself after Moderna pledged to formally challenge the decision and called for intervention by the White House.

Some of Makary and Prasad’s most controversial vaccine proposals never came to fruition, despite stoking confusion and anxiety within the FDA and beyond.

In an internal memo in November, Prasad claimed — without publishing evidence — that the FDA had linked COVID shots to the deaths of 10 children. Prasad used that to justify a planned wholesale overhaul of the agency’s approach to approving and updating vaccines.

A dozen former FDA commissioners issued a scathing denunciation of the plan, warning that it would “undermine the public interest” and decimate vaccine development. The FDA has not released its analysis of the deaths or its plan for the vaccine overhaul.

FDA’s drug center had a revolving door

In the FDA’s drug center, which is the agency’s largest division, Makary oversaw a revolving door of leadership changes. Six people served as director over the course of one year.

Makary’s initial pick for the job, Dr. George Tidmarsh, was forced to resign after allegations that he used his FDA position to pursue a personal vendetta against a former business partner.

His replacement, longtime FDA cancer specialist Dr. Rick Pazdur, announced he would retire after just three weeks on the job, after clashing with Makary on multiple issues involving drug reviews.

With Makary’s departure, the fate of many fledgling initiatives is uncertain.

Most of the programs Makary introduced have not gone through federal rulemaking required to enshrine them in U.S. regulations and could easily be overturned by his successors.

Democrats in Congress have questioned the legality of some of those efforts, including a program that offers drugmakers expedited reviews for innovative medicines.

Perrone and Kim write for the Associated Press.

Bomber and several fighters detonate explosives-laden vehicle near security post in Bannu, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, near Afghanistan.

A car bombing at ⁠a police post followed by an intense firefight has killed at least three officers ⁠in northwestern Pakistan, according to police and security sources.

The attack took place in Bannu, a district in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province bordering Afghanistan, late on Saturday.

Police official Zahid Khan told The Associated Press that a suicide bomber and several fighters detonated an explosives-laden vehicle near a security post. Shortly after, multiple explosions were heard and the security post collapsed from the impact of the blast, he said.

Pakistan’s Dawn reported that nearby civilian areas also suffered severe damage due to the blasts, and two civilians were injured.

The Reuters news agency, citing security officials, reported that after the bombing, there was an ambush on police personnel rushing ⁠to the scene to provide backup.

Police official Sajjad Khan told Reuters that more casualties were feared. He added that fighting was ongoing and the extent of the damage would only be known once ‌the operation was over.

Police sources told Reuters ⁠the aggressors also used drones in the attack.

Ambulances from ⁠rescue agencies and civil hospitals were dispatched to the scene, with officials saying a state of emergency has been declared in government hospitals in Bannu.

No group immediately claimed responsibility. However, such attacks have the potential to reignite fighting along Pakistan’s border ⁠with Afghanistan.

The worst fighting in years erupted ⁠between the allies-turned-foes in February, with Pakistani air strikes inside Afghanistan that Islamabad said targeted fighters’ strongholds.

Fighting has since eased, with occasional skirmishes breaking out along the border, but no official ceasefire ‌has been brokered.

Islamabad blames Kabul for harbouring armed groups who use Afghan soil to plot attacks in Pakistan. The Taliban has denied the allegations and ‌said ‌militancy in Pakistan is an internal problem.

The Pakistan Taliban, known as Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), and allied fighter groups have carried out similar attacks in the past. The Pakistan Taliban is a separate group but is often aligned with the Afghan Taliban, who seized power in Afghanistan in 2021.

Two press freedom groups that own shares in Paramount Skydance are demanding to see the company’s books and internal documents, citing allegations that the company’s leaders may have promised favors to the White House to win approval for Paramount’s deal to acquire Warner Bros. Discovery.

The letter, sent Thursday to Paramount chief legal officer Makan Delrahim, says that media reports alleging that Paramount owner David Ellison and others promised favors to the Trump administration “create credible concern that Paramount leadership has offered, solicited, or effectuated a corrupt exchange,” which the groups argue would “constitute a breach of fiduciary duties” and open the company up to a “range of potential civil and criminal penalties.”

The letter cites Delaware law that allows stockholders to inspect the company’s books and records “for any proper purpose.”

Paramount declined to comment on the letter.

Among the issues raised in the letter are promises reportedly made by David Ellison and his father, Oracle billionaire Larry Ellison, that they would make “sweeping” changes at the news network CNN, which is owned by Warner Bros. Discovery.

The Ellison family acquired Paramount, which includes CBS and the storied Melrose Avenue film studio, last summer.

The letter cites changes implemented in CBS since their acquisition, including their decision to end late night television house Stephen Colbert’s show days after he characterized a settlement Paramount reached with Trump as a “big fat bribe.”

Under Ellison’s ownership, the letter says, numerous high-profile reporters have left the network and its ratings have dropped to “historic lows.”

Larry Ellison, who is backing the financing of Paramount’s proposed takeover of Warner, reportedly told White House officials that Paramount would “implement the CBS playbook” at CNN if the merger is approved, and remove anchors and commentators at the cable news network that Trump doesn’t like, according to the letter.

The effort comes just two weeks after Warner Bros. Discovery shareholders overwhelmingly approved the proposed merger. Investors have supported the Larry Ellison family takeover, which would become the biggest Hollywood merger in nearly a decade. The deal would pay Warner stockholders $31 per share — four times the stock price a year ago.

The letter was written on behalf of the Freedom of the Press Foundation, which develops secure communication tools for journalists and tracks violations of press freedom, and Reporters Without Borders, which tracks press freedom globally.

The organizations are being represented by former federal prosecutor Brendan Ballou, who established the Public Integrity Project this year to challenged alleged government corruption, as well as Delaware attorney Ronald Poliquin.

The missive, which could be a precursor to a lawsuit, opens another avenue of attack against the controversial $111-billion deal, which would transform the smaller Paramount into an industry titan.

With Warner Bros. Discovery, the Ellisons would also control HBO, TBS and the vast film and TV library of Warner Bros., which includes the Harry Potter, DC Comics, and Scooby-Doo, in addition to CNN.

Paramount, led 43-year-old David Ellison, wants to finalize its Warner Bros. takeover by the end of September. President Trump favors the deal; he has long agitated for changes at CNN.

But the proposed merger would saddle the combined company with $79 billion in debt, stoking fears that Paramount would be forced to make steep cost cuts to juggle such a large debt load.

Politicians, unions and progressive groups separately have pressed California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta to scrutinize the proposed merger, hoping that he brings an antitrust lawsuit in an attempt to upend the deal.

More than 4,000 film industry workers, including Ben Stiller, Bryan Cranston, Ted Danson, J.J. Abrams, Jane Fonda and Kristen Stewart, have signed an open letter imploring Bonta and other regulators to block the merger. The group lamented the proposed tie-up, saying it “would reduce the number of major U.S. film studios to just four.”

Opponents fear the consolidation would lead to massive layoffs and diminish the quality of programming that Warner Bros., CNN and HBO are known for.

Hollywood has sustained thousands of layoffs over the last seven years since Walt Disney Co. swallowed Fox’s entertainment assets in another huge merger. In addition, the film production economy hasn’t recovered from shutdowns during the 2023 labor strikes. An estimated 42,000 entertainment industry jobs were lost from 2022 and 2024.

On Thursday, 34 California Democrats in Congress also sent a letter to Bonta, encouraging him to look closely at the merger.

The deal is expected to become one of the largest leveraged buyouts ever.

Ballou, who is working with the press freedom groups, previously served as a Justice Department special counsel with expertise in private equity transactions.

He resigned from the Justice Department in January 2025 when Trump returned to office. In his book, “Plunder: Private Equity’s Plan to Pillage America,” Ballou examined large leveraged buyouts and found that many of which resulted in bankruptcies.

The 23rd edition of the FIFA World Cup — the biggest ever — will see 48 nations compete for the prize in a 39-day tournament in Canada, Mexico, and the United States.

Sixteen venues across the three nations will host 104 matches as the tournament returns to North America after 32 years.

Argentina will look to defend the trophy they lifted under their iconic captain, Lionel Messi, at Qatar 2022, while Cape Verde, Curacao, Jordan, and Uzbekistan will make their debut at the finals.

The tournament will begin in Mexico and conclude in the US.

Here’s everything you need to know about its teams, groups, format and schedule.

What are the groups and teams for the FIFA World Cup 2026?

⚽ Group A: Mexico, South Africa, Korea Republic, Czechia
⚽ Group B: Canada, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Qatar, Switzerland
⚽ Group C: Brazil, Morocco, Haiti, Scotland
⚽ Group D: United States, Paraguay, Australia, Turkiye
⚽ Group E: Germany, Curacao, Ivory Coast, Ecuador
⚽ Group F: Netherlands, Japan, Sweden, Tunisia
⚽ Group G: Belgium, Egypt, Iran, New Zealand
⚽ Group H: Spain, Cape Verde, Saudi Arabia, Uruguay
⚽ Group I: France, Senegal, Iraq, Norway
⚽ Group J: Argentina, Algeria, Austria, Jordan
⚽ Group K: Portugal, DR Congo, Uzbekistan, Colombia
⚽ Group L: England, Croatia, Ghana, Panama

When and where is the opening match of the FIFA World Cup 2026?

The tournament will open on June 11 at 3pm (21:00 GMT) at the Mexico City Stadium in Mexico.

When and where is the final of the FIFA World Cup 2026?

The MetLife Stadium, which will be called the New York New Jersey Stadium during the tournament, will host the final on July 19 at 3pm (20:00 GMT).

Why has FIFA changed the names of the stadiums hosting World Cup matches?

In a move to restrict ambush marketing for brands not associated with FIFA, the governing body has changed stadium names for all venues to match the host city.

Therefore, the MetLife Stadium in New Jersey has been rebranded as the New York New Jersey Stadium, and the SoFi Stadium in Los Angeles has been renamed the Los Angeles Stadium for the tournament.

What’s the format of the FIFA World Cup 2026?

The tournament will consist of one group-stage round and four knockout rounds before the final.

Unlike previous editions, the knockouts will begin with the round of 32, followed by the round of 16, the four quarterfinals and two semifinals.

The stage-wise breakdown of the tournament’s schedule is:

• Group stage: June 11 June 27
• Round of 32: June 28 to July 3
• Round of 16: July 4-7
• Quarterfinals: July 9-11
• Semifinals: July 14-15
• Bronze medal match: July 18
• Final: July 19

What’s the full match schedule of the World Cup?

Group stage

Thursday, June 11

Mexico vs South Africa at 3pm (21:00 GMT) – Mexico City Stadium, Mexico City, Mexico

South Korea vs Czechia at 10pm (04:00 GMT on Friday) – Estadio Guadalajara, Zapopan, Mexico

Friday, June 12

Canada vs Bosnia at 3pm (20:00 GMT) – Toronto Stadium, Toronto, Canada

USA vs Paraguay at 9pm (05:00 GMT on Saturday) – Los Angeles Stadium, Los Angeles, US

Saturday, June 13

Qatar vs Switzerland at 3pm (23:00 GMT) – San Francisco Bay Area Stadium, San Francisco, US

Brazil vs Morocco at 6pm (23:00 GMT) – New York New Jersey Stadium, New Jersey, US

Haiti vs Scotland at 9pm (02:00 GMT on Sunday) – Boston Stadium, Boston, US

Australia vs Turkiye at midnight (08:00 GMT on Sunday) – BC Place, Vancouver, Canada

Sunday, June 14

Germany vs Curacao at 1pm (19:00 GMT) – Houston Stadium, Houston, US

Netherlands vs Japan at 4pm (22:00 GMT) – Dallas Stadium, Dallas, US

Ivory Coast vs Ecuador at 7pm (00:00 GMT on Monday) – Philadelphia Stadium, Philadelphia, US

Sweden vs Tunisia at 10pm (04:00 GMT on Monday) – Estadio Monterrey, Guadalupe, Mexico

Monday, June 15

Spain vs Cape Verde at 12pm (17:00 GMT) – Atlanta Stadium, Atlanta, US

Belgium vs Egypt at 3pm (23:00 GMT) – BC Place, Vancouver, Canada

Saudi Arabia vs Uruguay at 6pm (23:00 GMT) – Miami Stadium, Miami, US

Iran vs New Zealand at 9pm (05:00 GMT on Tuesday) – Los Angeles Stadium, Los Angeles, US

Tuesday, June 16

France vs Senegal at 3pm (20:00 GMT) – New York New Jersey Stadium, New Jersey, US

Iraq vs Norway at 6pm (23:00 GMT) – Boston Stadium, Boston, US

Argentina vs Algeria at 9pm (03:00 GMT on Wednesday) – Kansas City Stadium, Kansas City, US

Austria vs Jordan at midnight (08:00 GMT on Wednesday) – San Francisco Bay Area Stadium, San Francisco, US

Wednesday, June 17

Portugal vs DRC at 1pm (19:00 GMT) – Houston Stadium, Houston, US

England vs Croatia at 4pm (22:00 GMT) – Dallas Stadium, Dallas, US

Ghana vs Panama at 7pm (00:00 GMT on Thursday) – Toronto Stadium, Toronto, Canada

Uzbekistan vs Colombia at 10pm (04:00 GMT on Thursday) – Mexico City Stadium, Mexico City, Mexico

Thursday, June 18

Czechia vs South Africa at 12pm (17:00 GMT) – Atlanta Stadium, Atlanta, US

Switzerland vs Bosnia at 3pm (23:00 GMT) – Los Angeles Stadium, Los Angeles, US

Canada vs Qatar at 6pm (02:00 GMT on Friday) – BC Place, Vancouver, Canada

Mexico vs South Korea at 9pm (03:00 GMT on Friday) – Estadio Guadalajara, Zapopan, Mexico

Friday, June 19

Scotland vs Morocco at 6pm (23:00 GMT) – Boston Stadium, Boston, US

USA vs Australia at 3pm (23:00 GMT) – Seattle Stadium, Seattle, US

Brazil vs Haiti at 9pm (02:00 GMT on Saturday) – Philadelphia Stadium, Philadelphia, US

Turkiye vs Paraguay at midnight (08:00 GMT on Saturday) – San Francisco Bay Area Stadium, San Francisco, US

Saturday, June 20

Netherlands vs Sweden at 1pm (19:00 GMT) – Houston Stadium, Houston, US

Germany vs Ivory Coast at 4pm (21:00 GMT) – Toronto Stadium, Toronto, Canada

Ecuador vs Curacao at 8pm (04:00 GMT on Sunday) – Kansas City Stadium, Kansas City, US

Tunisia vs Japan at midnight (06:00 GMT on Sunday) – Estadio Monterrey, Guadalupe, Mexico

Sunday, June 21

Spain vs Saudi Arabia at 12pm (17:00 GMT) – Atlanta Stadium, Atlanta, US

Belgium vs Iran at 3pm (23:00 GMT) – Los Angeles Stadium, Los Angeles, US

Uruguay vs Cape Verde at 6pm (23:00 GMT) – Miami Stadium, Miami, US

New Zealand vs Egypt at 9pm (05:00 GMT on Monday) – BC Place, Vancouver, Canada

Monday, June 22

Argentina vs Austria at 1pm (19:00 GMT) – Dallas Stadium, Dallas, US

France vs Iraq at 5pm (22:00 GMT) – Philadelphia Stadium, Philadelphia, US

Norway vs Senegal at 8pm (01:00 GMT on Tuesday) – New York New Jersey Stadium, New Jersey, US

Jordan vs Algeria at 11pm (07:00 GMT on Tuesday) – San Francisco Bay Area Stadium, San Francisco, US

Tuesday, June 23

Portugal vs Uzbekistan at 1pm (19:00 GMT) – Houston Stadium, Houston, US

England vs Ghana at 4pm (21:00 GMT) – Boston Stadium, Boston, US

Panama vs Croatia at 7pm (00:00 GMT on Wednesday) – Toronto Stadium, Toronto, Canada

Colombia vs DRC at 10pm (04:00 GMT on Wednesday) – Estadio Guadalajara, Zapopan, Mexico

Wednesday, June 24

Switzerland vs Canada at 3pm (23:00 GMT) – BC Place, Vancouver, Canada

Bosnia vs Qatar at 3pm (23:00 GMT) – Seattle Stadium, Seattle, US

Scotland vs Brazil at 6pm (23:00 GMT) – Miami Stadium, Miami, US

Morocco vs Haiti at 6pm (23:00 GMT) – Atlanta Stadium, Atlanta, US

Czechia vs Mexico at 9pm (03:00 GMT on Thursday) – Mexico City Stadium, Mexico City, Mexico

South Africa vs South Korea at 9pm (03:00 GMT on Thursday) – Estadio Monterrey, Guadalupe, Mexico

Thursday, June 25

Ecuador vs Germany at 4pm (21:00 GMT) – New York New Jersey Stadium, New Jersey, US

Curacao vs Ivory Coast at 4pm (21:00 GMT) – Philadelphia Stadium, Philadelphia, US

Japan vs Sweden at 7pm (01:00 GMT on Friday) – Dallas Stadium, Dallas, US

Tunisia vs Netherlands at 7pm (01:00 GMT on Friday) – Kansas City Stadium, Kansas City, US,

Turkiye vs USA at 10pm (06:00 GMT on Friday) – Los Angeles Stadium, Los Angeles, US

Paraguay vs Australia at 10pm (06:00 GMT on Friday) – San Francisco Bay Area Stadium, San Francisco, US

Friday, June 26

Norway vs France at 3pm (20:00 GMT) – Boston Stadium, Boston, US

Senegal vs Iraq at 3pm (20:00 GMT) – Toronto Stadium, Toronto, Canada

Cape Verde vs Saudi Arabia at 8pm (02:00 GMT on Saturday) – Houston Stadium, Houston, US

Uruguay vs Spain at 8pm (02:00 GMT on Saturday) – Estadio Guadalajara, Zapopan, Mexico

Egypt vs Iran at 11pm (07:00 GMT on Saturday) – Seattle Stadium, Seattle, US

New Zealand vs Belgium at 11pm (07:00 GMT on Saturday) – BC Place, Vancouver, Canada

Saturday, June 27

Panama vs England at 5pm (22:00 GMT) – New York New Jersey Stadium, New Jersey, US

Croatia vs Ghana at 5pm (22:00 GMT) – Philadelphia Stadium, Philadelphia, US

Colombia vs Portugal at 7:30pm (02:30 GMT on Sunday) – Miami Stadium, Miami, US

DRC vs Uzbekistan at 7:30pm (02:30 GMT on Sunday) – Atlanta Stadium, Atlanta, US

Algeria vs Austria at 10pm (04:00 GMT on Sunday) – Kansas City Stadium, Kansas City, US

Jordan vs Argentina at 10pm (04:00 GMT on Sunday) – Dallas Stadium, Dallas, US

Knockout stage

Sunday, June 28

Round of 32 match at 3pm (23:00 GMT) – Los Angeles Stadium, Los Angeles, US

Monday, June 29

Round of 32 match at 1pm (19:00 GMT) – Houston Stadium, Houston, US

Round of 32 match at 4:30pm (22:30 GMT) – Boston Stadium, Boston, US

Round of 32 match at 9pm (03:00 GMT on Tuesday) – Estadio Monterrey, Guadalupe, Mexico

Tuesday, June 30

Round of 32 match at 1pm (19:00 GMT) – Dallas Stadium, Dallas, US

Round of 32 match at 5pm (22:00 GMT) – New York New Jersey Stadium, New Jersey, US

Round of 32 match at 9pm (03:00 GMT on Wednesday) – Mexico City Stadium, Mexico City, Mexico

Wednesday, July 1

Round of 32 match at 12pm (17:00 GMT) – Atlanta Stadium, Atlanta, US

Round of 32 match at 4pm (00:00 GMT on Thursday) – Seattle Stadium, Seattle, US

Round of 32 match at 8pm (04:00 GMT on Thursday) – San Francisco Bay Area Stadium, San Francisco, US

Thursday, July 2

Round of 32 match at 3pm (23:00 GMT) – Los Angeles Stadium, Los Angeles, US

Round of 32 match at 7pm (00:00 GMT on Friday) – Toronto Stadium, Toronto, Canada

Round of 32 match at 11pm (07:00 GMT on Friday) – BC Place, Vancouver, Canada

Friday, July 3

Round of 32 match at 2pm (21:00 GMT) – Dallas Stadium, Dallas, US

Round of 32 match at 6pm (23:00 GMT) – Miami Stadium, Miami, US

Round of 32 match at 9:30pm (03:30 GMT on Saturday) – Kansas City Stadium, Kansas City, US

Saturday, July 4

Round of 16 match at 1pm (19:00 GMT) – Houston Stadium, Houston, US

Round of 16 match at 5pm (22:00 GMT) – Philadelphia Stadium, Philadelphia, US

Sunday, July 5

Round of 16 match at 4pm (21:00 GMT) – New York New Jersey Stadium, New Jersey, US

Round of 16 match at 8pm (02:00 GMT on Monday) – Mexico City Stadium, Mexico City, Mexico

Monday, July 6

Round of 16 match at 3pm (21:00 GMT) – Dallas Stadium, Dallas, US

Round of 16 match at 8pm (04:00 GMT on Tuesday) – Seattle Stadium, Seattle, US

Tuesday, July 7

Round of 16 match at 12pm (17:00 GMT) – Atlanta Stadium, Atlanta, US

Round of 16 match at 4pm (00:00 GMT on Wednesday) – BC Place, Vancouver, Canada

Thursday, 9 July

First quarterfinal at 4pm (21:00 GMT) – Boston Stadium, Boston, US

Friday, 10 July

Second quarterfinal at 3pm (23:00 GMT) – Los Angeles Stadium, Los Angeles, US

Saturday, July 11

Third quarterfinal at 5pm (22:00 GMT) –  Miami Stadium, Miami, US

Fourth quarterfinal at 9pm (03:00 GMT on Sunday) – Kansas City Stadium, Kansas City, US

Tuesday, July 14

First semifinal at 3pm (21:00 GMT) – Dallas Stadium, Dallas, US

Wednesday, July 15

Second semifinal at 3pm (20:00 GMT) – Atlanta Stadium, Atlanta, US

Saturday, July 18

Bronze medal match at 5pm (22:00 GMT) – Miami Stadium, Miami, US

Sunday, July 19

Final at 3pm (20:00 GMT) – New York New Jersey Stadium, New Jersey, US.

The U.S. Navy has shared details about what looks to be a previously undisclosed effort to rapidly arm ships in two carrier strike groups with radar-guided Longbow Hellfire missiles to protect against drones. This reflects a larger push to expand shipboard defenses against uncrewed aerial threats, which now includes four Arleigh Burke class destroyers sailing with new launchers to fire Coyote interceptors. TWZ was first to report on the appearance of one of these launchers on the USS Carl M. Levin, with Naval News subsequently sharing more information.

The dangers drones pose, including to Navy warships, are not new. Still, the service’s experiences in recent years during operations in and around the Red Sea, as well as against Iran, have firmly driven home the critical need for more shipboard defenses against uncrewed aerial threats.

“Supplemental funding was provided to rapidly field CUAS [Counter-Unmanned Aerial Systems] solutions for the Gerald R Ford Carrier Strike Group (CSG) which included the procurement of Longbow Hellfire launchers, Coyote launchers, and the installation/integration work,” according to a line item in the Navy’s 2027 Fiscal Year budget request, which the service rolled out in full earlier this week. “Funding was also provided to rapidly field CUAS solutions on the Theodore Roosevelt CSG to include Longbow Hellfire Launchers, Coyote launchers, and the installation/integration work.”

“FY2024 and FY2025 [Fiscal Years 2024 and 2025] funding utilized to rapidly field CUAS solutions for the Gerald R Ford Carrier Strike Group (CSG) and the Theodore Roosevelt CSG, which included the procurements of Longbow Hellfire launchers, procurements of Coyote launchers, installations, and integration work,” the newly released budget documents also note.

The same line item is present in the Navy’s proposed budget for the 2026 Fiscal Year, but makes no mention of the Hellfire or Coyote integration efforts. An early type of naval launcher for Coyote was first seen on Arleigh Burke class destroyers assigned to the Gerald R. Ford Carrier Strike Group last year, and we will come back to developments on that front later on.

The Navy’s latest budget documents do not say which ships in the Gerald R. Ford and Theodore Roosevelt CSGs may have received the Longbow Hellfire launchers, or whether they are currently installed. TWZ has reached out to Naval Sea Systems Command (NAVSEA), as well as the Long Hellfire’s prime contractor, Lockheed Martin, for more information about this integration work and what it has entailed to date.

The millimeter-wave radar-guided Longbow Hellfire, which also carries the designation AGM-114L, has a demonstrated counter-drone capability, as well as the ability to strike targets on land or at sea. The Navy previously announced modifications to its Freedom class Littoral Combat Ships (LCS) to allow them to engage uncrewed aerial threats with AGM-114Ls fired from launchers specifically designed for those vessels. However, LCSs are not a component of a typical carrier strike group. On the surface, Navy carriers are usually escorted by a mix of Ticonderoga class cruisers and Arleigh Burke class destroyers.

In June 2025, Naval News did report that two Arleigh Burke class destroyers – the USS Jason Dunham and USS The Sullivans – had previously been involved in testing of various new capabilities, including Longbow Hellfire in the counter-drone role. Neither of those ships were assigned to the Gerald R. Ford or Theodore Roosevelt CSGs at that time. No specific details were available then about what the integration of AGM-114L had consisted of, either.

In March, Lockheed Martin did unveil a containerized Hellfire launcher called Grizzly, development of which started last year. At the time, the company said Grizzly could be adapted for shipboard use.

As an aside, the Navy has talked about a containerized counter-drone launcher able to hold up to 48 Hellfires as being a future armament option for its forthcoming FF(X) frigates. There has been no indication, though, that this is an operational capability now.

Lockheed Martin has also been developing a ship-based launch capability for its AGM-179 Joint Air-to-Ground Missile (JAGM), which is derived from the laser-guided AGM-114R variant of the Hellfire. For more than a year now, the company has been publicly displaying a model of an Arleigh Burke class destroyer fitted with six four-cell JAGM Quad Launchers (JQL; pronounced jackal). At the same time, there have been no signs so far that the Navy is actively moving to field those launchers on ships of this class.

Hellfire, in general, does have a long history at this point of being integrated onto a wide variety of platforms, including helicopters and ground vehicles. A tripod launcher even exists for laser-guided variants of the missile.

With all this in mind, it is not surprising that Longbow Hellfire in some configuration would be an attractive immediate option for the Navy to help bolster shipboard defenses against ever-growing drone threats.

As the Navy’s latest budget documents note, the service has also been working to add other counter-drone interceptors to its ships, such as the combat-proven Coyote. The USS Carl M. Levin, as well as the USS John Paul Jones, the USS Paul Hamilton, and the USS Decatur, have all now received new eight-cell Coyote launchers. All of those warships are currently assigned to the Harry S. Truman Carrier Strike Group. This builds on the integration of the earlier four-cell launchers on at least two other ships in the class, the USS Bainbridge and the USS Winston S. Churchill.

“This is the first deployment of this launcher which increases the cell count from four to eight and provides increased marinization,” a Navy spokesperson told TWZ when asked for more information after Carl M. Levin emerged with the new Coyote capability. “We are working [on] plans for future carrier strike group deployments to install these and potentially other containerized launchers.”

“This is a non-permanent change; launchers can be removed after the completion of a deployment and transferred to other ships—accelerating the deployment of advanced capabilities throughout the Fleet,” that spokesperson added.

The Navy has previously confirmed plans to integrate Anduril’s Roadrunner-M counter-drone interceptors on additional surface warships. The service has also been working with the Pentagon’s Defense Innovation Unit (DIU) on the development of Roadrunner-M, as well as another interceptor called White Spike from Zone 5 Technologies, under a project called Counter Unmanned Aerial Systems – NEXT, or Counter-NEXT.

Zone 5 White Spike Counter UAS drone interceptor flight tests

Navy plans for additional shipboard counter-drone capabilities go beyond physical interceptors, as well. Just this week, the service disclosed a live-fire test of a palletized version of the AeroVironment LOCUST laser counter-drone system onboard the Nimitz class aircraft carrier USS George H.W. Bush. You can read more about that test, which occurred in October 2025, here.

Demand within the Navy, as well as the rest of the U.S. military, for an array of layered counter-drone capabilities is likely to remain high for the foreseeable future. As noted, these threats are not new and are continuing to expand in scale and scope, driven now in large part by advances in artificial intelligence and machine learning. Automated targeting and fully networked swarming capabilities are not only proliferating, but the barrier to entry, even for non-state actors, is low.

More launchers for counter-drone interceptors, whether they are loaded with Longbow Hellfires, Coyotes, or something else, are only likely to continue appearing on Navy warships as the service works to further address this threat.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

Unrest reported in several locations around the country.

Amnesty International and dozens of U.S. civil and human rights groups issued a “ World Cup travel advisory” Thursday, warning tournament visitors of “rising authoritarianism and increasing violence” in the United States during President Trump’s aggressive immigration enforcement.

The groups said the advisory was necessary “in light of the deteriorating human rights situation in the United States and in the absence of meaningful action and concrete guarantees from FIFA, host cities, or the U.S. government.”

The advisory says visitors may be arbitrarily denied entry to the country, detained in “inhumane” conditions or subjected to invasive phone and social media searches. It points to the aggressive immigration surges in cities including Los Angeles, Chicago and Minneapolis that led to accusations of racial profiling and the violent suppression of protests.

The message was condemned by tourism officials, who said the groups were threatening the livelihoods of service industry workers in an attempt to achieve their political goals.

Geoff Freeman, president & CEO of the U.S. Travel Association, said there are legitimate concerns about U.S. entry policies but they’re being blown out of proportion. There were 67 million international travelers to the United States last year, he said in a statement.

“The notion that visiting America poses a meaningful safety risk is not a good-faith warning, it’s a political tactic designed to cause economic harm,” Freeman said.

A FIFA spokesperson pointed to several statements and policies, including the federation’s governing documents, which say, “FIFA is committed to respecting all internationally recognized human rights and shall strive to promote the protection of these rights.”

The U.S. has seen a decline in international travelers since Trump returned to the White House last year and offended U.S. allies with talk of making Canada a U.S. state, taking control of Greenland and questioning the value of NATO. The tourism industry is counting on a major boost from World Cup visitors, even as Trump’s travel ban for citizens of 19 countries has injected further uncertainty.

The administration is betting that its push to expedite visa processing for visitors and excitement about the tournament will outweigh concerns that Trump’s immigration messaging undercuts the theme of global unity that the World Cup is meant to represent.

The tournament kicks off June 11 with games spread across North America, including 11 stadiums in the U.S. along with two in Canada and three in Mexico.

Cooper writes for the Associated Press.

WASHINGTON — The criminal indictment of the Southern Poverty Law Center this week was met with much outrage but little surprise from civil rights leaders, who have for more than a year prepared for heightened legal scrutiny from the Trump administration, and how to mount a coordinated response.

In rounds of calls immediately following the indictment, civil rights leaders discussed how to support the SPLC, a Montgomery, Ala.-based civil rights group founded in 1971 that has tracked white supremacist groups and been outspoken on voting rights, immigration and policing. Organizers on one call agreed that winning in the court of public opinion would be crucial as judicial proceedings began, leading to dozens of public statements of support and planned rallies.

And legal advisors to civil rights groups urged organizers to prepare themselves for similar criminal indictments, protracted legal action that may exhaust their resources and audits of their staff and internal documents.

The flurry of behind-the-scenes coordination represented a marked escalation and mobilization of plans for activist groups that have been at odds with the Justice Department since President Trump’s return to the White House last year. Organizers say they are prepared to back the SPLC in its legal fight.

“It’s a blatantly obvious attack on civil rights and civil liberties to whitewash the foot soldiers of the great replacement theory and other extremists. This coalition isn’t going silent,” said Maya Wiley, president and chief executive of the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, an umbrella organization of hundreds of civil rights groups.

Without addressing the indictment, a coalition of more than 100 activist groups on Tuesday published a letter vowing solidarity with groups that are “unjustly targeted” by the federal government. SPLC was a signatory to the pact.

“An attack on one is an attack on all,” the coalition declared. “We will share knowledge, resources, and support with any organization threatened by abuses of power.”

DOJ alleges criminal conduct in SPLC’s longtime informant network

The Justice Department alleges that the SPLC, which rose to prominence for its work prosecuting and tracking hate groups like the Ku Klux Klan, violated federal law through its network of paid informants in extremist groups. The DOJ claims the payments funded hate groups and misled the SPLC’s donors.

The SPLC now faces charges of wire fraud, bank fraud and conspiracy to commit money laundering in the case brought in the federal court in Alabama, where the organization is based.

“The SPLC is manufacturing racism to justify its existence,” said acting Atty. Gen. Todd Blanche at a news conference announcing the charges. Blanche promised the department “will hold the SPLC and every other fraudulent organization operating with the same deceptive playbook accountable.”

Longtime civil rights activists found the claims to be a disingenuous and partisan move that may empower extremist groups.

“The indictment is nakedly political and represents the Justice Department turning on itself,” said Marc Morial, president of the National Urban League. “It places the Justice Department in the posture of, in effect, defending white supremacist groups like the Ku Klux Klan and others.”

Advocates also view the indictment as part of the administration’s broader upending of civil rights law and the Justice Department’s prosecution of Trump’s political opponents.

The SPLC in recent years became a bogeyman among conservatives who resented that the watchdog designated several rightwing organizations that engage in Republican politics as hateful or extremist.

In October, FBI Director Kash Patel canceled the agency’s longtime anti-extremism partnerships with the SPLC and the Anti-Defamation League, which combats antisemitism. Patel at the time called the SPLC a “partisan smear machine.”

The Justice Department and SPLC did not respond to requests for comment.

Indictment represents marked shift for civil rights work

Advocates dispute the DOJ’s characterization of the SPLC’s work, which civil rights activists credit to combating extremist groups across the country.

“The problem is that the indictment essentially claims that it was a fraud on SPLC’s donors to use their funds to fight the Klan, the neo-Nazis and other white supremacist groups, when that is exactly why people gave to the organization,” said Norm Eisen, founder of Democracy Defenders Action, a legal group that works with organizations in legal disputes with the Trump administration.

Eisen added: “The notion that there’s something wrong with using informants and protecting their identities to prevent white supremacist violence is belied by the fact that that is not only what the SPLC did, but it is also the stock and trade of the FBI itself.”

Civil rights organizations are now preparing for further legal action against other organizations that disagree with or actively oppose the Trump administration. Organizations have reviewed their document retention, tax compliance and auditing policies over the last year to safeguard against any probes or lawsuits.

Some civil rights organizations have also floated creating new organizational structures that may better withstand legal scrutiny. On another recent call, activists floated restructuring some groups into for-profit entities, or potentially crafting new financial conduits for donors to give through to ensure that staff could receive pay if an organization’s assets were seized or frozen.

The preparations represent a marked shift for many civil rights leaders, who in recent years counted the Justice Department under both Democratic and Republican administrations as a reliable ally in key civil rights battles.

“What we are seeing in real time is an administration seeking to leverage its position to target individuals and organizations that do not agree with its political thought,” said NAACP President Derrick Johnson, who said the Justice Department has been “weaponized by dangerous forces.”

But for other leaders, the SPLC indictment raised the specter of a return to a previous era, when the Justice Department monitored — and at times prosecuted — civil rights leaders to disrupt their activities.

“We’re not backing down, but we are clear-eyed. Everyone could be in some form of jeopardy if you’re in the crosshairs of this administration,” said Juan Proaño, CEO of the League of United Latin American Citizens, a civil rights group suing the Trump administration over executive orders addressing birthright citizenship and mail-in voting.

“That’s what they’re looking for; they want this to have a chilling effect,” Proaño said.

Brown writes for the Associated Press.

WASHINGTON — Many of the groups that helped elect Donald Trump as president again are deeply unhappy with his performance, according to a new AP-NORC poll.

Trump’s return to the presidency was fueled by a wide-ranging coalition that built on his loyal base of supporters. Now that Trump has been in the White House for more than a year, the survey of more than 2,500 U.S. adults from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research finds that many key groups — including Hispanic adults, younger adults and men — are increasingly dissatisfied with his presidency.

The poll was conducted from April 16 through Monday, as oil prices fluctuated and Americans spent more at the gas pump.

It’s a particularly bad moment for Trump, a Republican whose economic approval slumped over the past month as the Iran war drives prices higher. But AP-NORC polls show that discontent has been building among critical segments of the population over the past year.

Trump’s overall approval among Hispanic adults has fallen 16 percentage points since March 2025, and his support has declined by 9 percentage points among men.

And while Trump’s base is still largely behind him — most Republicans approve of his performance — there are signs that his second term may not be living up to their expectations.

Here’s what polling shows about Trump’s current status with four important groups:

Hispanic adults

Hispanic Americans have grown increasingly discontented with Trump over the past year.

About one-quarter of Hispanic adults approve of how he’s handling the presidency in the new poll, down from about 4 in 10 in March 2025.

That decline has been visible since late last year — suggesting that it’s not just the war in Iran or recent spikes in gas prices that are leaving this group unhappy.

Trump’s restrictive immigration approach may be playing a role. Only about one-quarter of Hispanics approve of his handling of immigration, down from 36% at the beginning of his term.

His immigration tactics appear to be particularly unpopular among younger Hispanics — a group with which he made gains in 2024. Only 18% of younger Hispanic adults approve of his performance on immigration, compared with 40% of Americans overall.

There is also broad discontent about the state of the U.S. economy among Hispanics. Only about one-quarter of Hispanic adults approve of how Trump is handling that issue, and about 2 in 10 say they approve of his approach to the cost of living. Few Hispanic adults, about 2 in 10, describe the nation’s economy as “good.”

Young adults

Trump’s overall approval with Americans under age 45 has slid over the past year, falling from 39% in March 2025 to 28% in the latest poll.

Younger women have a particularly dim view of Trump’s handling of the economy.

Only about 2 in 10 women under age 45 approve of how Trump is handling the economy, including only 7% of younger Hispanic women who approve of his economic approach. More young men, about 3 in 10, approve of him on this issue.

Trump’s struggles among young adults extend to other groups, too. Only about one-third of white adults under age 45 approve of his overall performance, compared with 45% of white adults age 45 or older.

A downtick among men

Trump made broad appeals to men throughout his 2024 campaign, and most male voters backed Trump in the presidential election over Democrat Kamala Harris. In particular, he made slight but significant gains with Black and Hispanic men, who were drawn by his vows to revitalize the economy.

Since he reentered office, though, American men have become slightly less likely to approve of his performance, declining from 47% at the start of his second term to 38% in the most recent poll.

There are signs that Black men, in particular, aren’t seeing Trump’s economic promises pan out. Black men are more likely than white or Hispanic men to disapprove of Trump’s approach to the presidency, as well as his approach to the economy, the cost of living and Iran. Only about 1 in 10 Black men say they approve of how Trump is handling the cost of living, and roughly 2 in 10 approve of how he’s handling the economy.

Hispanic men, too, have a relatively dim view of Trump’s overall performance. About 3 in 10 approve of how Trump is handling the presidency, regardless of their age. That support is stronger among white men, with about half approving of Trump.

While young Republicans are frustrated, MAGA still backs Trump

Trump has benefited from Republicans’ loyalty for years, but there are recent signs of frustration even within his base.

Roughly two-thirds of Republicans approve of Trump’s job performance. That is down slightly from 82% near the start of his second term and is generally in line with the GOP low point from his first term.

But only about half of Republicans overall approve of Trump’s approach to the cost of living, and a majority of Republicans under age 45 disapprove of him on that issue.

Trump is still buoyed by the support of his MAGA base, even as he faces backlash from conservative media figures on some of his recent actions in Iran.

About 9 in 10 MAGA Republicans — those who consider themselves supporters of the “Make America Great Again” movement — approve of Trump’s job performance, and a similar share approve of his handling of Iran.

It’s a good sign for Trump that his most robust supporters are still in his corner, but not all Republicans identify with MAGA. About half of Republicans, 54%, say they consider themselves MAGA supporters.

Among non-MAGA Republicans, Trump’s approval is much lower, at 44%.

Sanders and Thomson-Deveaux write for the Associated Press. The AP-NORC poll of 2,596 adults was conducted April 16-20 using a sample drawn from NORC’s probability-based AmeriSpeak Panel, which is designed to be representative of the U.S. population. The margin of sampling error for adults overall is plus or minus 2.6 percentage points.

In recent months, the frequency and intensity of attacks in northern Nigeria have shattered the comforting illusion that the region’s long insurgency has receded into the background of national life. As violent incidents have proliferated, many Nigerians have refused to confront this uncomfortable reality and have opted instead to embrace conspiracy theories suggesting that the resurgence is somehow tied to renewed American involvement in Nigeria’s  counterterrorism efforts.

It is not difficult to see why the theory of foreign collusion with terrorist groups resonates in Nigeria. In February 2025, United States Congressman Scott Perry claimed that the US Agency for International Development (USAID) had funded Boko Haram, but offered no evidence for the allegation. Richard Mills, then the US ambassador to Nigeria, rejected Perry’s statement, but by then the claim had already acquired a life of its own in the public space and on social media.

Then, American officials like Congressmen Ted Cruz and Chris Smith made statements that fuelled the “Christian genocide” narrative, which falsely claims that the killings in Nigeria exclusively target Christians.

Attacks on Christians have happened, including most recently on a church in Kaduna state on Easter Sunday, but Muslim communities have also been regularly targeted. The truth is that terrorist groups have long operated indiscriminately.

What this moment demands, therefore, is to go beyond the seduction of easy explanation, and embark on serious analysis of what is really happening in northern Nigeria.

That diagnosis must begin with clarity about what the attacks reveal. First, they reveal that the insurgency has adapted in both form and method. Second, northern Nigeria’s insecurity can no longer be understood in isolation from the rest of the region; it is part of the wider regional disorder across the Lake Chad basin and the Sahel. And third, the violence continues to feed on deeper domestic vulnerabilities that extend far beyond the battlefield: chronic poverty, educational exclusion, weak local governance, and the long erosion of the social contract in parts of the North.

Let us begin with the first point. Recent attacks demonstrate that the insurgent ecosystem has learned, adapted, and expanded beyond the old image of a crudely armed rebellion fighting in predictable ways. The ISIL affiliate in West Africa Province (ISWAP), in particular, has become more adaptive in structure and tactics, while its conflict with Boko Haram has weakened the latter and left ISWAP as the more organised and deeply entrenched threat in the Lake Chad region. It has consolidated its presence in parts of the Lake Chad basin and expanded into Sambisa Forest, widening the space from which it can threaten civilians and military formations alike.

This matters because insurgencies are sustained not by ideology alone, but by terrain, supply routes, local economies, and the ability to move men and materiel through spaces where the state is weak or absent. In that sense, the insurgency is no longer merely surviving in familiar hideouts; it is entrenching itself in a broader and more fluid battlespace, with ISWAP’s control of trade in and around Lake Chad now a major pillar of its resilience.

ISWAP has also refined the way it fights, demonstrating a growing capacity for coordinated assaults, night raids, ambushes, and operations designed not merely to inflict casualties, but to isolate military positions and slow the movement of reinforcements. This challenge is magnified by the sheer scale of the theatre itself.

Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa states are each comparable in size to entire European countries: Borno is slightly larger than the Republic of Ireland; Yobe is roughly the size of Switzerland; and Adamawa is slightly larger than Belgium. Policing territories of that scale would test any state, all the more so when they border a fragile regional neighbourhood.

The terrain has also shaped the rhythm of the conflict, with the dry season, particularly the first quarter of the year, ushering in an intensification of attacks.

At the heart of this adaptation is the evolution of technology. What once seemed unthinkable in this theatre has now entered the insurgent repertoire. Drones, including commercially available models modified for combat, are now part of the operational environment. The significance of this shift is not merely technical; it is also psychological and strategic.

Beyond technology, the insurgency’s growing mobility has sharpened the threat further. Rapid assaults by motorcycle-mounted units demonstrate the extent to which insurgent violence now depends on speed, concentration, and dispersal. Fighters can assemble quickly, strike vulnerable locations, and disappear into difficult terrain before an effective response can take shape.

The advantage here lies not in holding territory in the conventional sense, but in imposing uncertainty, stretching the state’s defensive attentions, and proving that the insurgents can still choose where and when to shock the system.

Perhaps the most dangerous dimension of this adaptation is the infiltration of foreign fighters. Their significance lies not only in their numbers, but in what they bring with them: technical knowledge, battlefield experience, tactical imagination, and links to wider militant networks.

Their presence points to a deeper cross-fertilisation between local insurgency and global terrorist currents. More troubling still, they are now playing a more active role in the conflict, not only refining tactics and skills but also participating directly in combat.

That is why the regional dimension must be central to any serious analysis. The weakening of regional cooperation has come at the worst time, creating openings that insurgents are only too ready to exploit. A threat that has always been transnational becomes harder to confront when neighbouring states no longer act with sufficient cohesion.

Niger’s withdrawal from the Multinational Joint Task Force after the reaction of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to the military coup there has sharpened that challenge and weakened the perimeter defences of the north-east theatre. The force, comprising troops from Nigeria, Niger, Cameroon, and Chad, with a smaller Beninese contingent at its headquarters in N’Djamena, was instrumental in earlier gains and remains vital for reinforcing positions, conducting operations in difficult terrain, denying insurgents safe havens, and intercepting the movement of foreign fighters.

Yet even regional analysis, necessary as it is, does not fully explain the problem. Insurgencies endure not only because they move across borders, but because they can recruit, regroup, and exploit social weakness at home.

Violence in northern Nigeria is sustained by a combination of doctrinal extremism, chronic poverty, educational exclusion, and a state whose presence is often too limited to command confidence in the communities where armed groups seek recruits. The argument, therefore, cannot remain confined to the military sphere.

Poverty and lack of education do not directly produce terrorism, but they increase vulnerability, especially where alienation, weak institutions, and manipulative ideological narratives are already present. This is why the educational crisis in northern Nigeria should be seen not only as a developmental challenge, but as part of the wider security landscape. Education does more than impart literacy and numeracy; it provides structure, routine, and pathways to self-actualisation and social belonging.

It is important to note that the government is not without a response. In 2024, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu signed the Student Loans (Access to Higher Education) Act into law, and the rollout of the Nigerian Education Loan Fund has since opened a wider path to post-secondary education and skills development. But the more decisive educational challenge lies earlier, at the basic level, where literacy begins, habits are formed, and attachment to institutions is either built or lost. By the time a young person reaches the threshold of higher education, the foundational work has already been done or neglected.

This is why local governance matters more to security than is often recognised. In Nigeria’s federal structure, primary education sits closest to the weakest and most politically distorted tier of government. If local government remains fiscally weak, administratively paralysed, or politically captured, one of the country’s most important long-term defences against radicalisation will remain fragile.

That is why local government autonomy, though often framed in dry constitutional terms, has direct implications for security. President Tinubu, an ardent champion of local autonomy, welcomed the Supreme Court’s July 2024 judgement affirming the constitutional and financial rights of local governments and has pressed governors to respect it. Resistance, however, is unsurprising: many governors have long treated local governments as subordinate extensions of their authority.

So what does the present moment demand from Nigeria? It demands, certainly, continued military pressure on insurgent sanctuaries. It demands stronger force protection, sharper intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, improved rural and urban security, and a more serious approach to trans-border diplomacy. It demands that regional diplomacy be treated not as a luxury of peacetime statecraft, but as part of the operational infrastructure of security.

But the crisis cannot be addressed by military action alone. It also calls for social, institutional, and educational measures across all tiers of government. The state must confront extremism not only through force, but through education and functioning local institutions. It must rebuild governance, restore trust, and close the social and institutional fractures through which violence renews itself.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

ROBBIE WILLIAMS could be getting back in the studio — this time with boyband Blue.

It comes after Rob wrote the lads’ new single Flowers, which is on the setlist for the UK leg of their 25th Anniversary world tour.

Biz on Sunday’s Emily caught up with Blue members
Antony Costa, Simon Webbe, Lee Ryan, and Duncan James at the Eventim Apollo in Hammersmith, West London, this week.

The band are on their milestone tour following the release of seventh studio album Reflections.

Antony said: “We would love to work with Robbie’s people and that is the conversation that is happening.

“Karl Brazil (Robbie’s music director) is very much on our side.

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“He is championing Blue and us and the lads have spoken to Karl separately and together.

“You never know, watch this space.”

Antony revealed that Robbie reached out to the band after watching their story on the BBC documentary Boybands Forever.

He said: “It resonated with him because we were all young and he was a young lad in Take That.

“Take That went on a different journey than us, but we still wanted that same goal.

“Robbie has always been there and he’s been a big supporter of me and the boys.”

Duncan said: “We’re so lucky that after 25 years we’re still getting to sell out gigs, still touring around the world and we’ve got the adoration from the fans.

“We’ve had the nod from Robbie to write that song for us, so it’s almost like the industry is opening the door again and we’re feeling the love.”

Of their new hit Flowers, Duncan added: “A lot of people have said it sounds like a Robbie song as well.”

Blue are one of the few bands still touring with an original line-up.

Simon said: “One of the reasons we have stood the test of time is all four of us wanted to be in a boyband.

“Most are full of members who want to be solo artists but weren’t good enough.

“So all of a sudden you’ve got egos.

“We don’t understand why bands argue or why they don’t get on because when you’re a team, you’re a team player.”

The boys are playing at London’s Royal Hospital Chelsea on June 11.

I will get my prosecco and picnic blanket ready.

Tickets are on sale at myticket.co.uk.

Meanwhile, the band revealed Ellie Goulding got them to perform at her 70s-themed baby shower in January, ahead of the birth of her daughter Iris.

The boys sang their 2002 track One Love with Ellie.

Duncan added: “We didn’t realise she was a big fan of our music.”

SAM THOMPSON is stepping down from his role on Love Island: Aftersun.

The 2023 I’m A Celeb winner has been a panel regular on the spin-off since his stint in the jungle.

But an insider revealed: “Sam’s schedule is jam-packed and producers are going in a different direction so there’ll be a bit of a shake-up on Aftersun.

“ITV is really keen on harnessing new talent, especially plucking from its pool of influencers and TikTokkers to boost ratings.

“Sam may well return as a guest, but he won’t be a regular.”

A spokeswoman for Sam said: “He absolutely loved his time as part of the Love Island team and the show will always have a special place in his heart.”

NOEL SHOWS HIS SCENTS OF STYLE

NOEL GALLAGHER might have a thing for cigarettes and alcohol – but he also likes more refined smells, too.

The Oasis great shares the same taste in scent as suave Thirties and Forties playwright and composer Noel Coward.

He visited bespoke perfumer Azzi Glasser at her London studio.

Azzi, who has created scents for Kylie Minogue, Tom Hardy And Jude Law, charges £1,500 for a “fragrance workshop” to create a one-off scent to match your personality.

Noel spent £400 on candles and chose Vetiver scent by Floris London – favoured by Noel Coward.

Azzi revealed that Noel is also a fan of her £259 Mystere Vetivert.

She said: “It smells like you’re wearing a million dollars.”

IS THAT MADGE? CORSET IS

MADONNA returned to Coachella in the same jacket and corset she performed in 20 years ago as she joined Sabrina Carpenter for her headline set on Friday.

The sparkling duo performed the Queen of Pop’s hits Vogue and Like A Prayer before launching into a new song, I Feel So Free, from Madonna’s long-rumoured new album, Confessions II, set for release on July 3.

Madonna was delighted to stand four inches taller than Sabrina, who is just under 5ft.

She told the crowd: “The other thrilling thing I need to point out to everybody right now is this is probably the first time I’ve ever performed with someone who’s shorter than me.

“So, thank you for giving me that experience.”

In response, Sabrina shouted, “Amen!”.

Cute as a button.

’ROACHES ROLLING OUT AGAIN?

ROLLING STONES fans reckon there could be live dates on the horizon under their alias, The Cockroaches.

Rumours started after the rockers updated their website to include a poster of a 1977 surprise gig at El Mocambo Club in Toronto, attended by Princess Margaret , which was billed as a gig by The Cockroaches.

Keith Richards also posted a cryptic comment saying: “Great fun though huh?

A good rhythm section, a couple of mates, where else can you go.”

A source said: “There is a lot of buzz about this as next year it will be 50 years since the Stones last played live as The Cockroaches.”

TALIA MAR is hoping to work with DJ Sigala again.

The pair collaborated on 2022 dance track Stay The Night.

Asked if she would like to work with him this year, Talia told me: “Oh my God, yes. I was talking to him the other day. He is summer. I was like, ‘Can we get some new music please, because it is summer?’.”

Talia who has released new track Lady, will play at London’s Courtyard Theatre on May 16.

She said: “I want it to be really casual, I don’t want it to be glitz and glamour.

“Stripping it down is a really lovely moment.”

TIM’S CHILL TIME DOWN TO A TEE

TIMOTHEE CHALAMET has been enjoying some chill-out time on the beach.

After watching Justin Bieber at Coachella with his girlfriend Kylie Jenner last weekend, he headed for Miami to relax.

The Marty Supreme actor paid homage to his movie with a “Supreme” Wu-Tang Clan tee.

Tim was later seen catching some rays shirtless and sipping on a Coke.
Lovely.